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Governments of Israel
Governments of Israel Seventeenth Knesset: Government 31 Government 31 Government 31 To Government 31 - Current Members 04/05/2006 Ministers Faction** Prime Minister Ehud Olmert 04/05/2006 Kadima Vice Prime Minister Shimon Peres 04/05/2006- 13/06/2007 Kadima Haim Ramon 04/07/2007 Kadima Acting Prime Minister Tzipi Livni 04/05/2006 Kadima Deputy Prime Minister Shaul Mofaz 04/05/2006 Kadima Eliyahu Yishai 04/05/2006 Shas Labor- Amir Peretz 04/05/2006- 18/06/2007 Meimad Yisrael Avigdor Liberman 30/10/2006- 18/01/2008 Beitenu Ehud Barak 18/06/2007 Labor- Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Shalom Simhon 04/05/2006 Meimad Minister of Communications Ariel Atias 04/05/2006 Shas Labor- Minister of Defense Amir Peretz 04/05/2006- 18/06/2007 Meimad Ehud Barak 18/06/2007 Labor- Minister of Education Yuli Tamir 04/05/2006 Meimad Minister of Environmental Protection Gideon Ezra 04/05/2006 Kadima Minister of Finance Abraham Hirchson 04/05/2006- 03/07/2007 Kadima Ronnie Bar-On 04/07/2007 Kadima Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Livni 04/05/2006 Kadima Gil Minister of Health Yacov Ben Yizri 04/05/2006 Pensioners Party Minister of Housing and Construction Meir Sheetrit 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Ze`ev Boim 04/07/2007 Kadima Minister of Immigrant Absorption Ze`ev Boim 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Jacob Edery 04/07/2007- 14/07/2008 Kadima Eli Aflalo 14/07/2008 Kadima Minister of Industry, Trade, and Labor Eliyahu Yishai 04/05/2006 Shas Minister of Internal Affairs Ronnie Bar-On 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Meir Sheetrit 04/07/2007 Kadima -
Volume 184, November 2013 Issue
Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ) P.O Box 860, Caritas Street – Bethlehem, Phone: (+972) 2 2741889, Fax: (+972) 2 2776966. [email protected] | http://www.arij.org Applied Research Institute – Jerusalem Report on the Israeli Colonization Activities in the West Bank & the Gaza Strip Volume 184, November 2013 Issue http://www.arij.org Bethlehem Israeli Occupation Army (IOA) attacked the weekly non-violent protest against the Segregation wall and settlements in Al-Masara village, south of Bethlehem city. The IOA closed the village and declared it as “closed military zone”. (PNN 1 November 2013) Israeli settlers hurled stones at Palestinian vehicles in Qabir Hilwah area, east of Beit Sahour town, east of Bethlehem city. (Quds Net 1 November 2013) Israeli settlers living in Bat Ayyen outpost in Gush Etzion settlement bloc attacked a Palestinian driver and sprayed pepper gas on his face. (ARN 1 November 2013) Israeli Occupation Army (IOA) invaded and toured in Beit Fajjar village, south of Bethlehem city. (RB2000 1 November 2013) Israeli Occupation Army (IOA) stormed Al-Khader village, west of Bethlehem city. (RB2000 2 November 2013) Israeli Occupation Authorities prevented the opening of Al-Maniya landfill in Bethlehem governorate. The IOA put condition to the opening of the landfill is to be used by Israeli settlements in Bethlehem and Hebron governorates. Note that the landfill funded by the USAID. (RB2000 3 November 2013) Israeli settlers living in Betar Illit settlement uprooted and destroyed 40 olive trees in Husan village, west of Bethlehem city. The targeted trees are owned by Imad Ash-Sha’ir. (RB2000 4 November 2013) Israeli Occupation Army (IOA) attacked the weekly non-violent protest against the segregation wall and settlements in Al-Masara village, Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ) P.O Box 860, Caritas Street – Bethlehem, Phone: (+972) 2 2741889, Fax: (+972) 2 2776966. -
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
Page 1 of 1 Bloomberg Printer-Friendly Page 16/03/2009
Bloomberg Printer-Friendly Page Page 1 of 1 Israel Says Hamas Must Free Shalit or Risk Worse Deal (Update2) Share | Email | Print | A A A By Jonathan Ferziger March 15 (Bloomberg) -- Israeli envoys told Hamas that time is running out to reach an agreement that would free hundreds of Palestinian prisoners in exchange for captive Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. “We want to bring Gilad home and we’re making an enormous, unprecedented effort to do it,” Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said in broadcast remarks at the beginning of his weekly Cabinet meeting in Jerusalem. Yuval Diskin, head of Israel’s Shin-Bet security service, and government negotiator Ofer Dekel conveyed the message through Egyptian mediators today that the Palestinian Islamic movement will no longer be dealing with Olmert if it doesn’t accept a deal now, Olmert spokesman Mark Regev said. Benjamin Netanyahu, who is trying to assemble a new government to succeed Olmert as prime minister, will probably demand a tougher deal, analysts said. Olmert is ready to release about 450 Palestinians in exchange for Shalit, Israel’s Haaretz newspaper reported, without saying where it got the information. “Hamas may go for it because they know that it will be much more difficult to free their prisoners under Netanyahu,” Ephraim Kam, an intelligence specialist at Tel Aviv University’s Institute for National Security Studies, said in a telephone interview. “The people he’s probably going to have in his Cabinet are going to be much more reluctant to release Hamas prisoners than Olmert is.” Hamas Demands A Hamas spokesman in the Gaza Strip said there’s been no word from Egypt that Israel accepted the group’s conditions, which include the release of 450 Hamas prisoners as well as any women, children and leaders of Palestinian factions in Israeli jails. -
