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Home , Basque Americans, Basque center, Basque diaspora, Etxeberria, Extremadurans, Zazpiak Bat

A Home or a Country? What did Basque Emigrants Leave Behind?

Benan Oregi Iñurrieta (edited by William A. Douglass)

Introduction: A Dualism: Etxea Etxea (Home) and Herria (Land) Te anthropological and psychological According to Robin Cohen’s defnition points of view look retrospectively in- of , they are defned by nine ward towards a moral status, sentiments features.1 Basque emigration meets all and processes that transpire prior to the of Cohen’s criteria to a greater or lesser decision to emigrate (fear of leaving, degree. Note that the term “homeland” dread of failure, panic over the unknown, appears in four of the nine criteria – but separation anxiety over whether one will what exactly does it mean? ever see their beloved family again). Te Searching the term “homeland” in emigrant’s sacrifce implies abandoning Google, most of the millions of references “home” – the dwelling that represented are related to the popular series “Home- security, wellbeing and afection; the warm land” on Fox Channel; there is also a ref- hearth of winter. Tese factors charac- erence to a small town in called terize the migration experience whether Homeland (with 3,710 inhabitants). A departure is voluntary (as in the search more appropriate defnition for present for improvement in one’s circumstances) purposes refers to the “Country you were or involuntary (the fight from adversity). born in” (Cambridge Dictionary); “One’s Te term for “home” in Basque is etxea. native land” (Free Dictionary); or “A state, Te etymon etx- can be found in many region or territory that is closely identifed common Basque nouns such as etxekoak with a particular people or ethnic group” (family), etxaldea (neighborhood), but also (Free Dictionary). In migration studies as a part of the names of farmhouses, usu- the term is opposed to “host country” or ally with a geographical referent. Exam- “host society”. Terefore, the issue of what ples are Goikoetxea (Te House Above), emigrants left behind can be approached Bekoetxea (Te House Below), Etxandia by disaggregating the compound noun (Te Big House) and Etxeberria (Te New “homeland” into “home” and “land.” House). Tese are but a few of the many 64 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 examples. It should also be noted that speakers denote their ancestral homeland most take their last name from as Euskaria, Euzkadi and Euskal Herria. such a house name. Tus, Etxeberria and Each of the foregoing terms has political its variants (Echeverria, , etc.) is connotations according to whether one is the most common Basque – akin a Basque nationalist (of either a regionalist to Smith or Jones in English. Furthermore, or independist variety) or a French and given the inheritance practices that will be Spanish centralist. Tere have also been considered below, many Basques resided echoes of these distinctions at various in the ancestral residence that bears their times in diferent Basque diasporas as well. surname. In this regard, the emigrant left behind not only his personal and ancestral Basque Collectivism during the etxea, but also his etxekoak or extended Colonial Era family of the same surname. William A. Douglass and Jon Bilbao, co-authors of Amerikanuak: Basques in Herria the New World,2 arguably the foundational Regarding the land or territory, in the “bible” of Basque studies, begin Basque case the question of just what at the beginning with evidence that the the emigrant left behind remains very mutiny during Columbus’s frst voyage controversial. It has also evolved over was instigated by the Basque crewmen time. Te European Basque homeland on the Santa María (a vessel constructed has been divided for several centuries by in a Basque shipyard). When the admiral the Spanish-French border. Each of the left a group of men behind on Hispaniola traditional four Spanish Basque territories while he returned to for rein- (Bizkaia, , Araba and Navarra) forcements, the weakened “colony” was and three French ones (Lapurdi, Benafar- slaughtered by the indigenes after a schism roa and Xiberoa) has its Spanish, French in its ranks caused the “Bizkaians” (the and Basque name. Te “French Basque generic Spanish term for Basques at the Country” is called in Basque Iparralde, time was Vizcaínos) to retreat as a group whereas the four southern or “Spanish to form their own settlement.3 Basque” territories are designated as He- In 1540, the Basques resident in Se- goalde. In contemporary politics the three ville and thereby engaged thoroughly Basque entities of Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa and in the “American Run,” founded the Araba constitute an autonomous region Congregación de Nuestra Señora de la within the Spanish state, whereas Navarra Piedad (Te Congregation of Our Lady is its own autonomous community. of Piety) as a religious society. It was com- Tis refects several centuries of tension prised exclusively of