Against Wage-Labour 1 Against Wage-Labour

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 1 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR

Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence. New Planet (1921), by Konstantin Yuon. (German Ideology)* Issue 8 2007

Editorial Committee: Nancy LaPlante, Naser Editorial: Every human worker matters………………………………2 Paydar, Omid Zareian, 1. Mohsen Hakimi: Socialism as Movement versus Socialism as Mohsen Hakimi, Farhad Rahimi Theory ……………………………………………………………..5 2. Nancy LaPlante: The Story of One Worker is a Story for all Workers…………………………………………………………...10 3. Naser Paydar: Bolshevism and the October Revolution...... 15 4. Nancy LaPlante: China Blue...... 23 5. The Internationalist Perspective: Our Only Power: Solidari- ty!...... 25 6. Omid Zareian: Pushing Back with OCAP...... 26 7. Futureoftheunion: Workers Speak Out Against Sacking At WWW.AGAINSTWAGE.COM Ford Australia...... 27 [email protected] 8. Sign This Petition...... 29 9. Anti-Wage-Labour Collective Activists: Letter to OCAP...... 30

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Editorial

EVERY HUMAN WORKER MAT- tion. From workers comes a natu- abolishing ‘wage-slavery’. Bolshe- TERS ral struggle to make more money, vism only changed the name of the because it is the money, or wages, governing body to ‘Communism’, Nancy LaPlante that permit us to have more free- with the goal of socialism being a Wherever we are in the world there doms within the capitalist monetary ‘utopia’. A large-scale presence of are workers in countless industries system. Any political aim coming workers such as what was existing working to earn a living. From eve- from outside of workers with slo- in Russia in the early 1900’s for the ry group of workers to each and gans such as those of ‘freedom’, establishment of socialism against every individual worker there is the ruling tsars, should have a story of a human being and been focusing on the goal of their environment, their situa- establishing councils. The so- tion. The significance of wor- cialism of working from outside king on people’s lives is enor- of the workers, such as that mous. There is a song that I upheld by ‘professional recall as a child titled “Birth, revolutionaries’ or ‘left School, Work, Death”. We are sectarians’, i.e. what the all born into the world of inequa- Bolsheviks and Lenin suppor- lities. Class inequality becomes ted, contrasts with socialism our defining features. Many being an existing, living move- people self-identify according to ment. This contrast is descri- their jobs. As living beings we bed and analyzed in Mohsen need food and shelter and are Hakimi’s article – ”Socialism as social creatures. We must eat Movement Versus Socialism as and therefore in order to have Theory. While one concept of food we either grow it, or in socialism sprouts from theory, most cases, buy it. To have or ‘democracy’, or ‘equality’, cannot the second germinates from the do, we must have money and to truly meet the profound needs of soil of worker’s feet and hearts, have money we must earn wages, workers. This is one of the funda- praxis. The living struggle by wor- which is to wage-slave. From this mental mistakes of The October kers and for workers is active in the activity, we toil to earn a living. Our Revolution and is described in world today. That is, socialism is nature is to be free of the chains of great detail in this issue’s article of alive and well in many frontiers working. This freedom is economic Bolshevism and the October Revo- around the world. Several articles in nature, and dictated by politics. lution by Naser Paydar. This very within this issue, elucidate just It is fundamental that this is an eco- significant historical revolution is some of the struggles, and their nomic status first, therefore any important as a basis for learning connections to each other. We as political group or stance, which en- both the mistakes and the succes- workers may not be able to relate ters from above or outside of ‘the ses, and as frequently mentioned to many other human beings’ working condition’ is not sufficient in all issues of Against the Wage languages or cultures, or customs, to provide for workers. labour, is the requirement to have a however, we can all easily relate to Workers are the root of the solu- main goal of a socialist council of another human who works to earn

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Editorial wages to survive and enjoy this Worker-activists are struggling to as outlined in another article within brief life that we were born into. mobilize workers and fight back this issue, takes direct action also against injustices such as menial in its own backyard. In this particu- Around the world there are nume- wages, poor working conditions, lar instance, OCAP uses direct ac- rous strikes and rallies by workers insufficient housing and social as- tion to take housing, squat an that are happening daily. Ex- sistance rates – some activists ha- abandoned home. It is incredible amples in this issue include Ford ving the goal to ultimately end that in such a wealthy society, ho- Australia firing workers and relying wage-slavery and build the society mes sit empty, while thousands of on the easily recruited contract, bit by bit through worker councils. people beg for decent, affordable temporary workers. The beauty of In Iran, there are four activists fa- housing. While we are forced to this for the capitalists is that it crea- cing jail time for the simple, yet im- work and struggle within the capita- tes a division, even a hierarchy, portant, act of celebrating Mayday, list system with reformist demands, among workers. Workers may end the international worker’s day. we also do not care about capita- up fighting each other to survive, These worker-activists are organi- lism in that we must often step out- after all, each and every one of us zing workers and being severely side of its own agenda and show matters. Similarly, there is a leaflet punished from every human that we know it is a severely- that Belgium Volkswagen workers beings’ right to organize. A petition skewed system of favoritism based distributed at a rally, outlining the is currently being signed on the on economics. We don’t care nature of capitalism and how it Ontario Coalition Against Poverty’s about this, and therefore will use works – through lay-offs of wor- (OCAP) website www.ocap.ca to direct action to take housing, to kers, to the use of trade unions, show international solidarity for the- take food, to strike and rally as hu- which are key pawns in this nasty se worker-activists. We do not ap- mans trying to live a dignified life. game of capitalism, where the la- peal to the rich governments rather bour of one individual worker can Two other examples of individual to draw attention to these struggles be replaced by another. The auto workers reveal their attempts for a and demonstrate support from one industry is a key industry that dignified full life. ‘China Blue’ is a worker on one side of our huge comes to the forefront of many documentary film review about a world to another worker on the smaller worker struggles as it has young worker in China wage- other side of the earth. OCAP, a attained a level of importance in slaving in order to help her peasant militant anti-poverty organization capitalism. Unfortunately, as capi- family in rural China. For a wes- based out of Toronto, Canada is talism is increasingly a global sys- tern worker, the brutality of the wor- demonstrating the importance of tem with fewer and fewer state pro- king conditions is obvious, but what solidarity and speaking out against tections, workers from within and is also important to grasp is that we the injustices of capitalism by hos- from outside of different states are have this connection to each other. ting this petition – in response to pitted against each other. Capita- That when we provide our labour this petition there is a note of lism is an ever-evolving system, force for our boss, this can be thanks from the worker-activists. growing, and ultimately always har- straightforwardly replaced by This is a basic activity of solidarity ming human beings who work for another human being’s labour for- by OCAP and deeply appreciated someone else. ce. As much as we have connec- and recognized by worker-activists tions to each other, there are intra- There is always hope to end this with similar goals in Iran. OCAP, class divisions. Workers in China abominable serious condition.

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Editorial work very long hours without bene- in Belgium, Australia or wherever, Argentina, Mexico, China, many of fits or job security, which are developing however, the wor- and using worker kers in North Ame- councils for true wor- rica come a close ker activity and cont- second in terms of rol. The councils use security as the ba- consensus decision- ses of many com- making where collec- panies move to tively, each worker states which permit co-operates and has cheaper labour a voice to control costs and therefore production and distri- higher profits. Si- bution of their goods milarly due to the or services. What is economic dispari- crucial is maintaining ties between sta- a goal of ending tes, millions of wor- wage-slavery. This kers each year mi- goal must be explicit grate to another and clear. Socialist state (with or movements in each without ‘legal’ do- state must be tied cumentation) for together in spirit and work. The issue of form as OCAP and immigration is the worker-activists another force as it in Iran demonstrate. sets in opposition Capitalism with its immigrants versus unions and its re- local workers. We sponsibilities to profit must recognize our does not care about connection to each each worker. Each other. The article worker cares about about Pedro, a ho- Photo courtesy of John Bonnar—http://johnb.smugmug.com/gallery/496512 each worker. To- tel worker in Cana- gether each worker da, originally from Nicaragua, is or for hotel workers in Toronto, are and their labour power and poten- another example of a worker who a steadfast ally with employers as tial is what makes a movement. migrates and continues to be under they are complicit in keeping wa- The key task now is to continue the thumb of a capitalist employer ges low, workers compliant, and and support the movements that and the employer’s negotiating the profits rising. are alive now in history, and eve- friend, the Union. The unions, rywhere in the world. Currently, socialism is alive, as whether they are for auto-workers worker struggles in Iran, Australia,

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Socialism as Movement versus Socialism as Theory