Command and Control | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Command and Control by David Makovsky, Olivia Holt-Ivry May 23, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Olivia Holt-Ivry Articles & Testimony his week, the world's major powers resumed negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program. Should they fail, T the specter of a possible Israeli strike looms large, seeming to grow more likely as Tehran's nuclear program advances. In recent weeks, however, the conventional wisdom has shifted to favor the view that Israel is not on the cusp of a strike against Iran. This has been driven in part by public comments from former Israeli security officials -- notably former Mossad head Meir Dagan and former Shin Bet head Yuval Diskin -- questioning the wisdom of such an attack. An Israeli strike is not feasible, the thinking goes, so long as its security community remains divided -- and the thinly veiled threats of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak are therefore mere bluster. Don't be so sure. Dagan and Diskin's views aren't likely to tell us much about the likelihood of a strike on Iran one way or the other. For starters, they're former officials -- given the sensitivity of this issue, and the recent media misinterpretation of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff Benny Gantz's remarks earlier this month, no other current members of the security establishment are likely to go public with their views. -
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Columbia University Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Human Rights Studies Master of Arts Program Silencing “Breaking the Silence”: The Israeli government’s agenda respecting human rights NGOs activism since 2009 Ido Dembin Thesis Adviser: Prof. Yinon Cohen Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 12 September, 2018 Abstract This research examines a key aspect in the deterioration of Israeli democracy between 2009-2018. Mainly, it looks at Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Right-wing governments utilization of legislative procedure to limit the right to free speech. The aspects of the right to free speech discussed here pertain to dissenting and critical activism against these government’s policies. The suppression of said right is manifested in the marginalization, delegitimization and ultimately silencing of its expression in Human Rights NGOs activism. To demonstrate this, the research presents a case study of one such NGO – “Breaking the Silence” – and the legal and political actions designed to cause its eventual ousting from mainstream Israeli discourse. The research focuses on the importance and uniqueness of this NGO, as well as the ways in which the government perceives and acts against it. First, it analyzes the NGO’s history, modus operandi and goals, emphasizing the uniqueness that makes it a particularly fascinating case. Then, it researches the government’s specific interest in crippling and limiting its influence. Finally, it highlights the government’s toolbox and utilization thereof against it. By shining a light on this case, the research seeks to show the process of watering down of a fundamental right within Israeli democracy – which is instrumental to understanding the state’s risk of decline towards illiberal democracy. -
Peace Between Israel and the Palestinians Appears to Be As Elusive As Ever. Following the Most Recent Collapse of American-Broke
38 REVIVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE PROCESS: HISTORICAL LES- SONS FOR THE MARCH 2015 ISRAELI ELECTIONS Elijah Jatovsky Lessons derived from the successes that led to the signing of the 1993 Declaration of Principles between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization highlight modern criteria by which a debilitated Israeli-Palestinian peace process can be revitalized. Writ- ten in the run-up to the March 2015 Israeli elections, this article examines a scenario for the emergence of a security-credentialed leadership of the Israeli Center-Left. Such leadership did not in fact emerge in this election cycle. However, should this occur in the future, this paper proposes a Plan A, whereby Israel submits a generous two-state deal to the Palestinians based roughly on that of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s offer in 2008. Should Palestinians find this offer unacceptable whether due to reservations on borders, Jerusalem or refugees, this paper proposes a Plan B by which Israel would conduct a staged, unilateral withdrawal from large areas of the West Bank to preserve the viability of a two-state solution. INTRODUCTION Peace between Israel and the Palestinians appears to be as elusive as ever. Following the most recent collapse of American-brokered negotiations in April 2014, Palestinians announced they would revert to pursuing statehood through the United Nations (UN), a move Israel vehemently opposes. A UN Security Council (UNSC) vote on some form of a proposal calling for an end to “Israeli occupation in the West Bank” by 2016 is expected later this month.1 In July 2014, a two-month war between Hamas-controlled Gaza and Israel broke out, claiming the lives of over 2,100 Gazans (this number encompassing both combatants and civilians), 66 Israeli soldiers and seven Israeli civilians—the low number of Israeli civilians credited to Israel’s sophisti- cated anti-missile Iron Dome system. -
