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The Invention of Mikhail Lomonosov A Russian National Myth j Imperial encounters in Russian history series editor: G a r y MARKER (state University of new York, stony Brook) The Invention of MIkhail LoMonosov A Russian National Myth s t e v e n A . U s ita L o B o s T o n / 2 0 1 3 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data: A catalog record for this book as available from the Library of Congress. Copyright © 2013 Academic Studies Press All rights reserved ISBN - 978-1-61811-173-9 (hardback) ISBN - 978-1-61811-195-1 (electronic) Book design by Ivan Grave Published by Academic Studies Press in 2013 28 Montfern Avenue Brighton, MA 02135, USA [email protected] www.academicstudiespress.com Effective December 12th, 2017, this book will be subject to a CC-BY-NC license. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/. 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Published by Academic Studies Press 28 Montfern Avenue Brighton, MA 02135, USA [email protected] www.academicstudiespress.com To Margarita Contents Acknowledgements 8 Introduction 10 Chapter 1 27 Honor and Status in Lomonosov’s “Autobiography” Chapter 2 75 Russia’s “Own Platos and Quick-Witted Newtons”: Inventing the Scientist Chapter 3 129 Lomonosov in the Age of Pushkin Chapter 4 167 Commemorating Russia’s “First Scientist” Chapter 5 207 Boris Menshutkin and the “Rediscovery” of Lomonosov Epilogue 248 Afterlife of the Myth Bibliography 261 Index 290 Acknowledgements This work has been in progress for a number of years; it is a particular pleasure, therefore, to finally express my appreciation to the many friends, colleagues, and organizations that have assisted me along the way. Paul Austin, Kees Boterbloem, Robert Collis, James Cracraft, James Delbourgo, Simon Dixon, the late Il’ia Serman, Marina Swoboda, the late Viktor Zhivov, and Ernest Zitser read portions of this work, primarily at its earliest stages. Their assessments were appropriately critical and encouraging. My work was made much easier due to the accommodating library staffs at the McClennan Library at McGill University and in St. Petersburg, at the Russian Academy of Sciences Library and at the National Library of Russia (Bronsilava Gradova was especially helpful at the latter institution). McGill University, Northern State University, the American Council for Teachers of Russian, and the Fulbright Program provided much- needed support to me over the years. Thanks to their generosity I was able to spend much time—perhaps too much time— in St. Petersburg. My good friend and former office mate at McGill University, Ismail Rashid, first read this work when it began life as a dissertation. He has continued to read and critique it over the years. His always friendly advice and support remain one of my fondest memories of my time at McGill. Jeffrey Veidlinger listened patiently to many conference presentations based on this work, and has always been forthright and supportive. Colum Leckey, Kirill Ospovat, and Joachim Klein read the latest iterations of this volume, and I am indebted to each of them for their perceptive judgments. Ben Whisenhunt, my old friend from St. Petersburg and Chicago, read and re-read many versions of my manuscript and offered what is always most useful: encouragement. No one should have been — 8 — a cknowledgements 9 forced to spend so much time reading my various efforts to make Lomonosov’s life cohere. Ben, thank you! Gary Marker buoyed me in a most effective manner, commisioning this work for the series he edits at Academic Studies Press. Gary’s insightful appraisal of the work has decidedly improved the final product. Sharona Vedol was an ideal editor; in addition to shepherding the manuscript through publication, she responded to all my queries and concerns with alacrity. To Igor Nemirovsky, thank you for ensuring the acquisition and publication of The Invention of Mikhail Lomonosov. I had the good fortune as a graduate student to study, principally, with Valentin Boss. Valentin was more than an encouraging advisor, later a friend; he inspired in me an enduring fascination with eighteenth-century Russian culture. Our discussions at the Lomonosov Museum were memorable. I could not have asked for a more interesting, erudite teacher. My late father Arnold and my mother Seija always provided me with what parents should: unconditional love and security. Words fail me—or almost fail me—when I think of my wife Margarita and daughter Izabella. Suffice it to say that I am profoundly happy, at times astonished, to have both of them in my life. Well, Margarita, now that Lomonosov is out of our life, it’s off to our next adventure. Versions of the introduction and some of the text were previously published. My thanks to the publishers for giving permission to