The Case of the War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902)" (2018)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Case of the War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902) Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-26-2018 Religion, Politics and War In the Creation of an Ethos of Conflict in Colombia; The ac se of the War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902) Margarita J. Diaz Caceres [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC006545 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the Catholic Studies Commons, History of Religion Commons, and the Latin American History Commons Recommended Citation Diaz Caceres, Margarita J., "Religion, Politics and War In the Creation of an Ethos of Conflict in Colombia; The case of the War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902)" (2018). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3657. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3657 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida RELIGION, POLITICS AND WAR IN THE CREATION OF AN ETHOS OF CONFLICT IN COLOMBIA: THE CASE OF THE WAR OF THE THOUSAND DAYS (1899-1902) A Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER IN ARTS in RELIGIOUS STUDIES by Margarita Díaz Cáceres 2018 To: Dean John F. Stack, Jr. Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs T his thesis, written by Margarita Díaz Cáceres, and entitled Religion, Politics and War in t he Creat ion of an Eth os of Con flict in Colomb ia: The C ase of the Wa r o f the Thous and Days (1899- 1902), h aving been app roved in respect to style and intell ectual co ntent, is r eferred to you for judgement. We have read this thesis and recommend that it be approved. ______________________________________ Oren Stier ______________________________________ Víctor Uribe ______________________________________ Ana María Bidegain, Mayor Professor Date of Defense: March 26, 2018 The Thesis of Margarita Díaz is approved _____________________________________ Dean John F. Stack, Jr. Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs ____________________________________ Andrés G. Gil Vice President for Research and Economic Development and Dean of the University Graduate School Florida International University, 2018 ii ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS RELIGION, POLITICS AND WAR IN THE CREATION OF AN ETHOS OF CONFLICT IN COLOMBIA: THE CASE OF THE WAR OF THE THOUSAND DAYS (1899-1902) by Margarita Díaz Cáceres Florida International University, 2018 Miami, Florida Professor Ana Maria Bidegain, Major Professor The purpose of this thesis is to understand the way in which religion and politics played a role in the formulation of a cyclical ethos of conflict, focusing in the last and most important civil war of nineteenth-century Colombia: The War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902). A historiographical review was used to understand the interactions between these two structures, and it pointed at a main problem centered in the political use of religion, as well as the transformation of political debate into a matter of political faith. In conclusion, the War of the Thousand days strengthened narratives of vengeance, worsened the situation of the country, and solidified an ethos of conflict in which the State used the Church to legitimize itself against the threats to the status quo of systemic inequality. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I.INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………..1 II. RELIGION, POLITICS, AND SOCIETY IN COLOMBIA 1810-1880…………………..…3 Church and State under the ‘Patronato’ (1810-1860)………………………………….6 Liberalism and Catholic discourse (1860-1880)………………………………………15 III. COLOMBIA DURING THE ‘REGENERATION’ 1880-1899…………………………….25 The ‘Regeneration’ and the Constitution of 1886……………………………………..26 The Concordat…………………………………………………………………………….31 Economic Crisis, Religious Conflict and Political Upheaval………………………….34 IV. THE WAR OF THE THOUSAND DAYS………………………………………………….40 Military actions of The War of the Thousand Days…………………………………...41 Social Elements of the War……………………………………………………………...51 Religion in the War of the Thousand Days…………………………………………….57 V. RELIGION, POLITICS AND WAR…………………………………………………………60 Catholic Identity and National Identity………………………………………………….60 Politics as Religion………………………………………………………………………..64 The Cycle of Conflict in Colombia……………………………………………………….69 CONCLUSIONS………………………………………………………………………………...74 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………….