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FRANK ZEIDLER and the CONSERVATIVE CHALLENGE to LIBERALISM in 1950S MILWAUKEE

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FRANK ZEIDLER and the CONSERVATIVE CHALLENGE to LIBERALISM in 1950S MILWAUKEE FRANK ZEIDLER AND THE CONSERVATIVE CHALLENGE TO LIBERALISM IN 1950s MILWAUKEE A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in U.S. History By Tula A. Connell, M.A. Washington, DC August 29, 2011 Copyright © 2011 by Tula A. Connell All Rights Reserved ii FRANK ZEIDLER AND THE CONSERVATIVE CHALLENGE TO LIBERALISM IN 1950s MILWAUKEE Tula A. Connell, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Joseph McCartin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT With a tradition of progressivism, a highly unionized workforce and a socialist mayor, Milwaukee in the 1950s seemingly embodied the postwar liberal consensus that subscribed to a continuation of the New Deal order. Yet scholarly and popular interpretations of the 1950s that privilege social conformity or suggest a high level of political–economic consensus reinforce a narrative that excludes serious analysis of the ideological ferment of conservatism beneath this superficial ―consensus.‖ Through an examination of the major challenges facing a midcentury urban mayor, Milwaukee Mayor Frank Zeidler, this study explores how historical trends often documented at the national level—the reemergence of a conservative movement, the evolution from class politics to rights politics, the question of race, the struggle by public-sector employees to attain bargaining rights, the role of corporate-led efforts to influence public opinion— developed at the local level. This study adds to recent findings of other scholars by showing that despite the widespread national acceptance of economic policies advanced in response to the Depression, conservatives staged a grassroots resurgence during the 1950s that went beyond the now well-documented intellectual movement of that time. Fueled first by opposition to government involvement in shaping economic priorities and by resistance to employee challenges for broader workplace rights, this response preceded and at times became indistinguishable from the race-based reaction identified by many scholars as launching the conservative movement in the 1960s. While recent iii scholarship has reconceptualized the 1950s as the genesis of the conservative response to civil rights issues, it has generally not focused on the extent to which this movement was driven by assertions of individual economic rights as paramount to that of the collective public good. Milwaukee, with its widely unionized workforce and tradition of progressivism, offers an example of the strength of this conservative reaction that, even in such an environment, succeeded in slowing or blocking publicly funded programs in the short run while sowing the seeds for future expansion of far more extreme grassroots conservatism. iv Acknowledgements My gratitude to all the dedicated staff at archives and libraries whose assistance has been invaluable throughout this project. Special thanks to Gayle Ecklund, archivist at the Milwaukee Public Library and to all the MPL staff. Many thanks to Joanne Ricca, Ken Germanson, and all the dedicated volunteers who maintain the Milwaukee Labor Historical Society, and to Christine Silvia, researcher at the AFL-CIO. Also thanks to Ellen Engseth and the archivists throughout the Wisconsin Historical Society; Steve Daily, curator at the Milwaukee County Historical Society; and Marge McNinch, Hagley reference archivist. Many of the archives and libraries consulted for this project are publicly run institutions staffed by public employees who once again have demonstrated their commitment to outstanding public service. Tula A. Connell v Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………..……...1 Chapter 1 Confuse the Electorate to Kill Affordable Housing……...…….....…….......67 Chapter 2 Turning America to the Radical Right: A Fifty-Year Project.………..........146 Chapter 3 The Media Makes the Message………………...…………..…………….....229 Chapter 4 Race, Class and the Suburban ‗Cry of Independence‘……….....…..……...306 Chapter 5 Public Interest v. Public Employees……….………………………..…........397 Conclusion…………………………………………………………..……....458 Bibliography………………………………………………………………....477 vi Introduction ―Political leaders…have discovered that it is often easier to organize people on the basis of their common hatred toward some person or object, than it is to organize them on the basis of common friendship and respect for one another or for other people.