"Building the Social Democratic Party," by Emil Seidel
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The Death of the Socialist Party. by J
Engdahl: The Death of the Socialist Party [Oct. 1924] 1 The Death of the Socialist Party. by J. Louis Engdahl Published in The Liberator, v. 7, no. 10, whole no. 78 (October 1924), pp. 11-14. This year, 1924, will be notable in American It was at that time that I had a talk with Berger, political history. It will record the rise and the fall of enjoying his first term as the lone Socialist Congress- political parties. There is no doubt that there will be a man. He pushed the Roosevelt wave gently aside, as if realignment of forces under the banners of the two it were unworthy of attention. old parties, Republican and Democratic. The Demo- “In order to live, a political party must have an cratic Party is being ground into dust in this year’s economic basis,” he said. “The Roosevelt Progressive presidential struggle. Wall Street, more than ever, sup- Party has no economic basis. It cannot live.” That ports the Republican Party as its own. Middle class settled Roosevelt in Berger’s usual brusque style. elements, with their bourgeois following in the labor It is the same Berger who this year follows movement, again fondly aspire to a third party, a so- unhesitatingly the LaFollette candidacy, the “Roose- called liberal or progressive party, under the leader- velt wave” of 1924. To be sure, the officialdom of or- ship of Senator LaFollette. This is all in the capitalist ganized labor is a little more solid in support of LaFol- camp. lette in 1924 than it was in crawling aboard the Bull For the first time, this year, the Communists are Moose bandwagon in 1912. -
Betting the Farm: the First Foreclosure Crisis
AUTUMN 2014 CT73SA CT73 c^= Lust Ekv/lll Lost Photographs _^^_^^ Betting the Farm: The First Foreclosure Crisis BOOK EXCERPr Experience it for yourself: gettoknowwisconsin.org ^M^^ Wisconsin Historic Sites and Museums Old World Wisconsin—Eagle Black Point Estate—Lake Geneva Circus World—Baraboo Pendarvis—Mineral Point Wade House—Greenbush !Stonefield— Cassville Wm Villa Louis—Prairie du Chien H. H. Bennett Studio—Wisconsin Dells WISCONSIN Madeline Island Museum—La Pointe First Capitol—Belmont HISTORICAL Wisconsin Historical Museum—Madison Reed School—Neillsville SOCIETY Remember —Society members receive discounted admission. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY WISCONSIN HISTORICAL SOCIETY Director, Wisconsin Historical Society Press Kathryn L. Borkowski Editor Jane M. de Broux Managing Editor Diane T. Drexler Research and Editorial Assistants Colleen Harryman, John Nondorf, Andrew White, John Zimm Design Barry Roal Carlsen, University Marketing THE WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY (ISSN 0043-6534), published quarterly, is a benefit of membership in the Wisconsin Historical Society. Full membership levels start at $45 for individuals and $65 for 2 Free Love in Victorian Wisconsin institutions. To join or for more information, visit our website at The Radical Life of Juliet Severance wisconsinhistory.org/membership or contact the Membership Office at 888-748-7479 or e-mail [email protected]. by Erikajanik The Wisconsin Magazine of History has been published quarterly since 1917 by the Wisconsin Historical Society. Copyright© 2014 by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 16 "Give 'em Hell, Dan!" ISSN 0043-6534 (print) How Daniel Webster Hoan Changed ISSN 1943-7366 (online) Wisconsin Politics For permission to reuse text from the Wisconsin Magazine of by Michael E. -
The Crime and Society Issue
FALL 2020 THE CRIME AND SOCIETY ISSUE Can Academics Such as Paul Butler and Patrick Sharkey Point Us to Better Communities? Michael O’Hear’s Symposium on Violent Crime and Recidivism Bringing Baseless Charges— Darryl Brown’s Counterintuitive Proposal for Progress ALSO INSIDE David Papke on Law and Literature A Blog Recipe Remembering Professor Kossow Princeton’s Professor Georgetown’s Professor 1 MARQUETTE LAWYER FALL 2020 Patrick Sharkey Paul Butler FROM THE DEAN Bringing the National Academy to Milwaukee—and Sending It Back Out On occasion, we have characterized the work of Renowned experts such as Professors Butler and Sharkey Marquette University Law School as bringing the world and the others whom we bring “here” do not claim to have to Milwaukee. We have not meant this as an altogether charted an altogether-clear (let alone easy) path to a better unique claim. For more than a century, local newspapers future for our communities, but we believe that their ideas have brought the daily world here, as have, for decades, and suggestions can advance the discussion in Milwaukee broadcast services and, most recently, the internet. And and elsewhere about finding that better future. many Milwaukee-based businesses, nonprofits, and So we continue to work at bringing the world here, organizations are world-class and world-engaged. even as we pursue other missions. To reverse the phrasing Yet Marquette Law School does some things in this and thereby to state another truth, we bring Wisconsin regard especially well. For example, in 2019 (pre-COVID to the world in issues of this magazine and elsewhere, being the point), about half of our first-year students had not least in the persons of those Marquette lawyers been permanent residents of other states before coming who practice throughout the United States and in many to Milwaukee for law school. -
