THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL February 4, 1961 The Naga National Council Origins of a Separatist Movement Marcus F Franda

It is the purpose of this article to explore the factors which may account for the development of the Naga National Council as a separatist movement in the north eastern portions of Assam. For a number of years after 1947. this movement engaged the Government of India in what at times took on the dimensions of a civil insurrection and which ultimately forced the Indian Government to create a separate State of Nagaland. The new State, India's sixteenth, is its smallest with an area of only 6.0(>0 square miles and a popu­ lation of 350,000 to 400,000 people. The demand for an independent Nagaland was not supported by all the contiguous tribes residing in the hills of Assam, nor was it even supported by all Naga tribes. _ The western must Naga tribes supported the movement, while the eastern tribes - the Konyahs and Kalyo-Kengyus of the Tuensang Division of the North East Frontier Agency refused to sup/xnt the Naga National Council. A comparison of the Nagas with other tribes in Assam, and a comparison of the eastern and the western Nagas may help us to understand the factors which entered into the creation of a separatist move­ ment.

THE most obvious contributory with the speakers of the same three annexation of the Khasi and Garo factor to the separatist move­ languages among the two other Hills also meant that they were ment is the differences between the large Assamese tribes, the Garos and late-comers in applying themselves Nagas of the hills and the plains­ the khasis (see Table 1.,). to the task of learning non-Naga men. The fact that the Nagas, The reason why so few Nagas languages. vviih mongolian features, look speak any of the languages of the Antipathy Reciprocal different from the Aryan plains­ plains is largely due to the linguis­ The differences between Nagas men, tended to separate them in tic differences within the tribes and plainsmen can also be seen, in social situations and other con­ themselves. The Khasis and Garos. the area of religious beliefs. While tacts. This was intensified by the each with a uniform tribal langu­ the plains districts, like the rest of association of the Naga, in the age, were able to devote much more India, had traditionallv been almost mind of the plainsman, with a time to the study of non-tribal exclusively populated by Hindus head-hunting. "primitive" tribe languages before and after ventur­ and Muslims, the Naga Hills came whose customs were radically dif­ ing away from the hills. The fact to include a Christian population of ferent from those of other people.. that the Nagas were not conquered 45 per cent. Moreover, few Nagas It is not insignificant that the until 1890, a half-century after the ever converted to Islam or to Council was made up of a number of youths who were unable to ad­ just to the schools of Assam and the cities of India. Ethnographic differences were further accentuated by differences in language. By mid- twentieth century, it was necessary for educated Nagas to learn three or four of their own dialects or languages in order to matriculate in Naga schools and this made it difficult for them to learn the languages of others, if for no other reason than the limitations of time. Since few of the Assamese or Bengalis were able to speak even one Naga language, the linguistic problem was intensified, with the result that Nagas were denied op­ portunities in the plains on the basis of their inability to speak the language. The extent of the problem can be seen by comparing the num­ ber of Nagas who could speak either Assamese, Bengali, or Hindi, 153 February 4, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL

Hinduism, and when they did, it was tinged with traditional Naga animism, The contrast presented by the (faros and khasis is again striking (see Table 2). These differences can be partially attributed to the fact that the mis­ sionary efforts among the Garos and Khasis were not as intense as those among the Nagas. Hut they are also due to the fact that Hinduism and Islam were real competitors in the Khasi and Garo Hills. In the case of the Khasis. the presence of Nagas. This meant that the Khasis lopment schemes as well as some Shillong. the capital of Assam, in and Garos were being taught by measure of self-government. British the hills meant that the tribals were more people from the plains and administrators, including Professor more constantly in contact with re­ thus were more likely to be instruct­ Coupland, reacted by proposing the ligions of the plains. The Garos. the ed by those who had a favourable formation of a British crown colony westernmost Tribe in Assam, had view of plains people 'and culture. comprising the Naga Hill Areas and been in contact with the plains even At the same time, the Nagas were the Naga areas of the North East before the advent of the British getting their education from alien Frontier Agency. The Britishers and had been somewhat assimilated. American Baptist missionaries who argued that these areas were not yet did not know the plains people and ready for independence and that the The feeling of antipathy was re­ did not approve of the majority of special conditions prevailing in the ciprocal in that the plainsmen also their customs. hills warranted their being severed thought of the Nagas in separate from India. Naga leaders who terms. Until independence, the British Offer of Crown Colony Nagas were considered a "frontier were the original members of the tribe" and classified with the unad The differences between Nagas Naga National Council were called ministered tribes on the border, in and plainsmen and the instances of together for the purpose of