……76 iv I. INTRODUCTION The Thousand Days’ War is considered the most bloody and destructive conflict that afflicted nineteenth-century Colombia. Spanning between 1899 and 1902, this war fought between Liberal and Conservative forces marked the end of an era of political strife and federalist initiatives. By the end of it, eighty thousand people had died of diseases or in combat, a staggering number given that the Colombian population was around four million people. This decrease in population produced a sharp decrease in agricultural production, which in turn brought an economic and political crisis that caused the separation of Panama and the fall of the regime that had won the war (Martínez Carreño 1999, 211). The purpose of this thesis is to examine the relation among politics, war and religion in the context of this war, and how the connection among these elements created a cyclical model of conflict. The main thesis of this research claims that the War of the Thousand Days’ reinforced a model of extreme political dualism that worked through belief instead of scrutiny, creating a cycle of armed conflict that could be manipulated by the elites of the two opposing factions. This led to the creation of a model of exclusivist identity based on partisan relations, that uses the methods of religion to understand politics. As historian Germán Colmenares stated, there are a series of “historiographical cages” regarding the treatment of Colombian history (Cortés Guerrero 2016, 514). These cages are assumptions created by taking historical sources at face value: these ideas lay uncontested for years, working as the basic analytical structure for research. Two of these conventions will be confronted in this work: being Catholic could be equated to be 1 a member of the Conservative Party, the Catholic Church was an unified institution that used the State to accomplish its goals. These ideas will be challenged in four chapters: the first is an overview of the relation between the Colombian State and religion in the nineteenth century, the second is an analysis of the Regeneration and its policies as the main causes of the Thousand Days’ War, the third is an overview of the war itself, focusing on its fragmentation, and the last will be about how the issues of religion, identity and politics fueled the conflict and built a framework for future problems. The sources of information for these chapters are mostly secondary sources, except for the third chapter, that will be based in both historiography and testimonies of those who participated in the war. Both sources will lead to a deeper understanding of the multiple actors in the War, as well as the motivations behind their actions. These texts will be analyzed and compared with one another to find divergences, blind spots and common themes among them in order to find the common themes that constitute the basis of the ethos of conflict. After all, the Thousand Days’ War must be seen not as an isolated incident, but part of a greater historical and social pattern of cyclical conflict in Colombia. 2 II. RELIGION, POLITICS, AND SOCIETY IN COLOMBIA 1810-1880 Map of Colombia, 1886. Taken from the "Atlas geográfico e histórico de la República de Colombia, 1890” by the Geographical Institute Agustín Codazzi. Colombia is a country located in the northwestern part of South America, and as the map shows, it is divided by three mountain ranges that belong to the greater Andean mountain range (Ministerio de Salud y Protección Social 2016, 16-17). Most of the population lives in these mountain ranges, with the larger cities such as Bogotá or Medellin located in the highland valleys and plateaus, while other important cities, such as Cartagena or Santa Marta, are in the Caribbean coast. Other regions, such as the pacific coast, the Amazonian rainforest or the eastern plains were sparsely populated 3 during the nineteenth century, and therefore held little importance to the political power of Bogotá. Geographical division has a great influence in Colombian culture and politics; the unity of the nation, though possible through common political and economic practices, must be understood in terms of a union of regions. Of all the former colonies of Spain in America, Colombia is one of the most isolated from communication from the outside world, given how far the seat of power is from the closest seaport: the modern road between Bogotá and Cartagena spans for 643 miles of difficult and diverse geography that was even harder to traverse before the advent of modern transportation technologies. These conditions did not foster economic development, and during the nineteenth century, the economy of Colombia was based on a model of scarcity, lack of industry and the exportation of unrefined products such as coffee, tobacco, cotton, gold, and cocoa. This economic model, based mostly in commodities, consisted in a series of cycles between booms and crisis of exportation, making Colombia a country
Recommended publications
  • Colombian Nationalism: Four Musical Perspectives for Violin and Piano