The Irish Standard. (Minneapolis, Minn. ; St. Paul, Minn.), 1912-04
-'•:;:-v:v $1* • •• THE IRISH STANDARD, SATURDAY, APRIL 6, 1912. 'M THE VICTOR—AT MILWAUKEE—THE VANQUISHED MGR. JOHN B0NZAN0 FOBAOGO REPORTS ARE MADE liFOLLETlFS MAJORITY AND MINORITY TAKE • M E VALLEY ACTION ON FINDINGS. House Passes Bill Creating Children's AFTER DISPORTING HIMSELF MISSISSIPPI RIVER EXTENDED Bureau in Commerce and Labor OFFICIAL FIGURES ON THE PRE* WITH GULLS DROPS 200 TO ALMOST UNPRECEDENT Department. IDENTIAL PRIMARIES ARE FEET TO BEACH. ED VOLUME. GIVEN OUT, Washington, April 3.—Majority and minority reports on the adverse ac MACHINE TOTAL WRECK. DEATH LIST REACHES 8. tion taken by tho senate judiciary Af CUMBER IS ENDORSED committee upon the Cummins hill to give independent tobacco companies Taken From Wreck of Machine and Three More Levees Broken.—Hick the right of intervention and appeal to For Second Place On the Ticket man, Ky., Worst Sufferer With the supreme court of the United Lives a Few Moments.—Was the States from the federal decree, ap Which Places Progressiva First u'an to Fly Across Food Supply proving tho reorganization of the Electors In a Peculiar Continent. Short. American Tobacco company were Situation. made public. Long Beach, Cal., April 4.—Calbraith Memphis, April 4.—The area affect The majority contends that congress Grand Forks, April 4.—Robert M. La P. Rodgers, the first man to cross the ed by the flood caused by almost an has no right to intervene from the Follette fell just. 96 votes short of se American continent in an aeroplane, unprecedented volume of water in the decree of approval by the circuit court curing a majority of 10,000 over Col was killed here when his biplane, in Mississippi river is not extended a for the Southern district of New York, onel Roosevelt in the North Dakota which he had been soaring over the great deal, but the situation at the which approved the reorganization presidential preference! primary eleo- ocean, fell from a height of 200 feet deluged centers continues to become plan, as it would reverse the court's tion, according to the official returns. -
The Fight for Freedom: Campaign Speech at Pabst Park, Milwaukee (July 21, 1912)
The Fight for Freedom: Campaign Speech at Pabst Park, Milwaukee (July 21, 1912) Friends, fellow socialists, and fellow workers:— The existing order of things is breaking down. The great forces un- derlying society are steadily at work. The old order has had its day and all the signs point to an impending change. Society is at once being de- stroyed and recreated. The struggle in which we are engaged today is a struggle of econom- ic classes. The supremacy is now held by the capitalist class, who are combined in trusts and control the powers of government. The middle class is struggling desperately to hold its ground against the inroads of its trustified and triumphant competitors. This war between the great capitalists who are organized in trusts and fortified by the powers of government and the smaller capitalists who constitute the middle class, is one of extermination. The fittest, that is to say the most powerful, will survive. This war gives rise to a variety of issues of which the tariff is the principal one, and these issues are de- fined in the platforms of the Republican and Democratic parties. With this war between capitalists for supremacy in their own class and the issues arising from it, the working class have nothing to do, and if they are foolish enough to allow themselves to be drawn into these bat- tles of their masters, as they have so often done in the past, they must continue to suffer the consequences of their folly. Let us clearly recognize the forces that are undermining both of the old capitalist parties, creating a new issue, and driving the working class into a party of their own to do battle with their oppressors in the struggle for existence. -
Labor and Freedom: the Voice and Pen of Eugene V. Debs
UCSB LIBRARY and rreedom Tlxe Voice and Pen of Eugene V./ Debs WKile mere is a lower class I am in it; While mere is a criminal class I am of it; While mere is a soul in prison I am not free. Published by PHIL WAGNER St. Louis 1916 "5 Introduction I think if I had been asked to name this work that comes to us from the rare mind and tender heart of 'Gene Debs, I would have called it "The Old Umbrella Mender/' It was this tragic, touch- ing tale that I first read in the manuscript; and it is the memory of this that will always return to me when I think the book. It is the of} perfect paint ing from the artist's brush the sculptured monu- ment from the master's chisel that makes one lowly, loyal soul to live forever in the hearts of humanity's lovers. Not but that every line in the book is a treasure, and every sentiment brought forth an appeal to all that makes for justice, and equality, and freedom; nor will it detract from, but rather add to, the beauty and inestimable value of the entire collection if others, likewise, carry with them the image and memory of the old umbrella mender, as they travel with Debs the struggling, storm-tossed way of Labor and Freedom. HENRY M. TICHENOR. St. Louis, March 1, 1916. MISCELLANY I THE OLD UMBRELLA MENDER. Coming Nation, March 1, 1913. It was on a cold morning late in November last, just after the national election, and I was walking briskly toward my office. -