‖—Frank Zeidler1 As he was carried aloft on the shoulders of his beaming supporters in Milwaukee‘s Turner Hall on election night in April 1948, Frank Zeidler allowed himself a wide smile. In a nearly improbable victory, a socialist, running in coalition with progressives, was elected at the onset of the Cold War by a wide margin over Henry Reuss, a well-known lawyer and war hero. No one could know that in his ensuring twelve years as Milwaukee mayor, Zeidler would govern not as a socialist, but rather, as this study argues, as one of the last significant heirs to the progressive tradition that extends back to the early twentieth century, its roots deep in Wisconsin. This study also shows that Zeidler‘s Milwaukee would become a testing ground that highlighted the limitations of postwar liberalism and one of the crucibles within which aggressive grassroots conservativism would go on to change the course of American politics. This study adds to the recent findings of other scholars by showing that despite the widespread national acceptance of economic policies advanced in response to the Depression, conservatives staged a grassroots resurgence during the 1950s that went beyond the now well-documented intellectual movement of that time.2 Fueled first by 1 Frank Zeidler, ―Official Greeting to the Convention of the Knights of Pythias,‖ (speech, Knights of Pythias, Aug. 4, 1958), in Raymond G. Wilke, ―Selected Speeches of Frank Zeidler‖ (master‘s thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1962), 106. 2 Lisa McGirr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001); Thomas Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977); Kevin Kruse and Thomas Sugrue, eds., The New Suburban History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006); Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, Creating the 1 opposition to government involvement in shaping economic priorities and by resistance to employee challenges for broader workplace rights, this response preceded and at times became indistinguishable from the race-based reaction identified by many scholars as launching the conservative movement in the 1960s. While recent scholarship has reconceptualized the 1950s as the genesis of the conservative response to civil rights issues, it generally has not focused on the extent to which this movement was driven by assertions of individual economic rights as paramount to that of the collective public good. Milwaukee, with its widely unionized workforce and tradition of progressivism, offers an example of the strength of this conservative reaction that, even in such an environment, succeeded in slowing or blocking publicly funded programs in the short run while sowing the seeds for future expansion of far more extreme grassroots conservatism. The Rise of Frank Zeidler: The Socialist as Progressive Frank Zeidler, whose political career forms the narrative arc of this dissertation, provides an apt subject for a study of limitations of urban progressivism and the emergence of a conservative backlash. Zeidler was the product of Milwaukee‘s progressive environment, constructed by Milwaukee‘s hardworking German immigrants. Zeidler was born September 20, 1912, the third son of Michael and Clara Zeidler. Michael‘s parents immigrated to the United States in the 1860s. Frank was not athletic like his two older brothers, Carl and Clem, but he was studious from the start and the salutatorian of his high school class at West Division, from which he graduated precociously early at age 16—although not all his teachers admired his skills. A grade Sunbelt: The Political and Economic Transformation of Phoenix, Arizona (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming). 2 school math instructor gave him a 0 on a test because he completed all the long division problems in his head and did not show the processes on paper. Together with their sister, Dorothy, the Zeidler boys grew up in a primarily Irish part of Milwaukee, starting out in a Milwaukee flat—one of two apartments in a two- story building—with their grandmother and two aunts occupying the lower half.3 Their neighbors worked primarily in the railroad yards half a mile to the south as engineers, firemen, carshop employees, and officials. Their father, Michael, operated a barbershop and continued working there until age 91, walking seventeen blocks from his home and back every day unless it was raining so hard ―an umbrella won‘t do‖ and he was forced to take a bus. The social setting of the barbershop expanded Zeidler‘s contact with Milwaukee residents beyond his relatives and immediate neighbors, opening a window onto a wider universe. Zeidler attributed the barbershop environment to bringing his family into contact with many different cultural groups and said such exposure likely gave him openness to the concerns of African Americans, some of whom he encountered there. Although the Zeidler family heritage was Catholic, with their origins in Tachov, a town on the Czech–German border, Clara was Lutheran, and the children followed
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