(Parts of a Polemic Currently matter: look for a category, but remains constantly on the real ground of in Progress within the Wor- Communism is for us not a state of history; it does not explain practice king Class Movement of Iran) affairs which is to be established, from the idea but explains the for- Mohsen Hakimi an ideal to which reality [will] have mation of ideas from material prac- to adjust itself. We call commu- ...There is a significant difference tice; and accordingly it comes to nism the real movement which between two approaches to socia- the conclusion that all forms and abolishes the present state of lism. One regards socialism as a products of consciousness cannot things. The conditions of this mo- theory and a guideline for action of be dissolved by mental criticism, by vement result from the premises “the working class party”. This resolution into “self-consciousness” now in existence. (German Ideolo- "party" is in charge of “guiding and or transformation into “apparitions,” gy)* leading the working class in a revo- “specters,” “fancies,” etc. but only lutionary struggle against capita- In the German Ideology as well as by the practical overthrow of the lism, for the establishment of socia- other works of Marx, one could actual social relations which gave lism”; whereas, to my understan- bring more examples in which Marx rise to this idealistic humbug.( Ibid, ding socialism is the working class defines socialism as a movement, p.189) movement which struggles against and not a mere theory. Essentially, Therefore, contrary to the theoreti- the miseries of today’s human the socialism of Marx and generally cians and philosophers prior to him beings, aiming to go beyond a ca- his materialist conception of history who were attempting to create only pitalist framework. The former ap- were formed in contrast to the a correct consciousness; thus, only proach views socialism, on one theoreticians and philosophers who interpreting the world, Marx went hand, as a mere theory that must sufficed to criticizing one idea with beyond the realm of theory by guide the action of the “party”, and another. Marx did not establish his claiming that the point is to change on the other hand, something materialist conception of history as the world. He himself started the which should be set up or a pure idea against Hegel’s, actual way of changing the world, ‘established’ in the future. The lat- Feuerbach’s and Young Hege- namely, “the practical overthrow of ter approach views socialism as a lians'. He criticized socialists such the actual social relations”. Marx’s practical-theoretical movement. In as Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen and approach, contrary to the upside- other words, in one view socialism their efforts for establishment of down world reality, which consists is only a theory, and in the other socialism as a theory, and knew of the practice and theory of capi- socialism is the unity of practice their socialism as utopia. Marx talism, is not just a socialist theory. and theory, that is, Praxis. considers that the upside-down Rather, it is an actual and material and bourgeois theory is rooted in As both of these approaches to movement in the name of socialism the upside-down world of capita- socialism claim themselves as the which will abolish that upside-down lism, and in order to bring an end to socialism of Marx (unless otherwi- reality. Accordingly, Marx's point of such theory one must bring an end se claimed), in order to find out the departure for changing the world to this world: correctness or incorrectness of the- was not the socialist theory and se approaches one must refer to It [the materialist conception of attempting to establish it. Rather, it Marx himself. Marx has a famous history] has not, like the idealistic was organizing the workers, i.e., clause which plainly elucidates the view of history, in every period to the active and actual human be-

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Socialism as Movement versus Socialism as Theory ings. It is in this meaning that I re- ding itself of all the muck of ages scious workers merely know their fer to Marx: Marx as a theoretical- and become fitted to found society actual immediate practice, whereas practical and a worker-activist of anew. (Ibid, p.195) the conscious workers, based on the working class movement, and the education that takes place on If the alteration of the workers men- not merely as a socialist theoreti- the ground of the class struggle, go tality on a mass scale is possible cian. Otherwise, if I refer to Marx beyond this level of knowledge and only within revolution, thus, to the just as a theorist, I reduce social- recognize their surrounding world same degree that the workers are ism into a pure and abstract theory. and how to change it. Thus, acting for revolution, they would although the alteration of the wor- Based on this view of socialism, also create the possibility of the king class mentality on a mass sca- Marx did not consider that organi- alteration of their mentality. As, le is possible only in a revolution, zing the worker movement for due to various reasons, the levels the consciousness of the forerun- changing the capitalist world is of activity for revolution among ner sector of this class that is ac- conditioned to changing the menta- workers are different, the levels of lity of the worker masses. Accor- ding to him, the change of the mentality of the worker masses under the rule of capital is essentially impossible, with the clear reason that until the worker masses are under the submission of capital, their mentalities too are under the submission of capital. He considers that altering the workers mentality on a mass scale is feasible only in a revolutionary process which takes place for changing the capitalist world:

Both for the production on a mass scale of this communist consciousness, and for the success of the cause itself, the alteration of men on a mass scale is necessary, change in workers mentality, that an alteration which can only take ting for revolution, can be altered is, the levels of their socialist con- place in a practical movement, a from an in-itself state to a for-itself sciousness, also become different. revolution; this revolution is neces- one. I emphasize that this altera- These levels of consciousness sary, therefore, not only because tion of in-itself mentality to for-itself form a spectrum that begins from the ruling class cannot be overth- would only be possible in the pro- the most conscious workers and rown in any other way, but also be- cess of a revolutionary activity, i.e., ends with the most unconscious cause the class overthrowing it can in the process of struggle against ones. In this spectrum, the uncon- only in a revolution succeed in rid-

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Socialism as Movement versus Socialism as Theory capitalism. The example of intel- vement, that is, both the worker anything else than conscious ex- lect in a human infant can help elu- masses who are struggling against istence” (Ibid, p.180). cidate this issue. An infant has an capitalism spontaneously and the Therefore, communist con- intellect in-itself. In other words, an communist-activists who do the sciousness can only exist within infant is potentially rational. He or same thing self- consciously. Both workers; this consciousness she is actually a human being, but the worker masses and commu- though unrecognized by the wor- is only potentially rational. To be- nist-activists are the unity of practi- king masses, is recognized by come actually rational and to alter ce and theory. However, among some practical materialist. the intellect from the state that is the worker masses this unity is in- not recognizable for the infant to itself and unconscious - that is, This view of Marx about class con- the state that can be recognized for while they are struggling against sciousness shows the invalidity of him/her, he/she is bound to grow capitalism, this system is not Kautsky's (and consequently, Le- and be matured in the process of known to them in terms of theory - nin's) view that socialist con- years of living in the human socie- whereas in communist-activists the sciousness is something which ty. In the same way, a worker has unity is for-itself and conscious. It is comes into being from outside and a socialist consciousness in-itself. in this meaning that Marx, in Ger- injected inside the working class. But the alteration of this con- man Ideology, defines communist Such theory, based on the secta- sciousness from in-itself to for-itself as a practical materialist, and the- rian lefties who are inspired by requires organized worker's activity reby emphasizes the self- Lenin’s approach write their to change the capitalist system as conscious unity of theory ‘program’, and build their “party”, well as the education which has to (materialism) and practice in the would not be a socialist con- take place simultaneously with this communist human being. sciousness. Rather, it would be activity. As much as this activity/ some abstractions separated from Hence, socialist theory, as workers’ education is promoted, the possibi- the context of the living class class consciousness, whether in its lity of changing the mentality of the struggle that, because of its unknown state in workers masses, worker increases. Such education abstraction indeed, is incompre- or in its known form in communist- which is capable of altering the hensible and unintelligible for the activists, is an inseparable part of workers’ in-itself consciousness to workers. This consciousness is the working class movement, and it a for-itself, is only possible and ef- formed based on the division of is not something outside this mo- fective on the ground and during mental and manual labour and it vement : anti-capitalist activity. comes from sources other than “…a class which forms the majori- manual labour. Without a doubt, Therefore, in Marx’s view, there is ty of all members of society, and the separation of mental labour a real movement struggling to from which emanates the con- from manual labour, because of change the existing situation; within sciousness of the necessity of a creation of a field in the name of this movement all the workers are fundamental revolution, the com- mental or theoretical labour which struggling for this change, the mas- munist consciousness…” (Ibid, goes beyond human being’s con- ses spontaneously and the forerun- p.195) sciousness in its immediate practi- ners self-consciously. What Marx ce, is a step forward. But, this pro- calls communism is not only the Also: gress takes place inevitably as a pioneers but the whole of this mo- "Consciousness can never be separation from manual labour,