partially reprint the following: “Russia’s ‘First’ Scientist: The Self-Fashioning of Mikhail Lomonosov,” in Steven A. Usitalo and William Benton Whisenhunt, eds., Russian and Soviet History: From the Time of Troubles to the Collapse of the Soviet Union (Rowman & Littlefield, 2008); and “Lomonosov: Patronage and Reputation at the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences,” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, 59, no. 2 (2011): 217-39. Introduction or more than two hundred years the eighteenth-century polymath Mikhail Vasil’evich Lomonosov (1711-65) has been glorified in Russian culture as the “father” of Russian Fscience, literature, and, more generally, learning.1 The outlines of his biography are exceedingly familiar in his own country. Heroic tales describing the emergence of this son of a fisherman from the far northern periphery of Russia (he was born in a village not too distant from Arkhangel’sk, near the White Sea) were recited, albeit hardly voluntarily, by generations of Russian and Soviet schoolchildren. Lomonosov’s indefatigable acquisition of knowledge, culminating in many productive years of activity at the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences—conceived by Peter the Great, it remains to this day the fundamental scientific and cultural institution in Russia—became 1 While the origins of the idea of Lomonosov as the father, or founder, of Russian science and a “modernized” literature lies in the eighteenth century, with the birth of the myth of Lomonosov, as with so much else pertaining to the study of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Russian cultural developments, the nineteenth-century social and literary critic Vissarion Belinskii seems to have given a more explicit, if now seemingly cliched, voice to already existing beliefs. Belinskii made extensive references to Lomonosov in his writings, and his pronouncements, always issued with an authoritative tone, were usually posed as aphorisms. To Belinskii, “Lomonosov was not only a poet, orator and litterateur, but a great scientist,” someone who profoundly altered the lives of his compatriots by introducing the sciences and learning to Russia (the citation is from an 1836 review of Ksenofont Polevoi’s two-volume historical novel on Lomonosov, printed in V. G. Belinskii, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 2 [Moscow, 1953], 189). In a similar vein, he wrote that Lomonosov, who was quite unreservedly “brilliant” in his abilities, “is the father of Russian letters and learning” (from a short critique penned by Belinskii in 1844, in ibid., vol. 8 [Moscow, 1955], 359). — 10 — Introduction 11 the stuff of legend. An accomplished physicist, chemist (his chair at the Academy of Sciences was in chemistry), poet, historian, linguist, geographer, artist, and more, he is the most celebrated personage identified with the Russian Enlightenment.2 Discussions over not only the nature, but also the very concept, of a Russian Enlightenment (russkoe prosveshchenie) at times became deeply colored by contemporary ideological dictates during the Soviet period. Especially with with the rise of a more assertive Russian nationalism in the 1940s and 1950s, many scholars began to insist that eighteenth-century Russian society experienced a rather expansive indigenous Enlightenment that at its apogee was marked by a thoroughgoing materialism. The more extreme political and social attributes that characterized said Russian Enlightenment were, however, never either universally accepted or even clearly delineated. Indeed, many studies that offered deeply researched monographic examinations of eighteenth-century Russian literary and cultural “links” (sviazi) with West European enlightenment thinkers also appeared with regularity.3 The emphases in the literature were almost exclusively on connections with the West; that Russia might have been purely a recipient of influence (vliianie) by French, German, or English 2 The deleterious impact of Pavel Berkov, who long headed the Group for the Study of Eighteenth-Century Russian Literature at the Institute of Russian Literature [Pushkin House], is emphasized by David M. Griffiths, “In Search of Enlightenment: Recent Soviet Interpretation of Eighteenth- Century Russian Intellectual History,” Canadian-American Slavic Studies 16, nos. 3-4 (Fall-Winter 1982): 317-56. For a pungent explication of the topic, which argues that the “Russian Enlightenment” was largely the product of baneful posturing by select Soviet and East German scholars, see Max J. Okenfuss, The Rise and Fall of Latin Humanism in Early-Modern Russia: Pagan Authors, Ukrainians, and the Resiliency of Muscovy (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995), 223-30. 3 An eminently useful reference is the series XVIII vek (Moscow-Leningrad- St.