2007 Israeli Democracy Index Is Dedicated to Captain Zur Zarhi from Nahalal, a Beloved Friend Who Went to War and Did Not Come Back
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2007 Cohesion in a Divided Society Asher Arian, Nir Atmor, Yael Hadar The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent, non-partisan body on the seam of academia and politics. The Institute proposes policy recommendations and reforms for government and public administration agencies. In its plans and endeavors, the Institute strives to support the institutions of Israel’s developing democracy and consolidate its values. The Institute’s research is followed up by practical recommendations, seeking to improve governance in Israel and foster a long-term vision for a stable democratic regime adapted to the structure, the values, and the norms of Israeli society. The Institute aspires to further public discourse in Israel on the issues placed on the national agenda, to promote structural, political, and economic reforms, to serve as a consulting body to decision-makers and the broad public, to provide information, and present comparative research. Researchers at the Israel Democracy Institute are leading academics directing projects in various areas of society and governance in Israel. The IDI Press produces, markets, and distributes the results of their work in several series of books (“The Democracy Library”), policy papers, the Caesarea Forum Series, periodicals, and conference proceedings. The Guttman Center was established in its present form in 1998, when the Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research became part of the Israel Democracy Institute. Professor Louis Guttman founded the original Institute in 1949 as a pioneering center for the study of public opinion and the advancement of social science methodology. The goal of the Guttman Center is to enrich public discourse on issues of public policy through the information retrieved from the Center’s databases and through public opinion surveys conducted by the Center. -
Kadima for Half Price? the Formation of a National Unity Government in Israel
Israel Office_____________________________ Kadima for half price? The formation of a national unity government in Israel . The formation of a national unity government strengthens Prime Minister Netanyahu and gives him new leeway during negotiations. Kadima’s entry to the government strengthens moderate forces and weakens the hardliners. There will be no real change in policy. Kadima failed in opposition, and as a government party it will be even less able to push through a different policy. The agreement between Mofaz and Netanyahu was motivated in the main by domestic political reasons. This is the primary field in which moderate changes will take place rather than in foreign policy. There will be new Israeli offers of talks in the peace process, but no real progress should be expected, together with no surmounting of the present stalemate. It is not clear whether Mofaz will join the moderates or the hardliners in Netanyahu’s security cabinet over the Iran question. Dr. Ralf Hexel FES Israel, May 17, 2012 1 More political power for Netanyahu secure an influential ministerial position for himself? Or is he seeking a change in policy? In a surprise move on May 8, 2012, the opposi- tion Kadima party (28 seats), led by former No early elections - a national unity gov- army head and defense minister Shaul Mofaz, ernment instead joined prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right leaning-religious government coalition (66 When the Knesset convened on the morning of out of 120 seats). Netanyahu now has a gov- May 7, parliamentarians and public were abso- ernment comprising seven parties; this has a lutely sure that the votes needed to hold early parliamentary majority of 94 and can rightly be elections on September 4, 2012 and to dissolve called a national unity government. -
Compulsory Military Service As a Social Integrator