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Socialism as Movement versus Socialism as Theory and it is exactly this that transforms nist-activists’ point of departure: the organized form of the worker theory into an abstraction which movement or theory? If, like Marx, movement, although the majority of practice has to obey or, according we depart from the actual living workers are actually struggling to Marx, the reality must adapt it- movement which is struggling against capitalism, they are poten- self to it. This conception that against the existing situation to tially conscious of this struggle. Marx's socialism is a theory which overthrow it, then as forerunners Consequently, the organized wor- is formed outside the working class who at the same time are repre- ker masses in the anti-capitalist and must be taken into the working senting the interests of the whole organization remain vulnerable to class - that is, must be implemen- movement and attempting to orga- different kinds of non-worker views ted in practice or the practice of the nize this struggle, and thereby edu- and tendencies. The responsibility working class must adjust itself to it cating the worker masses on the of communist-activists is to show - emanates from the separation grounds of this organized struggle the essence of these views and between mental and manual la- as well as struggle against other tendencies to the worker masses, bour, a separation against which non-worker views or tendencies and attempt to organize the whole Marx's socialism, that is, the theo- inside the working class, we would masses, and not just the commu- retical-practical movement of the strengthen the self-conscious as- nists, against these views and ten- working class, came into being. pect of the struggle against capita- dencies. Among other things, this Also, Marx’s socialism contains the lism and make the working class is one thing by which Marx differen- criticism of the view that separates ready for the abolition of wage- tiates communists from other ten- the leaders of the working class labour by seizing the political po- dencies within the workers move- into “theoretical leaders’, and wer. Thus, by departing from the ment. He says, in The Communist ‘practical leaders’, a view according movement (not theory), what is or- Manifesto, that one thing which to which few workers are only thin- ganized is not merely the forerun- distinguishes communists from king and the majority of workers ners of the working class but the other workers' parties (tendencies) only implement their thoughts. In whole movement that Marx calls is that in every stage of the workers Marx’s view, each leader of the communism. In other words, the struggle they represent the move- working class is a theoretical- organization that communist- ment as a whole. The condition for practical activist. As I mentioned, activists must struggle for its buil- the communists to represent the while this unity of thought and ac- ding is nothing but the organized entire movement is that they do not tion is in-itself for worker masses, form of the working class move- form an organization separate from for communist-activists it is for- ment. Whatever we call this orga- the worker masses but, by playing itself. It is obvious that, accor- nization, one thing is certain: it is the role of the forerunners within dingly, the role of leading and lea- nothing but the anti-capitalist and the organization of the worker mas- dership of the working class all-embracing organization of the ses and attempting to transform the struggle is the responsibility of working class. It is in this meaning in-itself consciousness of mass communist-activists. But how? that I believe that the anti-capitalist workers to the for-itself one, try to and all-embracing organization of make their goal and political strate- The answer to this important the working class is a container for gy to the goal and political strategy question, as a matter of fact, is the the establishment of socialism. As of the whole workers movement. chief subject of this debate, and I mentioned, in this organization as Without a doubt, this is not simple again it depends on the commu-

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Socialism as Movement versus Socialism as Theory and needs a difficult and long-term deed nothing but an organization ses the existence of a revolutionary struggle full of blood and bullets. separated from the actual socia- class.” However, it would be possible only lism, that is, the social movement In other words, the existence of with the presence of communists of the working class. According to revolutionary ideas of the working and worker masses within one anti- this approach, the realization of the class in the particular period of ca- capitalist organization, because political and strategic goal of the pitalism presupposes the existence they both have a common material working class would be the respon- of the revolutionary class of prole- goal: communism. Communists, sibility of the ‘working class party’ tariat. Therefore, the materialist by organizing themselves separate and the trade union would only do approach of Marx to the history from the anti-capitalist organization the economical struggle and ut- brings a conclusion exactly opposi- (one that contains only communists most a non-revolutionary political te to Lenin’s view: Without a revo- has no meaning but a separation of struggle. Lenin, whom the posses- lutionary movement there would communists from worker masses) sors of this idea are usually inspi- not be any revolutionary theory. If with this pretext that this organiza- red by his approach to the workers Lenin had read German Ideology tion would be a ‘mixture of different movement, calls the first organiza- and particularly this sentence, he non-workers and bourgeois views tion as ‘professional revolutionary would have called Marx a pure and tendencies; on the one hand, organization’ and the second one economist. In Lenin’s view, the transform themselves into a sect as ‘workers organization’ (what has revolutionary nature of the working and, on the other hand, leave the to be done?). class is restricted to the existence worker masses in the hands of the I am working on an article where I of the conscious element, which same non-workers and bourgeois will show the contradiction and will show itself in the “working class tendencies and views. Thus, con- estrangement of Lenin’s approach party”. And this is why he does not cisely, if communist-activists depart towards the worker’s movement regard the spontaneous move- from the workers movement and with Marx’s approach. Here, I ment, or self-activity, of the working the active existing individuals of mention just an example of this class as revolutionary and consi- this movement, that is, worker contradiction and estrangement. ders it as trade unionist... masses, they would promote the One of the most famous and indi- direction and leading of the working …… cating sentences of What has to be class struggle for the change of the done? which the sectarian left has *All quotes of Marx in this text are world by way of the organized ma- always used as its motto is this: from the following work: nifestation and crystallization of this ‘Without a revolutionary theory the- Marx, Karl, Selected Writings, edi- movement, that is, the anti- re would not be any revolutionary ted by David McLellan, Oxford Uni- capitalist organization of the wor- movement’. This sentence, which versity Press, 2nd edition, 2000. king class. is a concise statement of Lenin’s But, if we depart from theory, we approach to the relation of move- would inevitably put the role of lea- ment and theory, is in exact oppo- ding the working class in the hands sition to the following sentence of of the manifestation and crystalliza- Marx in German Ideology: tion of this theory, namely the “The existence of revolutionary ‘working class party’, which is in- ideas in particular period presuppo-

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The Story of One Worker is a Story for all Workers

Introduction the individual worker. Many wor- electrical engineer came to Toron- kers however do resist and many to, Canada from Nicaragua via the The story below is a story of Pedro more must be called to such tasks. United States approximately 14 Vanegas, a worker, who is faced Pedro is a motivating story of one years ago for a better life. When with the brutality of his employers. worker who stands up for his rights he first arrived, he studied English Like many workers, Pedro migrated and calls on his supposed repre- as a Second Language, and then away from his home in a country sentative body, the union, to help, completed his studies in Refrigera- with much economic instability to a to no avail, and to his employer, tion and Air Conditioning at George country such as Canada for a bet- Brown but was unable to ter life. The reality find work in this field. of globalization Following this, he stu- within capitalism died hospitality at the has made its painful YMCA and found a few mark on Pedro’s life positions as a waiter in as it does with other some local Toronto ho- workers. The ano- tels including the Metro- malous story of a politan. In all of his posi- poor worker who tions he was a part-time migrates to a ‘First worker. He was a stea- World’ country and dy permanent part-time who later becomes member of the Hotel wealthy, is precisely Employee and Restau- such; odd and rant Employee (HERE) extremely uncom- Union Local 75. This mon. Capitalism Photo courtesy of John Bonnar—http://johnb.smugmug.com/gallery/496512 was approximately 7 to loves to flaunt these 8 years ago. 1 rare cases. Unfortunately the vast not surprisingly to no avail. This majority of workers find themselves Sequence of events story is not to motivate workers to impoverished in Western countries stand alone and fight back within 1999 – Problems of harassment at as well. They regularly confront the system, not that this isn’t en- work began and Pedro began isolation, discrimination, racism, couraged (it certainly is!), but most seeing physicians at The Scarbo- deportation, poverty, and oppres- importantly, that standing together rough Hospital (TSH). sion among other abuses by a sys- as a powerful labour force, workers tem that is so intricate and tightly In approximately November 2001, not only have voices, but have po- woven, that it is almost impossible Pedro went to the emergency for wer to turn the capitalist system to navigate and understand. The panic attacks with “hyperventilating upside down little by little. resistance to the system both with pressured speech”. The rea- within its own framework and outsi- Pedro’s Story son he had this particular panic attack was he had to return to Ni- de of it is a harrowing challenge for Pedro Vanegas, a professional caragua due to his mother’s dete- 1. It is important to note that the physical/mental damages inflicted on Pedro due to his work has seriously affected his memory and for this reason dates provided by Pedro are only approximates.

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The Story of One Worker is a Story for all Workers riorating health and because of this with less seniority were given more ding to his physician’s report there the company were threatening to preferred scheduling and resulted were 2 stressful incidents which fire him. Pedro was feeling the in a loss of income for the workers were the following: his supervisor pressure to return to care for his got agitated in front of mother, because he was the older Pedro and Pedro told him son and his personal situation af- to calm down, and after forded him this possibility. Pedro this, his co-worker tried to had requested a leave of absence assault Pedro after work and in the past he was permitted to in a coffee shop.” The do this without any problem but this individuals who were time the company made it clear being favored were angry that the company said regardless with Pedro for fighting for of the situation of his mother, if his rights and they blamed Pedro were to leave without their him for threatening the authorization, he would be fired favors themselves that upon his return. A co-worker war- they were receiving by ned Pedro not to go to Nicaragua management. The Union because he had overheard a con- knew that from the begin- versation between two assistant ning there was the fight managers saying that Pedro would for seniority and that they be fired if he went to visit his sick were harassing him. Ba- mother. At this point Pedro asked sed on the collective ag- a lawyer if legally the company reement, they were sup- could fire someone for making an posed to fight on his be- emergency trip to see their mother Photo courtesy of John Bonnar—http://johnb.smugmug.com/ half but they sided with and he was advised that this was gallery/496512 management. not the case and to go on the trip. with more seniority, and so Pedro Pedro had a grievance for seniority The doctor’s notes at this time indi- complained. Also the Union was but the union did nothing because cated that both the Human Resour- aware of this issue and refused to then the company would owe milli- ces at the Metropolitan and the do anything about this as was their ons of dollars in back-pay to all se- Union “don’t care”. The heart- legal obligation as the only repre- nior staff. Numerous grievances lessness of both – to hurt another sentative body for the workers, were being filed for unjust schedu- human being to save money is clearly they weren’t. Pedro was ling and seniority. what this boils down to. labeled a troublemaker and the union did nothing. The physician wro- In June 2002 Pedro hurt his back In May 2002, the physician repor- te that “patient is being deflected and shoulder at work pushing a ted that there was harassment by between union and Human Re- heavy trolley. He refused to push the supervisor at the Metropolitan sources”. Pedro continued to fight the trolley because normally it ta- who did not allow him to choose his for seniority as they were favoring kes a few people to do this, and own hours to which he was entitled some workers over others. Accor- more importantly, it was not part of due to his seniority. Also workers his job description. When he refu-