2013-2014 Wisconsin Blue Book
STATISTICS: HISTORY 677 HIGHLIGHTS OF HISTORY IN WISCONSIN History — On May 29, 1848, Wisconsin became the 30th state in the Union, but the state’s written history dates back more than 300 years to the time when the French first encountered the diverse Native Americans who lived here. In 1634, the French explorer Jean Nicolet landed at Green Bay, reportedly becoming the first European to visit Wisconsin. The French ceded the area to Great Britain in 1763, and it became part of the United States in 1783. First organized under the Northwest Ordinance, the area was part of various territories until creation of the Wisconsin Territory in 1836. Since statehood, Wisconsin has been a wheat farming area, a lumbering frontier, and a preeminent dairy state. Tourism has grown in importance, and industry has concentrated in the eastern and southeastern part of the state. Politically, the state has enjoyed a reputation for honest, efficient government. It is known as the birthplace of the Republican Party and the home of Robert M. La Follette, Sr., founder of the progressive movement. Political Balance — After being primarily a one-party state for most of its existence, with the Republican and Progressive Parties dominating during portions of the state’s first century, Wisconsin has become a politically competitive state in recent decades. The Republicans gained majority control in both houses in the 1995 Legislature, an advantage they last held during the 1969 session. Since then, control of the senate has changed several times. In 2009, the Democrats gained control of both houses for the first time since 1993; both houses returned to Republican control in 2011. -
The Saga of a Landslide Reelection, Baby Bonds, and a Recall: Mayor Daniel W
e.polis Volume V, Fall/Winter 2012 1 The Saga of a Landslide Reelection, Baby Bonds, and a Recall: Mayor Daniel W. Hoan 1932-1933 Scott R. Letteney e.polis Volume V, Fall/Winter 2012 2 INTRODUCTION In April 1933, rumors of an impending effort to recall the mayor of Milwaukee spread around Milwaukee City Hall.1 While the purported motivations driving the nascent attempt to unseat Mayor Daniel W. Hoan included his inability to push a change to the City tax code through the Common Council, deteriorating conditions in City Hall, and pressure from local taxpayer organizations, the real problem may have been the depths in which Milwaukee found itself during the Great Depression. According to a letter sent to him by the Fifteenth Ward Taxpayers’ Club, during the depression Mayor Hoan failed to show “any leadership that would tend to lessen the burden of the hard-pressed citizens of Milwaukee.”2 Daniel Webster Hoan was elected mayor of the City of Milwaukee in 1916 after having served as Milwaukee’s City Attorney for six years. Hoan was born in Waukesha, Wisconsin, and educated at the University of Wisconsin and the Kent College of Law. He was admitted to practice law in Wisconsin in 1907. He served as a labor attorney until he was elected Milwaukee City Attorney in 1910.3 Hoan had been elected City Attorney, as part of a veritable sweep of the election by members of the Socialist Party, with Emil Seidel at the head of the ticket. Seidel was the first of three Socialist mayors that would serve the City of Milwaukee over the next half- century. -
Indiana Magazine of History an Improvement in the Bill but Finally Signed It
INDIANA MAGAZINEOF HISTORY VOL. XVI SEPTEMBER, 1920 No. 3 The Progressive Party In Indiana By CARLPAINTER, A. M. The progressive movement in Indiana was simply a com- ponent part of the larger movement throughout the nation. It was broader than any political party, and embodied many fundamental measures and principles of political, social and economic reforms common to the plat-forms of parties for the preceding half century. The Republican party at its inception was prophetic of progressiveism. It undertook to introduce positive economic and social functions into the American gov- ernment.1 However, after a long lease of power, during which its supremacy was never seriously disputed, corrupt prac- tices had crept in. For some time there had been Republicans who stood for a change in their party’s leadership. These men wanted it to be more responsive to the will of the people at all times. There was a feeling that the government with its privileges belonged to those who best knew how to manage votes and voters. Corruption in state and local politics grew. There was little public protest. A long period of indifferentism followed. The old story of the man who was enraged be- czuse a corruptionist was sure to be elected mayor, yet stayed away from the polls because he had an engagement to go quail hunting, illustrates the attitude of many. Under such circumstances it became possible for political bosses to control elections in their own interests. Some of the earlier progressive Republicans were Robert &I.La Follette of Wisconsin who was defeated as a candidate for governor of that state in 1894. -