https://securityandefence.pl/ Compulsory military service as a social integrator Ronen Itsik [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2452-9430 Adam Mickiewicz University, ul. Wieniawskiego 1, 61-712 Poznan, Poland Abstract Compulsory military service has become very rare over the last 30 years, in the western world. In the past, most countries con- sidered military service as a socialisation platform, given the fact that most of the population was recruited and military units were a "meeting point" for different cultures – because of that the service then was functional as a social integrator. The current research studied changes in social attitude during compulsory military service in Israel, where the society is considered to be es- sentially divided around ethnical and national issues. This study is based on an analysis of the attitudes of 3200 internet ques- tionnaire participants via social networks in Israel, followed by a U-test of the collected data. Half of the participants were high-school students (average age 17) and half of them discharged soldiers (average age 23). Analysis of the results reveals sig- nificant evidence: discharged soldiers tend to be more tolerant then high-school students with regard to other cultures and eth- nic origins. A discharged IDF soldier is less afraid of security threats and considers budget prioritisation towards social welfare to be more important than security challenges. These findings show that compulsory military service can still be effective as a so- cial integrator, even in the post-modern world where countries are dealing with migration issues and ethno-national tensions. Keywords: social integration, defence belief, security threat, post-modern army Article info Received: 30 April 2020 Revised: 20 June 2020 Accepted: 26 June 2020 Available online: 4 September 2020 DOI: http://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/124710 © 2020 R. -
Excluded, for God's Sake: Gender Segregation and the Exclusion of Women in Public Space in Israel
Excluded, For God’s Sake: Gender Segregation and the Exclusion of Women in Public Space in Israel המרכז הרפורמי לדת ומדינה -לוגו ללא מספר. Third Annual Report – December 2013 Israel Religious Action Center Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism Excluded, For God’s Sake: Gender Segregation and the Exclusion of Women in Public Space in Israel Third Annual Report – December 2013 Written by: Attorney Ruth Carmi, Attorney Ricky Shapira-Rosenberg Consultation: Attorney Einat Hurwitz, Attorney Orly Erez-Lahovsky English translation: Shaul Vardi Cover photo: Tomer Appelbaum, Haaretz, September 29, 2010 – © Haaretz Newspaper Ltd. © 2014 Israel Religious Action Center, Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism Israel Religious Action Center 13 King David St., P.O.B. 31936, Jerusalem 91319 Telephone: 02-6203323 | Fax: 03-6256260 www.irac.org | [email protected] Acknowledgement In loving memory of Dick England z"l, Sherry Levy-Reiner z"l, and Carole Chaiken z"l. May their memories be blessed. With special thanks to Loni Rush for her contribution to this report IRAC's work against gender segregation and the exclusion of women is made possible by the support of the following people and organizations: Kathryn Ames Foundation Claudia Bach Philip and Muriel Berman Foundation Bildstein Memorial Fund Jacob and Hilda Blaustein Foundation Inc. Donald and Carole Chaiken Foundation Isabel Dunst Naomi and Nehemiah Cohen Foundation Eugene J. Eder Charitable Foundation John and Noeleen Cohen Richard and Lois England Family Jay and Shoshana Dweck Foundation Foundation Lewis Eigen and Ramona Arnett Edith Everett Finchley Reform Synagogue, London Jim and Sue Klau Gold Family Foundation FJC- A Foundation of Philanthropic Funds Vicki and John Goldwyn Mark and Peachy Levy Robert Goodman & Jayne Lipman Joseph and Harvey Meyerhoff Family Richard and Lois Gunther Family Foundation Charitable Funds Richard and Barbara Harrison Yocheved Mintz (Dr. -
Israel 2020 Human Rights Report
ISRAEL 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Israel is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. Although it has no constitution, its parliament, the unicameral 120-member Knesset, has enacted a series of “Basic Laws” that enumerate fundamental rights. Certain fundamental laws, orders, and regulations legally depend on the existence of a “state of emergency,” which has been in effect since 1948. Under the Basic Laws, the Knesset has the power to dissolve itself and mandate elections. On March 2, Israel held its third general election within a year, which resulted in a coalition government. On December 23, following the government’s failure to pass a budget, the Knesset dissolved itself, which paved the way for new elections scheduled for March 23, 2021. Under the authority of the prime minister, the Israeli Security Agency combats terrorism and espionage in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza. The national police, including the border police and the immigration police, are under the authority of the Ministry of Public Security. The Israeli Defense Forces are responsible for external security but also have some domestic security responsibilities and report to the Ministry of Defense. Israeli Security Agency forces operating in the West Bank fall under the Israeli Defense Forces for operations and operational debriefing. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security services. The Israeli military and civilian justice systems have on occasion found members of the security forces to have committed abuses. Significant human