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The Story of One Worker is a Story for all Workers sed, his job was threatened so he his co-workers. His boss listened stayed and did not know what was complied. Pedro pushed the trolley to the tape recorder, a clear inva- going to happen. Again he asked resulting in his ongoing back and sion of privacy. Pedro filed a police to leave. After the meeting he got shoulder injuries. report for the assault by the securi- worse and they still refused to let ty guard but because he did not file him leave. A few minutes later he In June 2003, his physician wrote a the same day, charges were not collapsed, passed out, and he was letter to the HERE Union Local laid. Later in that month, Pedro sent to emergency. President to express concern over was not feeling well but because ongoing “harassment, ridicule, con- The day before this Pedro was di- he did not want to lose his job he flicting directions from manage- sciplined for speaking Spanish in went to work. On this particular ment” which were presented to Hu- the kitchen. It was also around this day, he continued to feel very ill man Resources department at the time his panic attacks Metropolitan in 1999 and ongoing were increasing and until 2002 with his health meanwhi- he had made 3 visits le deteriorating. Despite this letter, to the emergency for the union did nothing; he was igno- these attacks. red by the staff, by union manage- Meanwhile back at the ment and by the Metropolitan ma- Union – During the nagement. With this letter, eve- last union negotiation rything escalated and the ha- due to the complai- rassment increased. For example, ning of the seniority the Assistant Manager referred to issue by different de- Pedro as a “dummy” in front of eve- partments, the union ryone. filed a grievance for In September 2003 there were a and asked if he could go home but the loss of income and series of more serious incidents. A they refused stating that if he came promised that this issue would be security guard was hovering to work he obviously feels well reinforced by the collective agree- around him at work and asked him enough and now it was too late to ment as well as the promise to mo- to go into the elevator. At the time go home. Then he started to feel nitor the issue more closely and there was a rumour going around increasing worse; he couldn’t that everyone would be paid the that Pedro was a troublemaker, breathe, was sweating profusely, money that the company owed mentally ill and that he carried a and blinking his eyes and his co- them when breaching the collective knife with him. Once inside the workers began to make fun of him. agreement. The collective agree- elevator, the security guard began After this, Pedro was called for a ment ended up being signed be- poking Pedro hard in the chest meeting, was accused by co- hind the workers’ backs and saying that he was going to hurt workers for harassing them, and without any feedback and so later himself with the knife. Pedro had there were several witnesses at the the banquet department found out been carrying a tape recorder and meeting. Pedro told them that he that the union had fooled them. the security guard confiscated it felt that he was almost dying, but When staff had begun asking for even though it was his private pro- they wouldn’t let him go, so he the lost income to be paid and perty. He was accused of taping questioned the union representati-

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 13

The Story of One Worker is a Story for all Workers ve, she answered that something vive financially he spent his life sa- they were in the midst of a general had to be sacrificed in order for the vings and became completely bro- meeting with the shop steward and collective agreement to be signed ke. so during break Pedro approached and now it was too late to do so- the union representative for help In response to Pedro’s illness, he mething. This demonstrates how and she said that she can’t do was told to go and receive Employ- the union helped the company anything for him because they save millions of were in a meeting, so he dollars, dollars should go home. Pedro that belonged to showed the shop steward the workers and that he was wearing a brace therefore had not for his back due to his injuri- even requested es at work and told them he input from the was going to the company workers. The na- to report the situation. ture of the union When Pedro approached existing within the managers they told him they legal framework were too busy and deflected of the capitalist him to various other mana- system is a force gers until he was told to go of worker control, to the Human Resources that is, the union manager. She also told controls the wa- Pedro she was too busy to ges, the do anything for him and said ‘expenses’, of the she would call him but in the company, preven- end neither the union nor ting a naturally management followed up and radical anti- with Pedro about his capitalist discour- complaints. se openly erup- In November 2003 Pedro’s ting on a large case went to the Workplace scale. Safety and Insurance Board Pedro had all the and the employer denied Photo courtesy of John Bonnar—http://johnb.smugmug.com/gallery/496512 while been ap- any injury even though it proaching the had been reported. Union who did not act on his behalf ment Insurance and not receive It is important to note that at this either. When Pedro approached benefits related to his disability. He point, more co-workers became management and the union he was received EI for a period of time until supportive as they were not scared ignored by both. Due to his back it ran out and ended up on welfare after Pedro has continued a painful and shoulder injuries Pedro was eventually. fight with management and union, bed-ridden for two months. To sur- When Pedro went to the union, therefore other workers are fighting

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 14

The Story of One Worker is a Story for all Workers back - Pedro has paved a path of deeper in poverty as they are for- equality and justice for all and yet it resistance. Now Pedro has two ced to go on welfare or disability is – in the capitalist system. cases in the Ontario Human Rights insurance with a very limited fixed Support for Pedro is growing, as he Commission one against the union income. Furthermore, the many has opened the door to more open and the other against the Metropo- unions who allegedly represent complaints against the manage- litan. workers are only collaborators with ment. More hotel and restaurant management. The unions have a It is fundamental to stress that Ped- workers have been inspired by stake in capitalism. They make ro is one of many, many workers Pedro’s fight. The more we recog- money from the workers and hire a who has become disabled on the nize our connections to each other bunch of bureaucrats to ‘talk’ with job, and who has been ignored by as the wage-slavers in an unjust the bosses and arrive at his representative body, the union, and hierarchical society, we beco- ‘compromises’. If the unions cease as well as the management of the me conscious of our power – we to act within the legality of the capi- company. This too is common ho- labour and toil for profits of others. talist system, then they lose their wever another commonality is When will this disgusting cycle privileged status of being the nego- Pedro’s fight back. end? How will it end? It begins tiators of the powerful labouring with these connections, the organi- Pedro is currently still listed official- class. They do not want to lose zing of workers, solidarity, and rely as an employee at the Metropoli- this power and therefore continue sistance to all means of oppression tan but is without a return to work to cooperate with employers. by all governments and all corpora- as ordered by the Labour Board. Compromises, concessions, for the tions, and can build a trail towards Pedro is in legal limbo and thus far, workers, keep them as that, wor- a future of mutual participation, co- this appears to be indefinite. king class, poor people, in a mone- operation and collectivization. Conclusion tarily wealthy society. Unions are not true worker organizations. Many workers around the world Worker councils are what worker’s confront harassment, exploitation, need, such as those that currently and suffering in their workplaces. exist in Argentina – this is an They are choosing between their instance where workers control livelihood or this exploitation and production and distribution of their must always choose exploitation if labour. There are small situations they are to survive. Oftentimes around the world where workers they do not have the energy, drive, labour co-operatively, and collecti- or means to fight back and are vely deciding on their own fates. simply defeated by the system. Unfortunately this is not common The system, when challenged and most workers are subjugated within its own framework, protects by their employers, being given no itself, keeps workers like Pedro, choices but to report to work and who do indeed want to return to slave so that the bosses and the work, but cannot due to the legal bosses’ bosses have prosperous limbo they find themselves in. lives. It is not a crime to demand Workers like Pedro find themselves