discussing contrast to the Khasis and Garos conflict between them, even taken the crown colony idea. They were who were considered to be an inte­ together, could not have been solely attracted by a proposal that sought gral part of the plains districts. responsible, however, for the sepa­ to join all of the Naga tribes; pro­ ratist movement since such conflicts mised the eventual transfer of gov­ Exploited by Plainsmen and differences existed also between ernment to Nagas; offered plans for The Naga tribes were never in­ non-Naga hillsmen (including the educational and economic develop tegrated more closely with the Khasis and Garos) who eventually ment; and would sever them from plains districts largely because the agreed to inclusion within the the administration of the plainsmen Naga Hills were not as accessible Indian Union. Though the differ­ Thus when the British abandoned to the plains people as were the ences produced a more pronounced the idea of a crown colony and with­ Khasi and Garo Hills. Also, since feeling of separatism among the drew from India, they left the the Khasi and Garo Hills contained Nagas than among the Khasis and Council with its expectations heigh­ more natural and commercial resour­ Garos, they were still differences tened by the discussion of a crown ces than the Naga Hills, they offer­ only of degree and, taken alone, colony, and face-to-face with the ed greater opportunities to trading might not account for the indepen­ prospect of being incorporated into plainsmen. The accessibility of the dence demand. However, events the regular administration of Assam. Khasi and Garo Hills to plains­ during and immediately following Distrust of Assam Government men also led to a greater degree World War II, peculiar to the Naga The events of the first four years of economic development among Hills and the western Naga tribes these two tribes than among the alone, shaped the extremist position after independence contributed to the Nagas. This can be seen when view­ of the Naga National Council, Not Naga distrust of the Assam Govern­ ing the progress of cultivation from only was the war fought solely in ment. First there was a misunder­ 1921 to 1951. Between these years, the Naga Hill areas of Assam, but standing about the nature of the the average net area sown increas­ also the Nagas alone were offered Hyderi Pact, an agreement reached ed by 18% and 31% respectively a separate crown colony by the in 1948 between the leaders of the British government and were sub­ among the Khasis and Garos, while Naga National Council, the Governor ject to a great deal of freedom from the corresponding figure for of Assam, and the Chairman of Indian administration after inde­ the Nagas was only 4.2%. India's Constitutional Sub-committee pendence. on Assam Tribals. The Council A more complete view of the ex­ interpreted the pact as a ten-year tent to which the Nagas were econo­ After the war, educated Naga treaty, after the expiration of which mically neglected can be gained by leaders made extreme demands on the Nagas would decide whether or a study of Table 3. relating to the government. When the Governor- not to join the Indian Union. They amount of money spent on public, General-in-Council rewarded the were thus surprised to find that they instruction. In this case the Bri­ Naga war effort with the promise were, included in the Indian Union tish government spent more than of a modern hospital at Kohima, a six times as much in the Garo Hills number of Nagas protested that it when the Constitution was promul­ and nearly eight times as much in was insufficient reward and asked gated. In addition the Assam Gov­ the Khasi Hills as was spent on the for educational and economic deve- ernment discontinued the policy of 154 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL February 4, 1961

'Exclusion,' maintained by the Garo Hills became "Partially Ex­ and even bridlepaths —- previously British until 1947. Under this policy, cluded Areas" in 1935. This meant isolated units came into contact with those areas designated as 'Excluded that the Khasis and Garos were one another more frequently. ln- Areas" were administered by the allowed to elect two representatives deed. because of the need for por­ Central Government through the to the Assam legislature and were ters, cooks and houseboys, the British Governor of the Province, but they placed under the administration of administrators aided in increasing were not integrated into the Pro­ a special Ministry in the Assam the interaction of the various tribes vince. cabinet. Moreover, local councils even further. Educational work Though the Nagas wanted econo­ were elected in some villages on an carried on by missionaries and Gov­ mic development, they viewed with experimental basis. "Partial Exclu­ ernment schools, made possible by alarm the end of 'Exclusion' and sion" served to draw the Khasis and the abolition of intertribal head­ their fears were borne out when the Garos closer to the people of the hunting, was a further contributing end of Exclusion resulted in an in­ plains. They were in constant con­ factor. flux of merchants and usurers from tact with the Provincial Assembly, the plains in larger numbers than and they grew accustomed to pre­ Village Political Organizations ever before, a situation made worse senting their demands to Govern­ by the introduction of cheap cloth ment to this body. In sharp contrast But while tribes were tending to­ which contributed to the breakdown was the case of the Nagas where the ward unity, the traditional village of cottage industry. Moreover, the administrative arrangements and the political organizations were being Government proclaimed its intention period of war had caused the Assam torn apart. The abolition of head­ of