Politics in Play: Socialism, Free Speech, and Social Centers In
Milwaukee Public Schools Department of Recreation and Community Services Pool, checkers, and dominoes were among the games available to visitors to the quiet game room at the 4th Street Social Center. POLITICS IN PLAY Socialism, Free Speech,and SocialCenters in Milwaukee By Elizabeth Jozwiak mil Seidel, the workingman and Socialist elected mayor of Milwaukee in April 1910, was generally known as a modest individual, largely due to his soft-spoken voice and small physical stature. Although E his demeanor did not diminish the power of Seidel’s intelligence or earnestness when running the city, his style of public speaking was not prone to the incendiary, like many of his fellow Socialist politicians, notably Victor Berger. It was with some surprise then that members of the Milwaukee Ministerial Association found themselves on the receiving end of a fiery address by Seidel the same year he was elected. The topic was the chil- dren of the city and the future that they faced. Seidel believed that the problems facing the city’s youth were so serious that he confronted the group and challenged them to put aside their differences and recognize the level of the threat. “While you are fighting for some theological dogma, our boys and girls are going to hell!”1 These were strong words for a group of clerics to hear, especially from the usually unassuming Seidel. But the mayor had cause for concern. From 1889 to 1904 Milwaukee had invested over $2 million in public schooling in response to the population increases that came with late nine- teenth-century immigration. -
Congratulations 2010 CMO Graduates!
The Alabama Municipal Journal September 2010 Volume 68, Number 3 Congratulations 2010 CMO Graduates! Contents A Message from the Editor ................................. 4 Journal The Presidents’s Report ...................................... 5 2010 CMO Graduation Ceremony Held Aug. 10 Official Publication, Alabama League of Municipalities September 2010 • Volume 68, Number 3 Municipal Overview ............................................7 Cities 101 OFFICERS CHARLES H. MURPHY, Mayor, Robertsdale, President The Legal Viewpoint ............................................ 9 THOMAS O. MOORE, Councilmember, Demopolis, Vice President Dedication of Lands PERRY C. ROQUEMORE, JR., Montgomery, Executive Director CHAIRS OF THE LEAGUE’S STANDING COMMITTEES Legal Clearinghouse .........................................16 Committee on State and Federal Legislation ACCMA Summer Conference ............................ 18 DEBBIE QUINN, Councilmember, Fairhope, Chair SADIE BRITT, Councilmember, Lincoln,Vice Chair 2010 Basic and Advanced CMO Graduates ...... 19 Committee on Finance, Administration and Intergovernmental Relations GARY FULLER, Mayor, Opelika, Chair 2010: Year of Alabama’s Small Towns and Down- DAVID HOOKS, Councilmember, Homewood, Vice Chair towns (Sept., Oct. and Nov. events) ................... 20 Committee on Energy, Environment and Natural Resources DEAN ARGO, Council President, Prattville, Chair 2011 Municipal Photo Contest .......................... 22 RUSTY JESSUP, Mayor, Riverside, Vice Chair Committee on Community and Economic Development -
The Socialist Party of America and Eugene V. Debs Campaign in the 1912 Election
Title The Socialist party of America and Eugene V. Debs Campaign in the 1912 Election Author(s) FURUYA, Jun Citation 北大法学論集, 28(4)29(1), 132-83 Issue Date 1978-08-17 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/16250 Type bulletin (article) File Information 28(4)29(1)_p132-83.pdf Instructions for use Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP The Socialist Party of America and Eugene V. Debs Campaign in the 1912 Election }un Furuya Why Is There No Socialism in the United States.;; In spite of this famous book-form question posed by Werner Sombart in 1906, America in the Progressive Era (1901-1917) witnessed an indigenous, if not so strong but never negligible, socialist party. To Sombart's question many historians answered by pointing out endemic American conditions: the lack of a firm class-structure because of the absence of a feudal tradition, the great social mobility and relatively high wages due to an abundance of natural resources and shortage of labor force, and the existence of two major parties, which have persistently preempted reform appeals of various third parties. These conditions, no doubt, militated against socialists in America, but were never discouraging enough for them to give up all their hope of revolu tionizing America. On the contrary, the country around the turn of the century seemed to them a very fertile ground for socialism. By that time, America had experienced a tremendous capitalist growth accompanied with various industrial evils.' The gap between the rich and the poor was widening, as the movement toward concentration of control in industry was advancing.