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 15 Bolshevism and the October Revolution Naser Paydar knew the October Revolution as event in order to pave the ground such, the explanation of actual cau- for proceeding with the worker mo-

ses of the revolution’s failure in vement against wage-slavery, and The October Revolution is not com- Russia has an extraordinary place. certainly as capitalism exists, refer- parable to any other revolution with In this realm, it is not an event that ring to the October Revolution and respect to its context and dimen- belongs to the past history of the its experiences, is absolutely ne- sion of influence on human history. worker movement. It is rather a cessary. The aim of this article is What happened between 1917 and living and existing event which by to provide this perspective about 1919 in Russian society was mag- contemplating those experiences the October Revolution. And, the- nificent and was an inevitable would be a light for every con- refore, in order to proceed with this battle between ‘history’ and ‘pre- scious worker for our daily struggle goal, some issues must be resear- history’ in ched such as the parti- a real way. cular problems the If the Oc- working class of Rus- tober Re- sia must solve bet- volution ween 1903 and 1917. had gai- Furthermore some ned a vic- particular political tory, hu- needs in the class po- mankind wer arrangement of would be the working class of at the be- Russian, could not ginning of adopt, and therefore, the estab- lead to defeat in the lishment of October Revolution. a world The working class of without the world needs to class, learn from the October in every corner of this world. The exploitation, State, and any social Revolution in order to proceed with failure of the October Revolution inequality. There is no revolution in its struggle and gain victory in the namely is the continuation of capti- any epoch with these qualities. next October Revolution. The last expectation in all previous vity of human beings in the jail of How will the worker revolution revolutions, for example, the great exploitation, brutality and disfran- gain victory? French Revolution, was to replace chisement of capitalism. This also an old form of exploitation with a means the inevitable continuing The victory of the worker revolution modern one. But the October Re- battle of inferior human beings to is tied to the readiness of the wor- volution had arisen with a flag to break this chain. That is the com- ker masses as a class for the es- put an end to any kind of exploita- pulsion of the working class and its tablishment of socialism. The ans- tion, deprivation, and separation of conscious forerunners to grasp the wer to this question without a doubt human beings from their labour roots of our defeat in October, and is not an easy task. But, we cannot products. For those people who it is necessary to learn from this have any doubt about this issue

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 16 Bolshevism and the October Revolution that without having a powerful so- slavery. The formula that ‘the pro- would be changed. In the realm of cialist council movement of workers letariat first conquers the political economy, work, production, and the livelihood of human beings and possibly private and individual property would be replaced with State property of capitalism. In the second form, contrarily, the working class has a better chance to put an end to wage-slavery or the establishment of the work organization and a communist civilization of its own. The task of the working class in every step of their struggle against exploitation and all forms of capitalist dominance over their own lives is the socialist revolution. The readiness of the working class for breaking up all of the chains of and without the working class ai- power, and then establishes wage-slavery is only achievable ming to put an end to wage-slavery socialism’ has no clear indication of through this struggle with these and the establishment of an alter- any vital issues of the worker revo- characteristics. This is a struggle native to existing society – it beco- lution. The political power can be between two different social mes a subject matter of its own seized by the party or the political being’s perspective, and are deeply movement that has no chance of group based on a large scale pre- antagonistic which the proletariat any victory. The calling for workers sennce of workers dissenting or from within this struggle conti- by a Party and following the dis- even all councils that would be for- nuously transforms its aims, expec- senting workers from this call tem- med during the class struggle bet- tations, demands to the material porarily breaks up the State machi- ween the bourgeois and the prole- force against the other one. In this ne, but the political power seizure tariat as a container of socialist way this force becomes an immen- of this event would not be the struggle of class. Both of them are se class force with the potential of mastery of the working class. The able to be under the flag of Com- breaking up this existing system provisional worker state at the most munism and implement some pro- and to replace it with the different minimum level or the beginning grams. But with the first event, horizon. The working class without situation of the victory is a council some idealistic human beings with pursuing this struggle with these organization based on a large sca- many ideas, slogans, and utopia characteristics and contents is not le presence of workers and prepa- would conquer the power from ready for the socialist alteration of ration, and the rigid will of a council above the workers. Nothing impor- the old society. Even with the as- organization for the establishment tant would take place. What would sumption of overthrowing the bour- of a socialist work organization in happen is that only the name of the geois State, they would not be able order to put an end to any wage- model of the government machine to conquer political power as a

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 17 Bolshevism and the October Revolution class. capitalism and communist con- believed in. The problem here is templation about the actual pro- that they are summarizing the lack Why did the October Revolution cess of socialist economic of readiness in the sets of direc- fail? changes, and it is a warning to the tions and incorrect economic solu- What has been mentioned above proletariat for a refusal of worker tions of the Bolshevist Party from was only an introduction to answer this question. The October Revolu- tion was defeated because the working class of Russia did not make itself ready for a triumphant worker revolution. The issues such as ‘peasant texture of Russian society’, and the attacking by either both imperialist blocs; ‘axis’, ‘the allies’ to Revolution, the civil war and resistance of the Russian bourgeois, starvation and famine, all these factors with all of its effec- tiveness could only act as catalysts of the failing of the worker movement of Russia. This fact, that the process of events following the Oc- tober revolution is proven better than any theoretical reasoning. The Russian proletariat during those years with their own labour had established one of the biggest mili- tary and industrial giants of the world in the same society with backwardness and ‘peasant’ famines under the ongoing attacks from revolution and a cessation of class 1925 onward. And, this is a jump- Imperialism. What had failed were struggle. The explanation of the off point from seemingly radical the establishment of a work organi- defeat of the October Revolution analyses, from the communist criti- zation, socialist civilization, and the cannot be explained by these fac- que on mistakes, and shortcomings abolishment of wage-slavery. The tors or a combination of all of them that was ruled on the defeat of the current statements regarding the - it was merely showing the impo- working class of Russia. tence of the Russian worker move- abolition of wage-slavery in Rus- If we do not want to be a commu- ment for the establishment of work, sian society was tied to the Ger- nist obedient to an ideology of existence, and communist man revolution or other industrial some statement by Lenin, and if we civilization’s structure. This is a countries of those days instead of want to be a practical communist of relying on Marx’s understanding of fact that some current communists

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 18 Bolshevism and the October Revolution realization of these expectations which was not in the agenda of their own current movement.

Bolshevism years before the 1905 Re- volution was calling on the Russian workers for a democratic revolution. In this call, the Bolsheviks wanted the workers to unite with peasants and to condo- ne the compromising bourgeois liberals with the tsars, and take leadership the worker movement of 2000 we to the socialist revolution. Socia- of the revolution, and put an end to have no choice but to research the lism was mostly a utopia in the di- feudalism. Additionally, to pave the backgrounds of the October rections; the propagandas of way for the European bourgeois Revolution’s failure in view, direc- Bolshevism rather than a current and through this situation they tion, solution, and politics of alternative that worker masses in make themselves ready for a so- Bolshevism from the years before their struggle with capitalism would cialist revolution. From 1903-1917 1905 till the dusk of the last ligh- plan against capitalism and the the presence of the Bolsheviks tings of the hope of victory of the practical realization of it becomes within the working class was worker movement from 1919-1920. the subject matter of their own daily tangible with all of these directions Bolshevism during all those years struggles of themselves. The wor- in which these would all end the was an active tendency within the king class of Russia not only belie- democratic revolution - a revolution worker movement, but was not the ved in slogans, the proclamation, that the entire bourgeois would be- driving force of an organizer lea- and the manifesto of the Bolshe- nefit from and take away the ding the socialistic movement of viks but also the possibility of their abstraction of a capitalist accumu- the working class. The Russian emancipation from the exploitation lation. At the same time, in this proletariat separated from the and deprivation, and that was ex- way the proletariat was to be the method of revolution step by step actly based on these beliefs that leaders of the revolution and from Narodism, Mensheviks, social the working class supported the guarantee the freedom, bread, and democracy due to instructions and forerunner of the Bolsheviks. But 8-hour work-day. In those days the directions of Bolshevism. But, the exercise of this power for the Bolsheviks revealed themselves beyond these policies and educa- establishment of such a society against the bourgeois because the tion, it was not able to find its way was presumed to be a practical bourgeois was willing to compromi-

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 19 Bolshevism and the October Revolution se with the tsars who where bargai- with their own movement and of the communist movement of the ning for a semi-Constitution. And contributing the goods among the working class. But, what is impor- the obtaining of the leadership of citizens based on the interference tant here is that Bolshevism had the movement was exceedingly the of council power. Attacking the not touched the relation of wage- duty of the proletariat otherwise the base and foundation of capitalism slavery. Russian society in those democratic revolution would be a and the opening up of the existing days witnessed the actions of tens failure. The working class was invited to form an independent political party, because the existence of this party is a prere- quisite for the victory of the democratic revolution. During those years, socialism was a Uto- pia for the future history in most of the literature of the Bolshe- viks. There was no word that the working class in Russia must and was able to replace the Tsars with the council structure along with the presence of the workers across the country and all dispossessed people. The lack of importance of the coun- landscape, which is a communist of millions of the working class. In cil formation of the working class civilization in the process of the 1905, around 3 million workers had and the organizing of the council revolution, did not exist in the direc- participated in the general strike movement in order to take the tions and the propagandas of against the miserable conditions of planning of the production into their Bolshevism. Additionally, transfer- their work places or the deprivation own hands and the building of this ring the communist living critique of of the social and political situation. working class power base for so- existing society to the working Additionally, during 1905 the wor- cialist organizing of the economy class consciousness and the deve- king class of Russia already sho- was absent. There was nowhere loping of this consciousness into a wed the strong tendency to organi- that the Bolsheviks were telling the material weapon for the worker ze its own council formation. Ho- workers that to put an end to capi- masses struggle was not on the wever, the working class at that talism we must put an end to the agenda of the Bolshevik activists. time was not ready to abolish relation of buying and selling their wage-slavery, but the proletariat Here, political freedoms and de- labour power, and that this must be socialist solution for organizing the mocracy will not be discounted, nor the immediate goal. Subsequently, council worker to run society and the negation of the importance of to control the factories and produc- the production planning for abo- these freedoms in order for the de- tion centres from the hands of the lishing feudalism property or any velopment of the necessary condi- capitalists and managing those kind of private property on land, tions for organizing and the growth

