Types of Sound Change: Lenition and Fortition • Two Terms Often Encountered in Discussions of Sound Change - Lenition = ‘Weakening’ - Fortition = ‘Strengthening’
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Chapter One Phonetic Change
CHAPTERONE PHONETICCHANGE The investigation of the nature and the types of changes that affect the sounds of a language is the most highly developed area of the study of language change. The term sound change is used to refer, in the broadest sense, to alterations in the phonetic shape of segments and suprasegmental features that result from the operation of phonological process es. The pho- netic makeup of given morphemes or words or sets of morphemes or words also may undergo change as a by-product of alterations in the grammatical patterns of a language. Sound change is used generally to refer only to those phonetic changes that affect all occurrences of a given sound or class of sounds (like the class of voiceless stops) under specifiable phonetic conditions . It is important to distinguish between the use of the term sound change as it refers tophonetic process es in a historical context , on the one hand, and as it refers to phonetic corre- spondences on the other. By phonetic process es we refer to the replacement of a sound or a sequenceof sounds presenting some articulatory difficulty by another sound or sequence lacking that difficulty . A phonetic correspondence can be said to exist between a sound at one point in the history of a language and the sound that is its direct descendent at any subsequent point in the history of that language. A phonetic correspondence often reflects the results of several phonetic process es that have affected a segment serially . Although phonetic process es are synchronic phenomena, they often have diachronic consequences. -
Begus Gasper
Post-Nasal Devoicing and a Probabilistic Model of Phonological Typology Gašper Beguš [email protected] Abstract This paper addresses one of the most contested issues in phonology: the derivation of phonological typology. The phenomenon of post-nasal devoicing brings new insights into the standard typological discussion. This alternation — “unnatural” in the sense that it operates against a universal phonetic tendency — has been reported to exist both as a sound change and as synchronic phonological process. I bring together eight identified cases of post-nasal devoicing and point to common patterns among them. Based on these patterns, I argue that post-nasal devoicing does not derive from a single atypical sound change, but rather from a set of two or three separate sounds changes, each of which is natural and well- motivated. When these sound changes occur in combination, they give rise to apparent post-nasal devoicing. Evidence from both historical and dialectal data is brought to bear to create a model for explaining future instances of apparent unnatural alternations. By showing that sound change does not operate against universal phonetic tendency, I strengthen the empirical case for the generalization that any single instance of sound change is always phonetically motivated and natural, but that a combination of such sound changes can lead to unnatural alternations in a language’s synchronic grammar. Based on these findings, I propose a new probabilistic model for explaining phonological typology within the channel bias approach: on this model, unnatural alternations will always be rare, because the relative probability that a combination of sound changes will occur collectively is always smaller than the probability that a single sound change will occur. -
(1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in Later Publica- (1972 539
FINAL WEAKENING AND RELATED PHENOMENA1 Hans Henrich Hock University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1: Final devoicing (FD) 1.1. In generative phonology, it is a generally accepted doctrine that, since word-final devoicing (WFD) is a very common and natural phenomenon, the ob- verse phenomenon, namely word-final voicin~ should not be found in natural language. Compare for instance Postal 1968 184 ('in the context----'~ the rules always devoice rather than voice'), Stampe 1969 443-5 (final devoicing comes about as the result of a failure t~ suppress the (innate) process of final devoicing), Vennemann 1972 240-1 (final voicing, defined as a process increasing the complexity of affected segment~ 'does not occur.')o 1.2 One of the standard examples for WFD is that of German, cf. Bund Bunde [bUnt] [bUndeJ. However Vennemann (1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in later publica- tions) and, following him, Hooper (1972 539) and Hyman (1975 142) have convincingly demonstrated that in Ger- man, this process applies not only word-finally, but also syllable-finally, as in radle [ra·t$le]3 'go by bike' (in some varieties of German). The standard view thus must be modified so as to recognize at least one other process, namely syllable-final devoicing (SFD). (For a different eA""Planation of this phenomenon compare section 2.3 below.) 2· Final voicing (or tenseness neutralization) 2 1 A more important argument against the stan- dard view, however, is that, as anyone with any train- ing in Indo-European linguistics can readily tell, there is at least one 5roup, namely Italic, where there is evidence for the allegedly impossible final voicing, cf PIE *siyet > OLat. -