    COLOMBIAN NATIONALISM: FOUR MUSICAL PERSPECTIVES FOR VIOLIN AND PIANO by Ana Maria Trujillo A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Musical Arts Major: Music The University of Memphis December 2011 ABSTRACT Trujillo, Ana Maria. DMA. The University of Memphis. December/2011. Colombian Nationalism: Four Musical Perspectives for Violin and Piano. Dr. Kenneth Kreitner, Ph.D. This paper explores the Colombian nationalistic musical movement, which was born as a search for identity that various composers undertook in order to discover the roots of Colombian musical folklore. These roots, while distinct, have all played a significant part in the formation of the culture that gave birth to a unified national identity. It is this identity that acts as a recurring motif throughout the works of the four composers mentioned in this study, each representing a different stage of the nationalistic movement according to their respective generations, backgrounds, and ideological postures. The idea of universalism and the integration of a national identity into the sphere of the Western musical tradition is a dilemma that has caused internal struggle and strife among generations of musicians and artists in general. This paper strives to open a new path in the research of nationalistic music for violin and piano through the analyses of four works written for this type of chamber ensemble: the third movement of the Sonata Op. 7 No.1 for Violin and Piano by Guillermo Uribe Holguín; Lopeziana, piece for Violin and Piano by Adolfo Mejía; Sonata for Violin and Piano No.3 by Luís Antonio Escobar; and Dúo rapsódico con aires de currulao for Violin and Piano by Andrés Posada.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.ANTISEMITISM and ITS EFFECTS on the POLITICAL
    Estudios de Literatura Colombiana ISSN: 0123-4412 [email protected] Universidad de Antioquia Colombia Velásquez Vásquez, Libia ANTISEMITISM AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE POLITICAL CAREER AND ON THE INTELLECTUAL OEUVRE OF JORGE ISAACS Estudios de Literatura Colombiana, núm. 38, enero-junio, 2016, pp. 93-123 Universidad de Antioquia Medellín, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=498354037006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative ANTISEMITISM AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE POLITICAL CAREER * AND ON THE INTELLECTUAL OEUVRE OF JORGE ISAACS EL ANTISEMITISMO Y SUS EFECTOS EN LA CARRERA POLÍTICA Y EN LA OBRA INTELECTUAL DE JORGE ISAACS LIBIA VELÁSQUEZ VÁSQUEZ [email protected] THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM RECIBIDO (10.11.2014) – APROBADO (15.01.2015) DOI: 10.17533/UDEA.ELC.N38A05 Abstract: This essay illustrates the instances of antisemitism and its effects associ- ated with the personal failures in the political career of Jorge Isaacs, whose fight for secular education and ethnic identities challenged the Catholic Church’s influence in Colombia. His book La revolución radical en Antioquia, 1880 denounces the abuses of power during the government of La Regeneración and calls for the liberation of the Sephardic identity of the Antioqueños and the consolidation of the Liberals. Isaacs, a radical Liberal, influenced by Positivism and the confluence of Romanticism with his- tory, attacked the clergy by affirming the Antioqueños’s and Indigenous tribes’ cultural history in his poem “La tierra de Córdoba” (1890).
    [Show full text]
  • Politics, Land, and Religion in Tierradentro (Colombia), 1905-1950
    NEGOTIATING INDIGENOUS AUTONOMY: POLITICS, LAND, AND RELIGION IN TIERRADENTRO (COLOMBIA), 1905-1950 by Alejandra Boza Villarreal Bachelor in History, Universidad de Costa Rica, 2000 M. Sc. in History, Universidad de Costa Rica, 2004 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2013 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH THE DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Alejandra Boza Villarreal It was defended on February 20, 2013 and approved by George Reid Andrews, Distinguished Professor and Chair, Department of History Alejandro de la Fuente, UCIS Research Professor, Department of History Paula M. Kane, Associate Professor and John and Lucine O’Brien Marous Chair of Contemporary Catholic Studies, Department of Religious Studies Dissertation Advisor: Lara Putnam, Associate Professor, Department of History ii Copyright © by Alejandra Boza Villarreal 2013 iii NEGOTIATING INDIGENOUS AUTONOMY: POLITICS, LAND, AND RELIGION IN TIERRADENTRO (COLOMBIA), 1905-1950 Alejandra Boza Villarreal, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2013 For decades after Independence more than half of continental Latin America’s territory remained beyond the nascent republics’ control. Indigenous populations inhabited most of these regions, and by the late-nineteenth century the Latin American states started to target them in an effort to secure national borders and consolidate territorial control. With only a few exceptions, states turned to international Christian missionary orders to help them in the “civilization” of these indigenous areas, and by the first decade of the twentieth century the missionaries were active in many of them, from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego.