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 20 Bolshevism and the October Revolution and inviting peasants to form col- with the Tsar and bringing the revo- rist regime . lective farms, or the socialist direc- lution to victory. It was believed The criticism of trade unionism was tion abolishing any State above the that with Bolshevism, the working one of the indicators of the direc- workers and dispossessed people class had to pave the ground for tion of the Bolsheviks. This criti- were absent from the Bolsheviks’ the development of capitalism in cism instead of opening the socia- efforts. Additionally the con- society in order for Russian society list struggle in front of the working sciousness of the possibility of the- to transform from a backward class actually became a militant se directions must be a material country to an advanced country. democracy and in this process - weapon among workers and pea- And, finally it would be ready for the importance of communist orga- sants. In this condition there is the the working class to establish so- nizing within the realm of economy overthrowing of the Tsar for de- cialism. The democratic revolution against the bourgeois was forgot- mocracy and political freedom on becomes a subject matter in terms ten. Trade unionism was critiqued one hand, which could get all its of the direction of the Bolsheviks to some extent but the alternative importance in the process of class being tied to a social democratic of it which is worker councils was struggle and, on the other hand, all view. This kind of view that had not paid attention to. The social of these act as a basis for opening drowned all the potentials, powers, democracy perception of socialism the communist front battle against horizons, expectations of the class had swallowed all the revolutionary all of capitalism. struggle into a meta-class narrative sets of policies, aims, and in this about democracy-seeking and figh- It has been said that probably way had neglected the workers ting with the government, the Tsa- Bolshevism had sufficiently empha- council organization and, subse- sized the relation between democracy and socialism. But this is not the issue. What is important is that to have a concrete socialist solution and the persuasion of all economic and political demands as a united front against capitalism. Bolshevism showed a completely different way in front of the working class of Russia. The democratic revolution was considered a phase of revolution which was securing the interest of both the proletariat and bourgeois at the same time. The proletariat played the major role in the revolution to prevent conciliation between the bourgeois liberals

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 21 Bolshevism and the October Revolution were used up as a level of execu- ting the State affair over the working class heads. The statement of all power to the workers council was practically tied up only with political tactic in order to overthrow the Constituent Assembly of the bourgeois and conquer the political power. The October Revolution had smashed the governmental machine of capital temporarily, but even the political power actually was not transformed to the Russian workers council. Without a doubt, the working class was not able to quently, the party as an organiza- socialist council movement could build its own worker’s council so- tion had emerged above the wor- not be organized against capital. cialist organization over a night on king class leadership. All of those attempts were not suffi- war damage, starvation and famine cient to position the proletariat for and the backwardness of the socie- The working class of Russia during the socialist revolution. What could ty, where it was attacked brutally 1903-1917 had suffered from some help the working class of Russia in by two imperialist blocs. But if the fundamental weaknesses. And, that direction was to organize an revolution was supposed to gain subsequently, it stopped the trans- anti-wage labour movement. victory it had no other choice in formation of those directions as a Bolshevism could not play the front on it. The formation of a regu- step for its own class struggle magnificent role due to the pressu- lar army, replacing worker control against capital. During those days, re of the social democrat approach with a single leader, the gradual the working class could establish a regarding socialism. elimination of the worker council, boundary regarding the method of the transferring of the business fulfillment the democratic revolution The working class of Russia had production and the planning of the with the bourgeois liberals. Con- passed beyond the February revo- entire economy to the Council of cerning the solving of the agrarian lution to the October Revolution on National Economy, implementing issue, the Bolsheviks had separa- the grounds of its own self-activity New Economic Policy, praising ted their way from the Mensheviks, of the council movement. And, wage-labouring and resorting to the and had a long debate with the they aimed to establish a society Taylor system, and giving all the right wing of social democracy without wage-labour. However the- administration to the political bu- about the standard of the appara- re was not any necessary readi- reau, none of them was the mani- tus of the political party. They con- ness for this important job. Even festation of the political power of demned the compromising of the its councils, instead of being a con- workers councils rather, was the social democracy with the bour- tainer for a large presence and a establishment of the governmental geois on the imperialist war. Ho- united class struggle for the estab- machine above the workers head wever, with these attempts its own lishment of a socialist civilization,

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 22 Bolshevism and the October Revolution and society under the direction of which is wage-slavery. And, in this The working class of Russia with State capitalism. What was victimi- way was not able to organize a so- the October Revolution was looking zed during all of these policies and cialist council movement. The reali- at Bolshevism to do some magic the implementa- and Bolshevism du- tion was the ring the two decades communist solu- confined its role to tion of the inter- these demands. national working Bolshevism organi- class to put an zed society into cen- end to wage- tralization, a State slavery. Bolshe- above the workers vism was not head but in the name able to play its of a worker state and communist role what the working in one of the class of Russia gai- most sensitive ned was only a periods of time. name. But this inability In the history of the contrary to cur- working class move- rent analyses ment two magnificent was not about events are more either a lack of magnificent than an ambiguous theory of bolshevism ty is that socialism for Bolshevism others, the two largest events that around the abolishment of wage- was nothing more than State capi- shake human beings’ lives and slavery. This inability was not a talism. history; the Paris Common and the new phenomenon for Bolshevism People who put an end to the October Revolution. Both were or for the working class of Russia. mode of capitalist production and defeated. In the first one the wor- Those who think this way, they see the building of a society without kers knew that they were defeated, metaphysically the relation of theo- State and wage-slavery were not but the second one, the workers ry and social solution of one class the character of the Bolshevik mo- did not realize for a long time. The with its own class movement. The vement. Therefore, it was not rea- defeat of the Common was a chain fact is that Bolshevism was not the dy to organize itself for establishing for learning to later attack the wor- active agent for organizing the anti- a worker organization and a socia- king class and the beginning of a wage-labour movement from its list civilization. The promise of continuous defeat. The internatio- beginning until the October Revolu- Bolshevism to Russian workers nal working class to be free of futu- tion due to the impact of the social was that within the socialist phase re clutches need to learn the weak- democrat perspective. Bolshevism the exploitation and inequalities nesses and the mistakes of the did not mobilize the working class would be demolished. But how? Russian working class from 1903 in the realm of the direct battle And, the answer to this question onwards. against the foundation of capitalism remains a mystery for the future.

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 23 “China Blue”

I have come from seeing a film at rous economy that deals directly who are peasants in the country. the Regent Park Film Festival. I with Western suppliers. In a sys- These young girls sleep in the work am not a professional film reviewer, tem based on the production, the dormitories; often work around the nor was I able to attend the post- labour force, China and many other clock with an average of 3 to 4 film discussion however I wish to Eastern countries, can compete hours of sleep per day in order to share my thoughts and observa- aggressively due to their strength meet shipping deadlines. If these tions about this movie. in human numbers. The workers in deadlines are not met, the factories this movie are paid pennies per are at risk of closing down as there “China Blue” is a movie about a day while the factory owner makes are dozens of factories competing young 14-year-old girl, Jasmine, approximately $40,000 per month for export. The workers are fined who has migrated from the Chine- and then the multinationals would for sleeping on the job, for not se countryside to work in a city make many times this amount in clocking in at the same time and for jeans factory. This film shows how U.S. dollars. Jasmine, and her anything that affects the produc- the opening of the Chinese market, friends are merely trying to make tion. with its extremely cheap labour for- money to send to their families, ce, boasts a growing and prospe- Meanwhile back in the office of the