Phonological Processes
Phonological Processes Phonological processes are patterns of articulation that are developmentally appropriate in children learning to speak up until the ages listed below. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESS DESCRIPTION AGE ACQUIRED Initial Consonant Deletion Omitting first consonant (hat → at) Consonant Cluster Deletion Omitting both consonants of a consonant cluster (stop → op) 2 yrs. Reduplication Repeating syllables (water → wawa) Final Consonant Deletion Omitting a singleton consonant at the end of a word (nose → no) Unstressed Syllable Deletion Omitting a weak syllable (banana → nana) 3 yrs. Affrication Substituting an affricate for a nonaffricate (sheep → cheep) Stopping /f/ Substituting a stop for /f/ (fish → tish) Assimilation Changing a phoneme so it takes on a characteristic of another sound (bed → beb, yellow → lellow) 3 - 4 yrs. Velar Fronting Substituting a front sound for a back sound (cat → tat, gum → dum) Backing Substituting a back sound for a front sound (tap → cap) 4 - 5 yrs. Deaffrication Substituting an affricate with a continuant or stop (chip → sip) 4 yrs. Consonant Cluster Reduction (without /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (grape → gape) Depalatalization of Final Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the end of a word (dish → dit) 4 - 6 yrs. Stopping of /s/ Substituting a stop sound for /s/ (sap → tap) 3 ½ - 5 yrs. Depalatalization of Initial Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the beginning of a word (shy → ty) Consonant Cluster Reduction (with /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (step → tep) Alveolarization Substituting an alveolar for a nonalveolar sound (chew → too) 5 yrs. -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? a Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? A Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments Rebecca L. Morley Abstract Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological gram- mars. This implies that there exists some set of linguistic data that entails epenthesis as the best analy- sis. However, a series of artificial grammar learning experiments found no evidence that learners ever selected an epenthesis analysis. Instead, phonetic and morphological biases were revealed, along with individual variation in how learners generalized and regularized their input. These results, in combi- nation with previous work, suggest that synchronic consonant epenthesis may only emerge very rarely, from a gradual accumulation of changes over time. It is argued that the theoretical status of epenthesis must be reconsidered in light of these results, and that investigation of the sufficient learning conditions, and the diachronic developments necessary to produce those conditions, are of central importance to synchronic theory generally. 1 Introduction Epenthesis is defined as insertion of a segment that has no correspondent in the relevant lexical, or un- derlying, form. There are various types of epenthesis that can be defined in terms of either the insertion environment, the features of the epenthesized segment, or both. The focus of this paper is on consonant epenthesis and, more specifically, default consonant epenthesis that results in markedness reduction (e.g. Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004)). Consonant -
Vowel Breaking Publicat a Diccionari De Lingüística on Line (
Diccionari de lingüística online | Ciències del llenguatge i docència (Grup d'Innovació Docent UB) Page 1 of 3 Vowel breaking Publicat a Diccionari de lingüística on line (http://www.ub.edu/diccionarilinguistica) Vowel breaking Data d'edició: 17 de Abril de 2013 Autoria: Emilia Castaño Revisió: Ignasi Adiego Vowel breaking is a sound change whereby a single vowel changes to become a diphthong in specific environments. The resulting sound preserves the original vowel, which is either preceded or followed by a glide. This process is manifested in a variety of Germanic languages and is characteristic of Old English. Contents Explanation Related concepts Basic bibliography Additional bibliography Explanation In historical linguistics vowel breaking is defined as an assimilatory sound change that implies the diphthongization of single vowels due to the influence of a neighboring sound. The first segment of the resulting diphthong coincides with the original vowel whereas the second is a glide the articulatory characteristics of which are determined by the triggering sound. This process is well attested in Old English where certain front vowels, /æ/ /e/ and /i/, in their short and long variants, were diphthongized when immediately followed by a velar /x/ or a cluster containing a velarized consonant and /?/ or /r/, as its first element. /æ/ > /æu/ / ___ /x/ /æ/ > /æu/ / ___ /?/ or /r + C /e/ > /eu/ / ___ /x/ /e/ > /eu/ / ___ /?/ or /r + C /i/ > /iu/ / ___ /x/ /i/ > /iu/ / ___ /?/ or /r + C In this context, the glide appeared as a transition sound in response to the tongue movements performed when articulating the vowels at the front of the mouth and the consonants at the back of the mouth. -
A QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS Budasi, IG1, Mahendrayana, G2, Teni
Jurnal IKA, Vol. 17 No. 2, September 2019 ISSN: 1829-5282 THE COMPARISON OF LEXICAL FEATURES BETWEEN LEMUKIH AND DENCARIK DIALECT: A QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS Budasi, IG1, Mahendrayana, G2, Teni, TL3 1Jurusan Bahasa Asing, Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Singaraja 2Jurusan Bahasa Asing, Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Singaraja 3Jurusan Bahasa Asing, Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Singaraja e-mail: [email protected],[email protected], [email protected] Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis perbedaan dialek Lemukih dan Dencarik dalam hal variasi fonologis dan leksikal. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Dalam penelitian ini, ada 3 informan sebagai sampel dari desa Lemukih dan 3 informan sebagai sampel dari desa Dencarik. Semua informan dipilih berdasarkan seperangkat kriteria. Data yang diperoleh dikumpulkan berdasarkan empat instrumen, yaitu: peneliti, lembar observasi, panduan wawancara, daftar kata (swadesh dan nothofer). Penelitian ini juga menggunakan tiga teknik yaitu: observasi, pencatatan, dan wawancara. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, 1) terdapat 9 indikasi variasi fonologis, seperti; aphaeresis, syncope, apocope, prosthesis, epenthesis, paragoge, haplology, disimilasi, asimilasi. Variasi fonologis yang tidak ditemukan: fortifikasi lenition, unpacking, dan metathesis, 2) terdapat 4 indikasi variasi leksikal, seperti; variasi semasiologis, variasi onomasiologis, variasi formal dan variasi kontekstual. Ada 234 leksikon yang persis sama dan ada 112 leksikon yang memiliki kemiripan dari kedua dialek Lemukih dan Dencarik, bisa dijadikan bukti bahwa menyatukan dialek Lemukih dan Dencarik. Dan untuk leksikon yang berbeda ditemukan bahwa ada 322 leksikon yang dapat digolongkan sebagai leksikon yang membedakan kedua dialek Lemukih dan Dencarik. Kata Kunci: fitur leksikal, variasi leksikal, variasi fonologis Abstract This study aimed at analyzing the differences of Lemukih and Dencarik dialect in term of phonological and lexical variation. -
Segmental Patterns and Phonological Asymmetries in English Loans in Hugariyyah Yemeni Arabic (HYA): an OT Account
Interdisciplinary Journal of Linguistics (IJL Vol.11) Interdisciplinary Journal of Linguistics Volume [11] 2018, Pp.106-118 Segmental Patterns and Phonological Asymmetries in English Loans in Hugariyyah Yemeni Arabic (HYA): An OT Account Yasmeen Yaseen * Hemanga Dutta * Abstract This paper intends to focus on the notion of segmental patterns registered across the English loan words in Yemeni Arabic of Hugariyyah variety. The adaptation process of loanwords in HYA conforms to the structural constraints of Arabic Phonology. During the process of adaptation onset positions are treated as more salient than coda positions. Deletion is not allowed in onset position and the ranking schemata is ONS>>*Complex >> Max >> SSP >> *Coda. In the similar fashion devoicing of the voiced obstruents is mere favourable in coda positions. In HYA English loanwords, the segments which are less salient and less sonorants are altered or deleted than their stronger counterparts in coda positions which support the accepted claim of positional faithfulness to the onset. The paper seeks to address whether idiosyncratic patterns displayed by loans in HYA supports the notion of the positional asymmetries and phonological strength in the loanwords. Furthermore, it provides reasons for the adaptation using the Optimality- Theoretic framework (Prince & Smolensky, 1993, McCarthy & Prince, 1995). Key Words: Segmental Patterns, Loanwords, Positional Faithfulness Introduction This paper is an attempt at representing the segmental patterning and phonological asymmetries within the phonological patterns of English loanwords in Yemeni Arabic of Hugariyyah. It is to examine what happens to English loanwords after lexical borrowing occurs in HYA. Borrowing of lexical items not only results in the enrichment of the lexical inventory of HYA, but also leads to a variety of changes to English borrowed words. -
1 Deconstructing Markedness in Sound Change