instituting a policy of "detribali- Government to lose contact with the hunting, for instance, undermined zation" designed, in the words of one tribals and thus help to strengthen the control of the chiefs and elders Governor of Assam, "to bring the the Naga National Council. Since whose primary function had been to people of the hills to the same level the war did not spread to the Khasi determine the time for a raid or an of the plains people within as short and Garo Hills, regular administra­ expedition against a neighbouring a period as possible." It was re­ tion, drawing the tribals closer to village. The power of the village ported that this policy meant, among the Government of Assam, was leaders was further undermined other things, the teaching of Assa­ carried on until 1951 when the when their judicial powers were mese in all tribal schools Finally, Sixth Schedule of the Indian Consti­ usurped by British political officers. the Nagas feared that a strong pro­ tution replaced the existing arrange­ The work of the missionaries served vincial administration would mean ments. But while the Khasis and to weaken the force of the taboos and enforcement of the Assam Reserve Garos accepted the Constitution of the traditional system of social con­ Forest Act and would prohibit many 1951 and were organizing to contest trol. Probably the most serious of the homeless Naga families from elections, the Nagas were rejecting instance of this was the tendency for clearing forests to build new homes. these same arrangements, having boys to refuse to serve at the mo rung Administrative Vacuum already organized to demand inde­ ( bachelor's house). The missionaries pendence. The Council was able to gain forbade Christian youths to enter widespread support for its opposi­ Why Eastern Nagas Kept Out the rnorung because of the excessive tion to the Indian Union because of amounts of rice-beer consumed the Naga fear of excessive Assamese The Naga demand for separation there. But this created a serious gap administration. Yet the Council can thus be attributed to historical in the social and political organiza­ would not have been able to organize differences between Nagas and plains- tions in that there was no discipli­ as well as it did but for the lack men. coupled with instances of con­ nary agencies to take the place of of administration that accompanied flict with the peoples of the plains the morung. nor any other means of independence and partition, a situa­ and the lack of administration recruiting future rulers. tion that made it impossible to ad­ following independence. But what then accounts for the failure of the While British policy and missio­ minister properly the Naga Hills or nary activity destroyed and weakened to undertake development schemes. eastern Nagas to support the organi­ zation? Why did the western Nagas the traditional tribal organizations, The failure of the Assamese to ex­ it also served to introduce to the tend their administration into the form an organization designed to achieve separation while the eastern Nagas new forms of organization. Naga Hills gave the Council an The increased interaction of villages opportunity to administer the area Nagas did not join the movement? The remainder of this study is an and the unification of diverse dialects itself and to establish at least a made possible multi-village organiza­ semblance of a unified Naga Gov­ attempt to answer this question and to conclude with some observations tions. These were forthcoming in ernment. In this endeavour it was the form of "workers associations'* aided by the Assamese Government about organizational creation among the Nagas. and "Christian societies," instigated which recognized Angami Zanu by the missionaries to combat Naga Phizo. the N N C president, as the The policy of both the missionaries "laziness" and "sabbath-breaking.*" representative spokesman of all Naga and of government served to change Naga women's clubs and Naga student tribes and even referred to the traditional Naga society among the groups were also formed in an N N C on some occasions as a western tribes. One of the first effort to provide a more familiar legitimate Government. effects of the intrusion of the Bri­ social environment in which the Once again the contrast to the tish was the increased interaction missionaries could operate. By Garos and Khasis is striking. among the various tribes and World War II, these new social While the Naga areas were always villages. Due to the expansion of groupings were common to the Excluded Areas,' the Khasi and communications — roads, railways western Naga Hills- 135 February 4, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL

Educated Elite Replace had taken place among the western eastern Nagas had no fear of cul­ Tribal Rulers Nagas. The missionaries had tried tural absorption; neither the British With the breakdown of the tradi­ to evangelize the Konyaks in 1838 nor Indian governments had tried to tional political systems, tribal chiefs, but had abandoned the attempt after impose direct rule over them. The ciders and councillors lost their two years. By 1931, the Assam cen­ only threat of absorption came authority, though they were able to sus listed only two Christians among from the Council, and to this they maintain their positions until inde­ the Konyaks and none among the reacted by forming traditional vil­ pendence because of the presence of Kalyo-Kengyus. The British had lage alliances. The eastern Nagas British administrators. When the classified eastern Naga territory as lacked the skills necessary to run a British left and Assamese were un­ an "unadmiuislered area" and only large-scale bureaucratic structure- able to replace the administration, one visit had been made to the tri­ None was