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 24 “China Blue” factory owner, who in this movie is This movie exemplifies the dis- speration of humans - workers in a former police chief, is meeting gusting global capitalist system, First World countries are being with management. He talks about which at any cost, must make a replaced by companies moving ‘educating’ the workers so that they profit. It enslaves children by stea- their bases to countries with a are productive – the factory walls ling their lives, their futures. We cheaper labour force. If one wor- are painted with slogans such as “If here in Canada benefit from this ker cannot supply their labour po- you are hardly working today, to- exaggerated slavery in China. Our wer for any reason, they can be morrow you will be working hard to governments meet with wide smi- replaced, no matter where we are find a job”. Every worker is dispen- les to promote trade with China. in the world. Therefore the only sable. At home, the way for workers, em- wife of the owner ployed or unem- prays each morning ployed, living in Wes- for a successful work- tern Europe or Africa, day. The movie also to fight back with shows resistance by both short-term and the workers when they long-term demands, begin to strike becau- is to use our strength se they had not been in numbers. We paid in months, and must understand our when they are assu- connection to the red they will get pay, next worker and how they return to their the machine of capi- posts. The movie talism is intricate and openly demonstrated confusing. It is fore- the inequalities bet- ver dividing workers; ween classes and the severe in- Here as workers in Canada, we therefore it is imperative to recogni- justices. However the movie did must recognize our connection to ze our power. Without workers, the not make any mention of the wor- other workers around the world and machine must stop. Or similarly kers who injure themselves on the vice versa. The movement in Ca- the machine stops when an econo- job. It is suffice to state that most nada has brought workers some my falls to pieces such as in Argen- presumably there would commonly benefits, such as lunch breaks, a tina, and workers fight to control be many work-related injuries – the limited hour workweek, sick time their own fates by controlling pro- workers were working unimagi- etcetera, but it does not suffice to duction and distribution. nable hours without breaks or nutri- shrug and say “boy are we lucky in China Blue is a clear example of tion – additionally it is also probably this country”. While that may have one worker and her world, a world safe to state that as many of the some truth in it, there is more at limited by bourgeois interests and workers are young females or ma- stake here. As capital grows - as it growing class divisions. les for that matter, that sexual is with the opening up of econo- exploitation is taking place in many mies that hold the vast wealth of forms. cheap labour or in other words, de-

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 25 OUR ONLY POWER: SOLIDARITY! Leaflet distributed in Belgium at a pose 30 jobs here, 400 there; mo- the layoffs means allowing capital mass rally for VW Forest workers dels of re-conversion, already crea- to carry out its projects: here is the ted by the authorities, though no well known role, repeated a 1000 Layoffs, increases in productivity, official decision is on record; promi- times, of those organs for the con- flexibility, contracts that do not ses of new production in... 2009: all tainment of the working class that guarantee work ... All that is pre- to install a cordon sanitaire to pre- are the trade unions. sented to us as if it was fated, as vent revolt. the result of competition with wor- The capitalist system is a machine kers at another factory site, or from A central pawn in this smothering to crush humans. Only profit counts a country where wages are lower, of any worker's reaction is the tra- and humans are only one commo- or with underpaid immigrants. dity among others, a useful tool, for a time, in production. No per- But this "fate" is that of the logic of spectives are possible in a sys- capitalism which seeks profits at tem which always creates more any price. And these profits are overproduction and unemploy- wrung from the exploitation of the ment, more violence, famines, workers: workers that it threatens, wars, ecological destruction. Our squeezed like lemons to be thrown only power to oppose this logic is out when they are dry. Competition our class solidarity: the workers between workers has only two ob- of the whole world, unemployed jectives: to hide the real cause of or employed, have the power to exploitation and layoffs and to reject the existence to which the break the solidarity which links the capitalist system condemns exploited. them. The cause of the massive dismis- Another world is possible: the sals is in the functioning of the sys- capacity to produce what is neces- tem where the search for profits de-unions. As usual, they are pre- sary for the life of all exists. To- causes massive overproduction, sented in the form of specialists in gether, we can create the bases for alongside an impoverishment just running a strike, and deprive the a society which restores to the hu- as massive. workers of their capacity to decide man being his/her right to a human on their own actions and on their Today, the VW Forest factory is existence, a society in the service future, whereas the only possibility attacked full force and perfectly of the satisfaction of human needs. reflects this double movement of of reaction by the workers is the overproduction/ layoffs/ organization of general assemblies impoverishment of workers. And to discuss together their actions From the Internationalist Perspecti- tomorrow, whose turn will it be? As and the modalities of their struggle. ve usual, the ruling class tightens the To send the workers home means belts to contain any overflow and to preventing them from organizing December 2, 2006 hurl the workers into discourage- together; to organize pseudo con- ment. Police officers placed tacts with other companies means around the Forest factory site; em- preventing any real spontaneous ployers who, as if by miracle, pro- extension; to ratify and negotiate

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 26

Pushing back with OCAP

Omid Zareian working, receiving social as- capitalistic’ natures, our own self- sistance and working to pay whate- activity is brewing. Through our On November 9, 2006 hundreds of ver we can afford for shelter, food, activities with direct actions we are people came to the streets to not transportation. We are the majority bolstering the anti-capitalistic cha- ask for housing but to take it be- who produce profits for others and racter of the working class. What cause we are sick and tired of a this is what the system is based on. is the ‘bottom line’ for us workers, system which promotes hunger, employed or unemployed? We are homelessness, and worker exploi- Therefore, if they won’t give us the producers who labour to make tation. food we will take it. If they won’t profits for a select few. As this give us housing we will take it. The We met at a local Parkdale drop-in class in a capitalist society, it is in- capitalist system exploits in every centre in Toronto, Canada, to enjoy herent that we will suffer, whether corner of the world. By ‘taking’ a feast of lamb stew, pasta, salad, from the inability to feed ourselves housing we are acting outside of juice and bread. There were di- and our families, to house oursel- the legal framework of capitalism. scussions and speeches about the ves in a decent manner or to even We are not negotiating, we are not constant reality of homelessness, merely enjoy a quality of life. We unions that collaborate with bos- poverty and hunger and how we demand for essentials but we also ses, we are not accepting grossly must fight back by taking this hou- want quality of life. Not merely to insufficient band-aid short term fix- sing for ourselves. We marched to survive but also thrive. The de- es. We demand alternatives to the the Pope Squat home, boarded mands are the beginning, actions current system. Alternative action onto buses and went to the affluent tie it all together and our con- is direct action where we take a High Park neighborhood. There sciousness of the entire system leap outside of the capitalist frame- we took over some abandoned ho- based on our wage-labour is the work; take control, through our po- mes. The cops were in full force to thread that holds us together as an wer as worker masses. Squatting try to ‘serve and protect’ these active working class. Our practical empty housing is an example of large empty homes. “HOUSING actions allow us to understand the this. NOW!” was shouted, screamed by deeper systemic crises and why hundreds of people in the streets The Ontario Coalition Against Po- they do not budge. as we marched into the traffic, into verty organized another squat ac- This action with OCAP shows the the empty homes. If the govern- tion to remember the Pope Squat power of ‘pushing back’ against the ment and wealthy developers will and more importantly to take hou- system which from moment to mo- not provide housing it does not sing. The demand for decent affor- ment pushes workers down, so it is matter anymore. If they won’t give dable housing continues to echo by always right to ‘push back’ and go it we will ‘take’ it and tell them to poor people. However, the most beyond the pushing to the ‘taking’. get lost because we are the socie- important reality is that we ‘act’ to We must knock the door of capita- ty, we are the worker masses. The show our power. Actions to mobili- lism down and burn its house and simple slogan “housing now” is ze such as communities that fight from there we understand better challenging the system – if the ca- without compromise for a decent the prison of capitalism and it is pitalist system and its government life, not one that was imposed on this understanding which further cannot provide decent housing for us – these actions are part of a intensifies our activity, our con- everyone then we must take it. larger movement. Furthermore, as sciousness and thus really evolves The working class are working we the people, the poor, the wor- into a true movement of the wor- people and sometimes when not kers, are mobilizing, our deep ‘anti-

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 27

Pushing back with OCAP king class. This movement is alive to grow, rely on its own power rection we are heading, that we globally: for example, such as the rather than relying on bureaucratic want to poke holes in a brutal sys- Oaxaca teachers and all the poor unions, left-wing political parties, tem based on labouring for nothing, who have built a strong ‘fight back’ that we recognize who we are, wor- for wages that define us – we want against the Mexican government, kers producing profits for others to poke holes by attacking the core against the businesses who profit and not benefiting in any way from of the issue, wages, property, eve- from lost tourism’; such as the Is- our own ‘labour’, recognize that we, rything that makes who we are not. raeli Electric workers taking direct as workers, poor people in Ontario Rather, we are the workers fighting action to prevent management are no different than workers in not only for wages, but to also from communicating, and making Mexico, Kazakhstan, China, or Ni- undo the knot of wage-slavery, to money; and such as the Zenon geria. The Ontario Coalition dismantle piece by piece the me- workers in Argentina who have ta- Against Poverty is one of many chanisms within the system, squat- ken over the ceramic tile factory, agents around the world with whom ting, occupying, taking what we and implemented non-hierarchical and through whom we can meet, need in order for a world where we worker councils to control produc- communicate and do direct actions all count, where we all decide our tion; these and many others de- for change. The important crux of own fates. monstrate our nature to take our the matter is that we are conscious lives back. This movement needs about who we are and in what di- Workers Speak Out Against Sackings At Ford Australia