natives of Bizkaia and between the independent Kingdom of Gipuzkoa – Navarrese were excluded.4 Te Navarra and the Provincias Vasconga- frst New-World Basque ethnic association das of the Kingdom of Castile. As for was founded in Lima, , on February the whole of the Basque Country, there 13, 1612. Tis Cofradía de Aránzazu de are the Spanish terms Bascongadas, El los vascos de Lima (Te Lima Basque País Vasco and Vasconia. Te common Brotherhood of Aránzazu)5 constructed French rendering is Pays Basque. Basque a chapel and allowed Navarrese into the BENAN OREGI IÑURRIETA 65 membership. Hence, all “Spanish Basques” “race war” while contesting economic and were eligible. Subsequently, there were administrative control of the rich mining other Cofradías de Aranzazu established settlement.8 In 1728, Gipuzkoan Basques in the New World. Tere was one in established the Real Compañía de Caracas City dating from 1681 and other (Royal Gipuzkoan Company of Caracas), Mexican ones appeared in , chartered by the Spanish monarchy as de los Ángeles and . In a trade venture that ultimately came to 1715, the Basques resident in Madrid dominate the Venezuelan political and established a Real Congregación de nat- economic afairs. Indeed, this provoked urales y originarios de las tres provincias a reaction against Basque ethnics by the vascongadas (Royal Congregation of the Creoles.9 Natives and Descendants of the Tree It should be noted that it was in the Basque Provinces), thereby excluding Basque diasporas, rather than the home- Navarrese. In 1767, Basques (including land, that unity of all Basques received Navarrese) founded the Colegio de San its greatest expression. While Basques in Ignacio de Loyola6 (or Te College of the homeland tended to see the world Saint Ignatius of Loyola) in through the lens of their respective his- to provide asylum for indigent women, torical territory (Bizkaian, Xiberoan, including some non-Basques. It has Navarrese, etc.), it was in the diasporas functioned continuously for 250 years that such inclusive notions as guztiak bat down to the present. Finally, in 1764 the (“all as one”), denak bat (“altogether”), Basques of Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa and Araba anaitasuna (“brotherhood”) and, more founded the Real Sociedad Vascongada recently, zazpiak bat (“the seven are one”) de los Amigos del País (Royal Basque gained currency.10 Society of the Friends of the Country). It was designed to foment liberal Enlight- Te “New” Emigration enment thought and scientifc projects as By the frst half of the nineteenth century part of the modernization of the Basque the majority of Basque emigrants were economy and society. Chapters were departing for southern South America, chartered throughout the Basque dia- notably , and, above all, sporas, including Manila. Eventually the . Some were simply economic Navarrese were incorporated, as were the refugees leaving a relatively impoverished Basques of Iparralde, but all non-Basque and overpopulated pre-industrial home- and Creoles were excluded. land; others were self-exiles feeing the Some scholars have even discerned the Napoleonic clashes and the two Carl- beginnings of modern Basque national- ist Wars that swept across the Basque ism (essentially a twentieth-century and Country. Basques, primarily from rural continuing movement) in this initiative.7 backgrounds, were established as sheep Nevertheless, there are examples in men throughout the pampas by the 1830s. which this Basque ethnic exclusiveness However, this emigration thrust drew was denounced by non-Basque Spaniards upon all sectors of Old-World Basque and/or Creoles. In 1582, Basques and society – including the professional classes. Extremadurans in Potosí engaged in a By mid-century the siren song of Cali- 66 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 fornia gold initiated the second “modern” 1853 – “to govern is to populate”. Tus, movement. Yet Basque fortune seekers, there emerged professional recruitment like most of the “Argonauts,” failed. in which emigration agents from both Several were drawn from the ranks of sides of the Atlantic enticed potential established Basque sheepherders in the candidates for emigration. pampas, and in the vast unoccupied Furthermore, during the last three dec- (except by a few indigenes) rangelands ades of the nineteenth century, Basques, of southern and central California they having lost their “foral” privileges after discerned an opportunity akin to that defeat in the Second Carlist War, were sub- in Argentina and Uruguay. By the early jected to obligatory military conscription 1870s, Basque sheepherders were crossing for the frst time. It was a time in which the Sierra mountains into the needed conscripts for its bloody Great Basin states beyond. By 1900, to say wars against insurrectionists in both “sheepherder” throughout the American and North Africa. Consequently, many West was to mean “Basque.” Since then young males from Hegoalde crossed the the Basques have dominated the region’s Pyrenees surreptitiously