    [Show full text]
  • Development of the Colombian Political Process to 1930
    CHAPTER II TWO COMPETING NATIONALISMS: DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLOMBIAN POLITICAL PROCESS TO 1930 On June 16, 1921, intendant Nicanor Restrepo Giraldo of the Chocó province, sent a telegram from the provincial capital Quibdó to President Marco Fidel Suárez in Bogotá: Most Excellent President: Majority inhabitants Istmina, by popular subscription initiated last year, monument destined to honor memory distinguished citizen General Rafael Uribe Uribe and, in accordance with the Municipality, chose to place it in public plaza. Said Monument is finished, and soon to be erected. At last minute, parish priest, believing plaza belongs to the Church, opposed openly, and Municipality claims plaza as its property. Although official complaint is not to be appealed to this office, according to provincial legislation, I do desire you intervene, for both parties. Small legal complaint can become conflict, if Superior Authorities do not intervene in finding solution; Press has aggravated situation, and emotions are running high. I beg you, your Excellency, to impose your highly valued influence, with the Parish Priest, with the end of not presenting obstacles to the erection of monument. In equal sense I have sent a message to the Reverend Apostolic Prefect, who is currently in Bogotá. For my part, I will continue to maintain impartial, conciliatory, and, if necessary, energetic conduct. 1 Your Servant, Nicanor Restrepo Giraldo 1 “Excelentísimo Presidente. Mayoría habitantes Istmina, por suscripción popular iniciaron desde año pasado, monumento destinado honrar memoria esclarecido ciudadano General Rafael Uribe Uribe y, de acuerdo con Municipalidad, escogieron Plazuela pública, para levantarlo. Dicho Monumento está terminado y próximo a colocarse. Ultima hora, Cura Párroco, creyendo Plazuela pertenece Iglesia opónese, abiertamente, y Municipio alega su propiedad.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationbuilding and Civil War: Diverging Views of State and Society in Late 19Th Century Colombia
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 16, ISSUE 3 (2015) Studies Nationbuilding and Civil War: Diverging Views of State and Society in Late 19th Century Colombia Stephen J. Randall FRSC Emeritus Professor of History/Faculty Professor University of Calgary “We have always been divided, in the colony we were creoles and Spaniards … at the time of the revolution we were patriots and royalists … at the beginning of independence civilians and militarists … “ Alfonso López Michelsen, President 1974-1978, Address to the Liberal Party Institute 20031 Conservatism is not dogmatic, what it offers is a coherent and logical philosophy about life, about the cosmos, about God, about man and society in relation to politics. These general ideas are the product of reflection on the most significant philosophies over thousands of years, but they are not perfect and evolve in association with social experience. If liberalism is the party of rights, conservatism is the party of order and tradition. Colombian Conservative Party 20152 1 http://partidoliberalcolombiano.info/PartidoLiberal/ElLiberalismo/Historia/tabid/142/Default.aspx. 2 http://partidoconservador.com/pensamiento-y-doctrina/. ©Centre of Military and Strategic Studies, 2015 ISSN : 1488-559X VOLUME 16, ISSUE 3 (2015) The second half of the 19th century in the western world witnessed internal and international conflicts which were associated with decolonization, quests for national identity, state or local versus national power, inter-elite competition for political and economic power, and class conflict: Italian and German unification; the Cuban war for independence against Spain, the Aguinaldo insurrection in the Philippines, the U.S. Civil War, the Juárez Liberal revolution and the war against French imperialism in Mexico, among others.
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary Muisca Indigenous Sounds in the Colombian Andes
    Nymsuque: Contemporary Muisca Indigenous Sounds in the Colombian Andes Beatriz Goubert Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2019 © 2019 Beatriz Goubert All rights reserved ABSTRACT Nymsuque: Contemporary Muisca Indigenous Sounds in the Colombian Andes Beatriz Goubert Muiscas figure prominently in Colombian national historical accounts as a worthy and valuable indigenous culture, comparable to the Incas and Aztecs, but without their architectural grandeur. The magnificent goldsmith’s art locates them on a transnational level as part of the legend of El Dorado. Today, though the population is small, Muiscas are committed to cultural revitalization. The 19th century project of constructing the Colombian nation split the official Muisca history in two. A radical division was established between the illustrious indigenous past exemplified through Muisca culture as an advanced, but extinct civilization, and the assimilation politics established for the indigenous survivors, who were considered degraded subjects to be incorporated into the national project as regular citizens (mestizos). More than a century later, and supported in the 1991’s multicultural Colombian Constitution, the nation-state recognized the existence of five Muisca cabildos (indigenous governments) in the Bogotá Plateau, two in the capital city and three in nearby towns. As part of their legal battle for achieving recognition and maintaining it, these Muisca communities started a process of cultural revitalization focused on language, musical traditions, and healing practices. Today’s Muiscas incorporate references from the colonial archive, archeological collections, and scholars’ interpretations of these sources into their contemporary cultural practices.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia
    Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia Sebastián Mazzuca and James A. Robinson Colombia has not always been a violent country. In fact, for the first half of the twentieth century, Colombia was one of the most peaceful countries in Latin America, standing out in the region as a highly stable and competitive bipartisan democracy. When faced with the critical test for political stability in that epoch, the Great Depression of 1930, Colombia was the only big country in South America in which military interventions were not even considered. While an armed coup interrupted Argentina’s until then steady path to democracy, and Getulio Vargas installed the first modern dictatorship in Brazil, Colombia cele brated elections as scheduled. Moreover, the ruling party lost the contest, did not make any move to cling to power, and calmly transferred power to the opposition. However, Colombia was not born peaceful. That half-century of peaceful political existence was a major novelty in Colombian history. Colombia’s nine- teenth century was politically chaotic even by Hispanic American standards: the record includes nine national civil wars, dozens of local revolts and mutinies, material destruction equivalent to the loss of several years of economic output, and at least 250,000 deaths due to political violence. How did Colombia make the transition from political chaos to political order? What were the causes of conflict before the turn of the century, and what were the bases of internal peace after it? The emergence of order in Colombia was temporally correlated with a major transformation of political institutions: the introduction of special mechanisms for power sharing between Liberals and Conservatives, Colombia’s two dominant political forces.