capable of conversing in the tribal rulers gave way to a new bes by an administrator during the several village dialects, none was set of rulers; an educated elite, cap­ entire period of British rule. The experienced in organizational af­ able of providing the skills and first attempt at administering the fairs, and none possessed the mili­ knowledge necessary to form a uni­ eastern Nagas, therefore, came in tary skills necessary to maintain fied Naga Government that could 1951 when the Indian Government order over a large geographic area. promise some hope of achieving the attempted to place them in a single new expectations. The result was a administrative unit, tie Tuensang Breakdown of Traditional new form of political organization. division of NFT A. But in this case Authority The voluntary associations that had the administrators were forbidden In contrast, a number of factors come into being prior to World to interfere in tribal matters, to can be put forward to account for War lb were combined with other encroach in any way on tribal lands, the organized separatist movement newly formed organizations into one or even to collect taxes. among the western Nagas. To begin bureaucratic structure, the Naga The Government of India was with, the breakdown of traditional National Council. This new associa­ able to maintain friendly relations authority due to the intrusion of tion attempted to be a Naga central with the eastern Nagas by following Christianity and British administra­ (Government. In a sense it replaced tribal customs. In 1956, when the tion caused an organizational gap British administration: it collected Naga National Council began its among the western Nagas. This gap taxes, provided a judiciary and be­ campaign of violence. Lieutenant- was partially filled by the introduc­ gan planning the development of General K S Thimayya toured the tion of intervillage and intertribal the Naga Hills. Moreover, it pro­ entire Tuensang division and con­ associations --which eventually culmi­ vided a vehicle which the new elite cluded a peace with each powerful nated in an all-western Naga organi­ could use to exercise its new-found chief (Ang). The Ang did not feel zation, the Naga National Council. authority and which tribal rulers that he was relinquishing any of his The lack of a commensurate increase could use to replace that aura of Iegi- authority, however, since he viewed in the authority of the British or timacy that had been lost with the the ceremonies merely as a mutual Indian administration after World withdrawal of the British. This pledge of peace on the part of the War II and the failure of the alien accounts for the Councils success. It Indian Government as well as his riders to incorporate Naga villages controlled the populace of I he Naga own village. Although the eastern into a larger political framework Hills to such an extent that it was Nagas were in theory thus constitu­ gave the Council an opportunity to able to carry out a boycott of both tionally incorporated into the Indian spread its organization over the en­ the 1051 and 1957 elections, was Union, in fact the Aug still ruled tire western Naga Hills. able to battle 12.000 Indian troops his village and the tribal political Geographical factors were also to a five-year stalemate, and even­ system remained intact- Thus, right crucial to the emergence of an orga­ tually to force the central govern­ up until the present day, the eastern nized secessionist movement. The ment to grant Naga statehood- Naga area can still be termed "vir­ rugged terrain and the difficulties in­ That the conditions of war played gin jungle in the midst of head­ volved in transporting Indian troops a large part in shaping Naga con­ hunting country/' I Anupani Dhar hampered the Indian Government in cepts of organization can be seen Ten Years' Progress in NEFA. its attempts to quash the move­ from the fact that the structure of Calcutta: Sree Saraswaty Press. ment by force while the contiguity of the organization was almost identical 1957 p. 25.) They have managed Nagaland to foreign borders made to that of the Azad Hind Fauj (the to maintain their traditional system it realistic for the Nagas to demand rebel I N A of Suhhas Bose). to of political and social organization, succession and also made it necessary which many Naga leaders had be­ their self-sufficient village, economies, for the Indian government to use longed. In addition, the military their customs and religious beliefs- caution in sending troops. wing of the Naga National Council, There is little or no trade, no inter- village or intertribal communication Finally, the Naga war experience the Home Guard. derived its name was an important factor in that it and structure from the local Allied and no common language. Not even the war affected the eastern Naga. taught the Nagas military strategy Army Units that had been set up and the use of weapons, brought in 1943 tribes, for the Japanese invaded to the south of their territory where them into closer contact with other No Cultural Absorption roads and paths made travel possible. peoples and thus heightened their The reason for the failure of the expectations of political and econo­ Council organization to .spread to the The complete isolation of Tuen­ mic development, and gave them Konvaks, and Kalyo-Kengyus was sang Nagas accounts for their failure experience in that form of organi­ that these two Naga tribes had to organize or to be recruited into zation which they used to press their avoided the process of change that the Naga National Council. The demand for independence. 156 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL February -1, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL

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