and emigrated sheep industry from herder to rancher. out of a French port to either a South In , Basques established or North American destination – to be both a rural and urban presence that received there in most cases by established encompassed a wide spectrum of occupa- kinsmen or acquaintances. tions. In the the concentra- Ten too, there was the fight of Basque tion of Basques in sheep husbandry meant political refugees, largely to Latin Ameri- that most of the immigrants were drawn can destinations, after their defeat in the from the rural Basque countryside. In both (1936–1939). Tese South and North America, the magnitude included Cuba, Mexico, , Co- of Basque immigration was such that it lombia, Peru, Chile and Uruguay. In 1941, quickly established the basis for extensive Argentina’s President Ortiz opened his further chain migration, as established country to these exiles. immigrants facilitated the emigration Against the backdrop of all of these fore- of their kinsmen and acquaintances. In going extraordinary circumstances, there short, continued Basque immigration was a constant factor spurring Basque received an external stimulus from the emigration over the centuries – including Basque diasporas themselves. In the Latin the nineteenth one. Reference is to an American case in particular, there was inheritance system in which a single heir periodic public support of European was designated in each generation for immigration as governments sought to the family patrimony. Te heir or heiress populate vast hinterlands with agricul- co-resided with his or her parents (the turalists. In 1976, Argentine President classic stem family household), while the Avellaneda promulgated a law of Immi- disinherited siblings were dowered and gration and Colonization that aforded expected to leave. Some married the heir land to newcomers, thereby formalizing or heiress of another rural etxea; others what Juan Bautista Alberdi, the father professed religious vows or migrated to of the Argentine constitution, stated in employment in a nearby urban center. BENAN OREGI IÑURRIETA 67

However, over the generations, virtually located near railway stations to enhance every rural etxea produced multiple candi- their visibility for the immigrants, it was dates for international emigration. Indeed, there that the newcomer could speak his it was not uncommon for the residences language, eat familiar cuisine and share the of its etxekoak to encompass members comradeship of fellow ethnics (including in both Latin American countries and over time that of Basque- who North America.11 frequented the hotels in search of their So, if Basques had a well-developed ethnic “roots”). emigration tradition, constituting, as it As early as the late nineteenth century were, one of Europe’s prime seedbeds of in several Latin American countries, and emigrants, there was also the pan-Euro- the early twentieth century in the United pean explosion of transatlantic emigration States, Basques were founding another from the mid-nineteenth century through type of ethnic institution – the so-called the 1920s. José Moya speaks of the fve Basque “clubs” or voluntary associations. “revolutions” that stimulated this massive Some had physical locales while others did population transfer: the demographic not. Most encompassed both Old-World- explosion in Europe; the liberal revolution, born Basque immigrants and New-World the agricultural revolution, the industrial hyphenated ones in their leaderships and revolution and the revolution in means of memberships. In this regard, they were transportation.12 Tis transfer of Europe’s contexts in which to formulate (and, “huddled masses”.13 at times, contest) ethnic identity, while projecting it to the outside world. In any Basque Diasporic Ethnic Institu- event, they were referred to, quite tellingly, tions as euskal etxeak (Basque houses). In short, In his “New World” the Basque emigrant these constituted the new “big house” also found an alternative “home away from in which to accommodate an enhanced home”. Reference is to the Basque hotel form of extended etxekoak – namely the that emerged to accommodate Basque Basque community abroad in its many immigration into the host society. While diasporic incarnations. present throughout the Latin American Te earliest Basque euskal etxea (called diasporas, the Basque hotel was less Laurak Bat) in the New World was founded critical and pervasive there; given that in 1876 in ,15 followed quickly the immigrants had some competence by an association of the same name in Bue- in the and likely had nos Aires (1877). Laurak bat means “four established kinsmen or acquaintances in in one” and refers to the four historical the venue disposed to provide both tem- territories of Hegoalde.16 Teir creation porary respite and assistance in securing was part of a reaction against the loss of employment. Terefore, it was in the the that was centered primarily American West, where Basque immigra- in the homeland.17 Tese associations tion was both shallow-rooted and spread