    [Show full text]
  • One Hundred Years of Servitude : the Colombian Labor Movement 1848-1948 Curtis Curry Florida International University
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 12-2-1992 One hundred years of servitude : the Colombian labor movement 1848-1948 Curtis Curry Florida International University DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14061575 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the Latin American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Curry, Curtis, "One hundred years of servitude : the Colombian labor movement 1848-1948" (1992). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2699. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2699 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS One Hundred Years of Servitude: The Colombian Labor Movement 1848-1948 by Curtis D. Curiy Florida International University, 1992 Miami, Florida Professor Guillermo Grenier, Major Professor The current study seeks not only to place into focus the general patterns of social and economic organization prevalent in Colombia in the late nineteenth centuiy and the early twentieth (such political and economic organization has been ably illustrated by several authors), but also strives to elucidate the systems of thought or 'ideologies' to which such socio-economic and political structures gave rise. It is concerned with the thought-systems that influenced the development of the Colombian labor movement, those of actors external to organized labor and indigenous systems of thought of labor activists themselves. The hypothesis is that class and party-based interests channelled the early development of organized labor toward a path that would further, or failing that, not conflict with dominant élite interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Scanned by Scan2net
    CHIBCHA LEGENDS IN COLOMBIAN LITERATURE A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN SPANISH IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE TEXAS WOMAN'S UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF AR TS AND SCIENCES BY EDWINA TOOLEY MARTIN, B.A . DENTON, TEXAS MAY, 1962 Texas Woman's University University Hill Denton, Texas _________________________ May • _________________ 19 q_g__ __ W e hereby recommend that the thesis prepared under om supervision by -----'E'---'d"-'w"-'1=-· n=-=a ----"'T'--"o'--'o'-'l=-e=-y.,__c...cM-=a-=r-=t-=i'-'-n'-------- entitled Chibcha Legends in Colombian Literature be accepted as fulfilling this part of the requirements for the D egree of Master of Arts. Committee Chairman Accepted: ~f~ ... 1-80411 PREFACE La legende traduit les sentiments reels des peuples. Gustav Le Bon For centuries the golden treasure of the pre-conquest inhabitants of Colombia, South America, has captured man's imagination. The various legends of El DQrado led to the exploration of half of the South Am erican continent and the discovery of the Amazon River. It also lured Sir Walter Raleigh on the ill-fated expedition that finally cost him his head in the tower of London. These legends have inspired Colombia's men of letters and interested such foreign writers as Milton, Voltaire, and Andres/ Bello. Although it is true that the imaginative and psychological aspects of the legends are of particular interest to the student of a foreign culture, a legend may contain elements of historical truth also. Since these legends pro- vide insight into the early history of Colombia, an effort to find and preserve them has been made.