Deconstructing markedness in sound change typology: Notes on θ > f and f > θ1 Juliette Blevins CUNY Graduate Center ABSTRACT Many sound changes have been attributed to misperception (Ohala 1981, 1993). When two sounds A and B are perceptually similar, A can be misperceived as B and vice versa. One sound change attributed solely to perceptual similarity is θ > f (Blevins 2004). Misperception of [θ] as [f] yields θ > f, while hearing [f] as [θ] should lead to f > θ changes. Context-free shifts of θ > f are attested, but regular f > θ changes are rare. Recent research questions the existence of f > θ changes and the perceptual basis of θ > f changes. Historical, typological, experimental, developmental, and language contact data reviewed here support the original perceptual account of θ > f and f > θ, suggesting that the observed asymmetry can be explained phonetically and structurally, without reference to markedness (cf. Andersen 2008). Keywords: Sound change, markedness, perceptual similarity, dental fricative 1 This article is an updated version of earlier work on this topic, namely Blevins, Juliette. 2011. Perceptual similarity and sound change typology: Notes on θ > f and f > θ. Manuscript, CUNY, referred to in Blevins (2015), my chapter contribution to the Oxford Handbook of Historical Phonology. A later 2014 version of the same manuscript was in circulation, and I thank all those who offered suggestions for improvement. 1 1. Asymmetries in sound change typology It has long been observed that there are asymmetries in sound change typology. A > B is common, but B > A is rare, as in the common debuccalization of s > h, but the rare strengthening of h > s. -
Phonetic Factors Contributing to the Inception and Evolution of Sound Change
DOI: 10.17469/O2101AISV000002 DANIEL RECASENS Phonetic factors contributing to the inception and evolution of sound change This paper uses experimental evidence for showing that, depending on the case, sound changes may be triggered primarily by either articulatory variation (as for changes occurring through segmental weakening or strengthening) or by acoustic equivalence (as for vowel nasalization or for segmental substitutions involving syllable-final stops of different places of articulation). It also argues for a multiple evolutionary pathway in the case of specific sound changes such as dark /l/ elision or the palatalization of Latin /kt, ks/ in Romance.The role of word prominence in vowel assimilations and dissimilations and how sound changes originate in the individual are also looked into. In recent times more attention has been paid to how sound changes spread through the lexicon and the linguistic community (Labov, 1994; Phillips, 2006; Wang, 1969) than to the phonetic factors which contribute to the origin of sound change. Fortunately the situation is improving thanks to the pioneering work of Ohala (see section 1.2) and an increasing number of books and articles on this research topic (Solé, Recasens, 2012; Yu, 2013). This scenario is in clear contrast with the one existing during the last decades of the XIX century and the first decades of the XX century, as revealed by outstanding publications on the articulatory causes of sound change which appeared at that time (Grammont, 1933; Millardet, 1910; Rousselot, 1897-1901). One reason for the present lack of interest in the phonetic causes of sound change is to be sought in the special emphasis that structuralist and generative linguists have put into the study of synchronic phonology much to the exclusion of diachronic aspects and phonetic variation. -
Exceptions to Rhotacism Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a Grammatical Rule Are of Interest Only If
Proceedings of CLS 48 (2012), 279-293 © Chicago Linguistic Society 2014. All rights reserved. 279 Exceptions to rhotacism* Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a grammatical rule are of interest only if they lead to the construction of a new grammar of even greater generality or if they show some underlying principle is fallacious or misformulated. (Chomsky & Halle 1968:ix) 1 Introduction With sporadic exceptions (Saussure 1877), intervocalic s merges with r in Old Latin. (1) The sound change: s > r = V V Earlier intervocalic s is found in archaic inscriptions (e.g., Lases for later Lares ‘local deities’; Baldi 2002:213f.) and implicated by comparative reconstruction (e.g., Latin flōrale ‘floral’ vs. Vestinian flusare; Watkins 1970). This change was actuated no later than the 4th century BCE, as indicated by Cicero’s comment that L. Papirius Crassus, consul in 336 BCE and dictator in 339 BCE, was the first of his line to spell his cōgnōmen as Papirius rather than the ancestral Papisius. Numerous s-r alternations in Classical Latin derive from this sound change. For instance, many nouns have nominative and vocative singulars ending in s, but an intervocalic r in the singular obliques and throughout the plural. (2) Paradigm of ‘honor’: nom. gen. dat. acc. abl. voc. sg. honōs honōris honōrī honōrem honōre honōs pl. honōrēs honōrum honōribus honōrēs honōribus honōrēs These s-r alternations—and their ultimate demise in late Latin (see §5)—are widely cited as examples of non-derived environment blocking and of intraparadig- matic leveling. Nearly all discussions of these alternations assume that the underly- ing representation of ‘honor’ is /hono:s/, so that the oblique r is the intervocalic allophone of /s/ (e.g., Albright 2005:19, Foley 1965:62, Gruber 2006:142, Hes- lin 1987:134, Kenstowicz 1996:377, Kiparsky In press, Klausenburger 1976:314, Matthews 1972:19, Roberts 2012:88, Touratier 1975:264, Watkins 1970:526).