would protest against this loss in their over an immense geographical expanse, annual assemblies as well; demanding that the boardinghouse or hotel became their restoration. Consequently, this could a critical social institution.14 Strategically be viewed as a diasporic expression of 68 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 the unity of all Basques everywhere in a of JEL. Arana romanticized rural life and common cause.18 In 1884, Montevideo’s symbols (in contrast to the urban indus- Laurak Bat changed its statutes to include trial developments in parts of the Basque Iparralde Basques as well, and the name Country that were attracting job-seekers of its publication was broadened from from throughout Spain that were margin- Laurak Bat to El Euskaro (“Te Basque”). alizing the language and diluting Basque Te earliest such association in North culture). He emphasized Basque racial America was the Centro Vasco-Americano, purity and denigrated Spaniards. An Sociedad de Benefcencia y Recreo (“Te euskoberria, or “new Basque speaker” Basque-American Center, Benefcent and (i.e. someone who learns the language Recreational Society”) established in 1913 after childhood) himself, he authored a in City by the Basque collec- grammar and tried to renovate the Basque tivity resident in the key port of entry. language by inventing many neologisms Tis latter name captures perfectly the to replace foreign (primarily Spanish and fact that all of these associations were Latin) loan words. initially intended to provide assistance He coined the slogan Zazpiak Bat to to the destitute (e.g., return passage to refer to a unifed Hegoalde and Ipar- the homeland, medical care and funeral ralde within a single and independent expenses for indigent Basques) and sub- Basque nation that he called Euzkadi – a sequently evolved more into recreational politicized term that he preferred to the and cultural organizations that taught more benign Euskal Herria. Nevertheless, the language and folk dances, sponsored unlike other contemporary European sporting events like handball and jai alai ethnic movements, Arana did not consider and organized an annual festival that territoriality to be an essential feature of welcomed their non-Basque neighbors nation.19 Arana wrote that “Nation is while projecting a positive image of the measured in terms of race, history, legisla- Basque ethnic identity. tion, tradition, character and language … Our Euskeria would still be Euskeria if we Te Basque Nationalist Movement took it to an island in the Pacifc”.20 Tis The politician writer and ideologue emphasis upon ius sanguini instead of ius y Goiri (1865–1903) is soli is scarcely surprising, given that Arana’s considered to be the father of modern “entity,” the seven Basque territories had Basque nationalism – a movement that been pulled in difering directions – the informs Basque politics to the present day. kingdoms of Castile and Navarra; Spain During his short life (he died at 38), he and – for a millennium. A corollary designed the current Basque fag (1894) was that anyone who was descended from and founded the Basques was Basque – including diasporic (1895). His maxim was Jaungoikua eta persons to be sure. Indeed, there is the Lege Zarra (“God and the Old Laws”). interesting phenomenon evident in the Tus, Basques were to adhere to their older diasporas of persons with one re- traditional Catholicism and fuerism. mote Basque ancestor, yet practically no Te aphorism JEL came to identify the knowledge of Basque history or culture, nationalists as the JELtzaleak, or followers joining a Basque club. Ten too, we might BENAN OREGI IÑURRIETA 69 mention the abortive 1897 project of to constitute an autonomous community. Florencio de Basaldúa, a pioneer in the In December of 1979, the Basques passed Basque Nationalist Party and emigrant to their own Statute of Autonomy of Gernika Uruguay and Argentina. He proposed to that established the autonomous com- the Argentine government establishment munity of Euskadi22 (Navarra constituted of a vast Basque agricultural colony in the its own). Under its provisions Euskadi province of Tucumán that would receive has its own president, parliament, police 50,000 immigrants. If not a transfer of force and considerable control over fscal Euzkadi to the South Pacifc, this might be matters. It raises its own taxes and makes regarded as creation of the eighth Basque an annual agreed payment to Madrid for territory – a Basque Country removed the expenses of the national government from Europe.21 (most notably its defense costs). Arana also felt that every Basque had an Article 6.5 of the Statute of Gernika obligation to learn and use the language. states that “Given that Euskara or Basque He coined the motto Euskaldunon Aberria language is the heritage of other Basque Euzkadi da (“Euzkadi is the Nation of territories and communities” the Basque Basque Speakers”). Despite the essential- Autonomous Community is empowered ism in these positions, Arana’s ideology to sign mutual cultural agreements (in- contained the kernel of the postulate cluding with entities in Iparralde) with that “anyone who felt Basque and who them to conserve the . was willing to learn the language was Article 7.1 defnes who is considered to be thereby Basque”. As we shall see, this has “politically Basque” as anyone residing in become a tenet of contemporary Basque a municipality of the Basque Autonomous nationalism. Community. Tis incorporates the forty In short, there were anomalies and irrec- percent, or so, persons without Basque oncilable postulates sprinkled throughout genealogical credentials into the “Basque Arana’s ideology. It could be alternatively electorate” – a clear case of ius soli. Never- exclusive and inclusive. It weighed race theless, Article 7.2 incorporates into the (descent), language and territory difer- Basque Autonomous Community persons ently depending upon context. from the Basque homeland living abroad and their descendants. While primarily Basque Diasporas in the Post- an emphasis upon ius sanguini, in theory Franco period it could include the descendants of a Te present Spanish Constitution was non-Basque born in the Basque Country approved in 1978 after a national ref- who now reside in, say, Argentina. Tose erendum in which the “no” vote along whose last residence before emigrating was with the abstentions were in the majority the Basque Country, and who retain their in the three Basque provinces, excluding Spanish citizenship, can claim the same Navarra. However, shortly thereafter the rights in the Basque Autonomous Com- Basque electorate, at the urging of the munity that are enjoyed by its residents. Basque Nationalist Party, approved a Regarding its relations with the Basque Statute of Autonomy under which each diasporas, the Basque Parliament passed of Spain’s seventeen regions were allowed unanimously Law 8/1994. It committed 70 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 the to foster mainte- viding assistance to the Basque diasporas, nance of the Basque language and culture although some are under consideration. among the several diasporas around the According to Sho Hagio23, “the elabo- globe that were founded beginning in the rated article 3.3 shows a signifcant impor- early nineteenth century in Latin America. tance in that it expanded a new horizon of It was in part recognition of the support the Basque collectivity with its openness given by many of these collectivities to beyond the principles of nationality in Basque political refugees from the Spanish terms of lineage and territoriality in terms Civil War. of birthplace of the member of Basque Article 3 of Law 8/1994 defnes the centers”: Hagio mentions that there still three groups that constitute members of remains the question of territoriality from . First, Article 3.1. defnes the angle of the “homeland” “or a vague the scope of those who are eligible under image of home in their collective myths Article 7.2 of the Statute of Gernika: or aspirations, even if such a “homeland” these are the “politically Basque” because does not contain a strict territorial sense. A they can vote in the elections under two deterritorialized diasporic situation might conditions: last residence in the Basque counterbalance a longing for a stabilized Autonomous Community and retain territory”, as the Basque Government their Spanish passport. Second, Article often incorporated various institutions 3.2 regards those born in Euskadi, but and artists of Nafarroa and Iparralde into evacuated from it during the Spanish Civil its diaspora projects. Professor Hagio War, and who remain resident abroad. even speaks about a potential leading After eighty years, most are deceased and to a “reterritorialization” of the “Basque the survivors languish without targeted mainland”. assistance from the homeland. At present, the ofcial register of recog- Third, Article 3.3 grants Basque nized Basque entities established by Law community membership to members of 8/1994, contains a total of 191 entries of Basque Centers (primarily euskal etxeak euskal etxeak and cultural associations in but also including certain Basque cul- 25 countries on fve continents (all the tural associations as well) recognized by inhabited ones except Africa). Altogether the Basque Government. Tis, in efect, they number 36,000 members. Approx- expands the horizon of what constitutes imately half antedate the promulgation “Basqueness” beyond those with specifc of the legislation; it might be posited connections to Euskadi. Tus, many of the that the proliferation of such associations recognized euskal etxeak are dominated subsequent to it might actually be in part by descendants of Iparralde and/or have in response to the fnancial support ofered considerable contingents of Navarrese by Euskadi to the Basque diasporas. in their memberships. Te Autonomous Of interest as well is the fact that more Community of Navarra has nothing com- than eighty Argentine Basque entities have parable to Law 8, although it has a grants constituted themselves into FEVA, or the program that provides assistance to eight Federación de Entidades Vasco- Navarrese diaspora centers outside of (Federation of Basque-Argentine Entities). Europe. Iparralde has no institutions pro- In 1973, modeling their initiative on BENAN OREGI IÑURRIETA 71