    [Show full text]
  • The 1991 Constitutional Reform: Prospects for Democracy and the Rule of Law in Colombia, 24 Case W
    Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 24 | Issue 2 1992 The 1991 onsC titutional Reform: Prospects for Democracy and the Rule of Law in Colombia Donald T. Fox Anne Stetson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Donald T. Fox and Anne Stetson, The 1991 Constitutional Reform: Prospects for Democracy and the Rule of Law in Colombia, 24 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 139 (1992) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol24/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. The 1991 Constitutional Reform: Prospects for Democracy and the Rule of Law in Colombia Donald T Fox* and Anne Stetson** INTRODUCTION O n July 4, 1991, after five months of deliberation, the delegates' to the Colombian Constitutional Assembly (the "Constituyente" or the "As- sembly") fulfilled their mandate to reform the country's Constitution of 1886. The new Charter was inaugurated with the full endorsement of the President of the Republic, C6sar Gaviria Trujillo.2 The aims of this con- stitutional reform were to endow the country with modem democratic institutions designed to foster greater participation in the democratic process, to strengthen the rule of law in a country where the proliferation of political violence had corroded Colombian political and legal institu- tions, and to secure a firm ground for human rights with mechanisms to protect these rights.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting Template
    INDIGENOUS MOBILIZATION, INSTITUTIONALIZATION AND RESISTANCE: THE NGOBE MOVEMENT FOR POLITICAL AUTONOMY IN WESTERN PANAMA By OSVALDO JORDAN-RAMOS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010 1 © 2010 Osvaldo Jordan Ramos 2 A mi madre Cristina por todos sus sacrificios y su dedicacion para que yo pudiera terminar este doctorado A todos los abuelos y abuelas del pueblo de La Chorrera, Que me perdonen por todo el tiempo que no pude pasar con ustedes. Quiero que sepan que siempre los tuve muy presentes en mi corazón, Y que fueron sus enseñanzas las que me llevaron a viajar a tierras tan lejanas, Teniendo la dignidad y el coraje para luchar por los más necesitados. Y por eso siempre seguiré cantando con ustedes, Aje Vicente, toca la caja y llama a la gente, Aje Vicente, toca la caja y llama a la gente, Aje Vicente, toca la caja y llama la gente. Toca el tambor, llama a la gente, Toca la caja, llama a la gente, Toca el acordeón, llama a la gente... 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to recognize the great dedication and guidance of my advisor, Philip Williams, since the first moment that I communicated to him my decision to pursue doctoral studies at the University of Florida. Without his encouragement, I would have never been able to complete this dissertation. I also want to recognize the four members of my dissertation committee: Ido Oren, Margareth Kohn, Katrina Schwartz, and Anthony Oliver-Smith.
    [Show full text]
  • LOTERÍA PUBLICACIÓN CULTURAL LOTERÍA Noviembre/Diciembre - 2016 Edición No
    Revista Cultural LOTERÍA PUBLICACIÓN CULTURAL LOTERÍA Noviembre/Diciembre - 2016 Edición No. 529 Edición No. 529 Revista Cultural Lotería Noviembre / Diciembre 2016 / Diciembre Edición No. 529 Revista Cultural Lotería Noviembre VISIÓN Y MISIÓN DE LA LOTERÍA NACIONAL DE BENEFICENCIA VISIÓN Una Lotería Nacional de Beneficencia Moderna y Competitiva que contribuya en forma creciente al desarrollo del país y a la solución de los problemas de los más necesitados. MISIÓN Construir una Institución con presencia en cada comunidad que consolide la confianza y la transparencia de nuestra oferta, ganando a cada panameño como cliente. Nº 529 / Noviembre - Diciembre 2016 Junta Directiva: Por la Administración: Presidente Director General de la Junta Directiva de la Lotería Nacional de Beneficencia Lic. Dulcidio De La Guardia Efraín Medina Ministro de Economía y Finanzas Secretario General Representante del Mgter. Gabriel Sánchez Ministerio de Economía y Finanzas Lic. Publio Ricardo Cortés C. Director de Desarrollo Social y Cultural Director General de Ingresos Lic. Diego J. Duclias V. Representante Consejo Editorial: del Ministerio de Gobierno Dra. Marisín Villalaz de Arias Lic. Milton Henríquez Mgter. Denis Chávez Ministro de Gobierno Sr. Ernesto Endara Prof. Rommel Escarreola Representante Dr. Eduardo Flores de la Contraloría General de la República Dr. Alberto Moreno Lic. Federico Humbert Lic. Juan Antonio Tejada Mora Contralor General Licda. Betsy Joan Sempruno Representante Correctora del Sindicato de Billeteros de Panamá Profa. Cila Barría Sr. Ceferino Acevedo Representante de los Compradores de Billetes de Panamá Sr. Alberto Barranco Sr. Raúl Ávila Por la Lotería Nacional de Beneficencia Efraín Medina Director General Por la Lotería Nacional de Beneficencia Mgter. Gabriel Sánchez Secretario General I.
    [Show full text]