The World Socialist Website 13.4 percent—about the impending they launch a new model, but the job losses. All were deeply concer- number overall will be less. This Ford Australia announced plans in ned and angry about the impact on happens all the time. When the early November to axe 640 perma- working families and especially the people learn the job, they are cut nent jobs at its Broadmeadows and youth. One worker who has been back. So if you have a job that has Geelong plants in Victoria before at Ford for 18 years said: “They three men, they give it to just two. It the end of the year. Both the uni- say the redundancies are voluntary also makes for a pool of casuals ons and the state Labor govern- but they are offering packages to that can be brought on when the ment are collaborating with Ford to the men on light duties because of company needs them.” ensure there is no resistance to the injury. The management is saying layoffs. “Many jobs have been lost over the to them there is no job for you time I have worked here. There Rather than campaign to defend here, so you have to take the pack- were well over 7,000 but now there jobs, the unions are doing eve- age. The unions do nothing to stop are around 5,000. In 1995, they rything to help management to this. worked two shifts at the old paint push workers to accept “voluntary” “Some workers over 50 or 60 years shop with a total of 1,000. Since redundancies. The Bracks govern- old don’t mind leaving, but it is then they have built a new paint ment has endorsed the cuts, going to be hard for some of the shop and there is only a total of saying Ford had no choice becau- younger ones. Also, it means that around 200 for both shifts. se of falling sales and profits. there are no jobs for young people “If you ask any worker at Ford they The World Socialist Web Site spo- in the community who are unem- will all tell you they do not trust the ke to workers at Ford and in the ployed.” union. They have all had experien- Broadmeadows area—where “They may put men back on when ces with the union and know it is unemployment officially stands at

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 28

Workers Speak Out Against Sackings At Ford Australia close to the company. When wor- put them on for three months or so, to work the agencies. It is enor- kers complain to the company and then when they don’t want mously stressful trying to find jobs about having to take on an extra them they just get rid of them. It is this way and also work under the workload or anything, the manage- really awful. They don’t even give conditions that exist in the compa- ment says you have to accept it them a real time framework. These nies where you are sent.” because there are thousands of are just nonsense jobs. There is no “Also, it is stressful because the other people waiting for your job. security for these workers. Becau- permanent workers think you are They say you are lucky to have a se they are casual they can’t even trying to take their jobs and they job and you should be grateful. apply for a housing loan or even a are frightened. Employers hold it When you complain to the union, loan for a car.” over them. It is a terrible atmosphe- the union tells you the same thing. ”Moetu Orangi, a worker from New re to work in.” “You can be at a “Ford does not care about the wor- Zealand who now lives in Broad- company for three months and be kers they employ. They are in busi- meadows, said she was “upset and getting settled in. Then they just tell ness to make profits and that’s all disgusted” about the Ford sack- you to go because after that time that counts for them. They say they ings. “They come right on Christ- they have to make you permanent. have to lay off because of reducing mas and it is very sad for those fa- You can’t do anything about it be- profits, but if you add up what profit milies. The union should have done cause you are casual and the uni- they made last year, and the years something about this and not just ons will do nothing for you. They before, they are still ahead. tell workers to accept it. Many of don’t do much for the full-time wor- these workers will not get full-time kers either. When they come out of ”Ford worker Leon said: “I feel the- jobs again and will end up like me, a union meeting, you hear them re is no real security in the car in- working as a casual.” say things like, ‘that was a waste of dustry anymore. It seems to be like time’ or ‘that was a lot of rubbish’.” the Titanic—it is sailing on troubled “I have been in Australia for almost waters and it’s going down fast. three years. I had a permanent job. ”Moetu said she was concerned First we had the sackings at Ford I worked at a car parts place but I about the Howard government’s and now 200 at GMH [General Mo- got laid off when they sent the work new industrial relations laws that tors Holden]. And then there will be elsewhere. Both permanents and abolish long-standing working con- jobs going in the car parts manu- casual were let go. Now I can’t find ditions, unfair dismissal laws and facturers.” permanent work. It is not easy other basic rights. “These IR laws being a casual, especially when will make things worse. I don’t think “I am not sure what the future holds you have a family to support like the unions are going to do anything anymore. Of course, Ford has said me.” about it. They will have protests but it has committed to a new model in they don’t actually do anything around a year and half. This makes “Now you are not even hired by the else.” a lot of workers at Ford think their companies directly and you have to jobs are secure until then and per- go through labour-hire agencies. haps beyond. But this does not You see an advert in the newspa- www.futureoftheunion.com guarantee anything really. Markets per and ring up and it turns out to change and maybe they will not be be an agency. They send you whe- able to sell the new model.” rever they like. If you don’t take what they give you, no matter what, “There are some real terrible things then they will not give you anything going on in the car industry. At in the future.” “To get any sort of Ford they have casuals who they employment you have to constantly call in when they want them. They chase it and you have to know how

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 29

Sign this Petition PLEASE HELP STOP THE IRANIAN GOVERNMENT FROM JAILING FOUR COURA- GEOUS ACTIVISTS

Download the petition in Farsi, Swedish, and Spanish. Read support letters from Norway, Iran. The Iranian Regime wants to jail Mahmoud Salehi for four years and has handed out sentences of two years to Jalal Hosseini, Borhan Divargar and Mohsen Hakimi. The deplorable conditions in Iran’s jails make such sentences a threat to the lives of these men. They are currently appealing the decision to deprive them of their liberty. They were charged, under Iranian security laws, after they were involved in efforts to organize a May Day celebration in 2004 that was never allowed to take place. The location of the event, in the town of Saqez, was taken over by security forces and those who attempted to attend it were attacked and arrested. The repressive Iranian Regime wants to silence four men whose only ‘crime’ is to organize workers into a movement that can challenge exploitation and fight for a better life. The celebration of International Workers Day is no crime and only a brutal and morally bankrupt state power would act as if it was. When, after June 15, 2000, three members of OCAP were facing jail time over bogus allegations of ‘participating in a riot’, one of these workers, Mohsen Hakimi, signed an online petition calling for the charges to be dropped against our members. That is an additional reason why OCAP issues this call in defence of the four. The main reason, however, is that the right to organize for workers’ rights in Iran is a precious one that needs defending. Their struggle is our struggle and it’s a duty to support them. We are not crafting an appeal to the Iranian Government but simply asking supporters to put their names below this statement. Let the authorities in Iran know that you and others like you are aware of their ugly attempt to stamp out opposition. Let those who have the courage to stand up in Iran and demand rights for workers know that people across the world stand in solidarity with them. Whether you share the vision of the four convicted men of a world free of capitalist exploitation or whether you simply respect the right of people to dissent and workers to organize freely, please add you name below as a mark of support and solidarity.

To add your signature, please go to http://ocap.ca/iranpetition

2. Jan/Feb 2007—Number 8 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR 30 AGAINST WAGE-LABOUR

To: Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP)

We appreciate deeply and sincerely your recent call to action against the verdicts of four activists (Mahmoud Salehi, Jalal Hosseini, Borhan Divargar and Mohsen Hakimi) of the anti-capitalist movement of the working class of Iran. Your action without a doubt is a manifestation of the international solidarity of workers around the world against the inhumanity of capitalism. There is a substantial difference between your camp and actions, and other organizations such as the ILO or ICFTU. What these organizations are doing in the name of supporting these activists of the workers movement is nothing but playing a role within the framework of the dispute among different sectors of global capitalism. And it is within capitalism where some sectors of the bourgeoisie have provided this role to such organizations. The OCAP campaign is entirely the opposite of the others. It is calling for numbers of workers around the world to cry out against the crime of the bourgeoisie. OCAP is asking for support from the worker masses for their common class members in the working class of Iran to put their hands together. We anti- wage-labour activists defend this campaign with all our power and at the same time we are calling other workers to cooperate with this class campaign based on our capabilities. We wish that;

1. This campaign will not be restricted to only one petition. We united; try to organize other forms of protest against these verdicts, and to bring our international class force to free these activists unconditionally. Direct action, walk outs from workplaces around the world could be subjects based on our power that can be followed for its realization.

This campaign should also be a field for further strengthening and deepening of the support and communi- cation among anti-capitalist activists around the world. This campaign should help us bring a closer and deeper friendship between us where we can share our experiences together, and to work on our common daily anti-capitalist demands. Additionally we wish to find better directions towards international unity in order to use it within our daily struggle and the spread of this international solidarity to the entire class struggle for abolishing capitalism. We strongly shake your hands,

Anti-Wage-Labour Collective Activists

If you would like to receive hard copies of Against Wage-Labour publication, please e-mail us and we will endeavor to provide you with copies of the publication. Anti-Wage-Labour Collective Activists WWW.AGAINSTWAGE.COM