FEVA, North American Basques consol- horizontally with one another and verti- idated their more than 30 entities into cally with institutions and individuals in NABO (North American Basque Organ- the ancestral European homeland. Indeed, izations). We might consider these two it seems fair to say that the future Basque organizations to be respective etxaldeak “nation,” whatever form(s) it may acquire writ large. In these two diasporas (as well over time, may be best confgured from as Uruguay and Chile), the several euskal the eighth territory, i.e. the diasporas. It etxeak now share a common cultural pur- is there that the universalist and inclusive pose (fomenting the Basque language and view prevails, rather than the territori- identity) that make them “neighborhoods” alism and essentialism that sometime on a national scale. divide Basques from one another in the European homeland. It is important to Conclusion remember that there are easily twice as We might now underscore that much is many “Basques” (immigrants and their happening with regard to both relations descendants) residing outside of the among the traditional Old World Basque Basque Country than there are within it. territories and between them and the diasporas. In January of 2017, Jean René Notes Etchegaray, President of the newly-created 1. Tese include: “1) Dispersal from an community of Basque municipalities in original homeland, often traumatically, to Iparralde (its frst such collective institu- two or more foreign regions; 2) alterna- tion) met with Euskadi’s President Iñigo tively or additionally, the expansion from Urkullu and the Navarra’s President Uxue a homeland in search of work, in pursuit Barkos to discuss common projects. Tis of trade or to further colonial ambitions; 3) a collective memory and myth about was the frst such encounter ever and it the homeland, including its location, underscores the growing awareness that history, sufering and achievements; 4) all European Basques share a common an idealization of the real or imagined ethnic heritage that can be best preserved ancestral home and a collective com- by pursuing a collaborative agenda. By mitment to its maintenance, restoration the same token, there is now considerable safety and prosperity, even to its creation; interaction between the various diasporas 5) the frequent development of a return and the Basque homeland. Law 8/1994 movement to the homeland that gains of Euskadi’s Parliament played no small collective approbation even if many in part in creating such bridges. FEVA and the group are satisfed with only a vicari- NABO both facilitate the visits of hy- ous relationship or intermittent visits to phenated Basque youth to their ancestral the homeland; 6) a strong ethnic group consciousness sustained over a long time homeland. Both promote the tours in their and based on a sense of distinctiveness, respective host countries of Old-World a common history, the transmission of a Basque performing artists. common cultural and religious heritage Finally, we might mention that the and the belief in a common fate; 7) a Internet now facilitates the existence of troubled relationship with host societies, a planetary Basque etxaldea, as Basques suggesting a lack of acceptance or the from throughout the diasporas interact possibility that another calamity might 72 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

befall the group; 8) a sense of empathy and as well. By the late nineteenth century co-responsibility with co-ethnic members some Basques in , disafected in other countries of settlement even with the increasingly politicized agenda where home has become more vestigial; of Laurak Bat, the city’s main Basque and 9) the possibility of a distinctive cre- association, founded El Centro Vasco ative, enriching life in host societies with Francés (“Te French ”) a tolerance of pluralism.” Cohen, Robin, and El Centro Navarro (“Te Navarrese “Diasporas and the State: From victims Center”). Ibid, 164. to challengers,” International Afairs 72 11. During the twentieth century the list (3), July 1996: 507–20. would come to include , many 2. Douglass, William A. and Jon Bilbao, of the countries of the European Union Amerikanuak: Basques in the New World, and even contemporary . Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1975. 12. Moya, José, Primos y extranjeros. La 3. Ibid, 74. inmigración española en Buenos Aires, 4. Muru Ronda, Fernando, “Las colectiv- 1850–1930, Buenos Aires, Emecé, 2004. idades vascas de Sudamérica: Pasado, 13. Handlin, Oscar, Te Uprooted: Te Epic presente y futuro” in Douglass, William Story of the Great Migrations Tat Made A., Urza, Carmelo, White, Linda and the American People, New York, Little, Zulaika, Joseba (eds.), Te Basque Di- Brown and Company, 1951. aspora/La Diáspora Vasca, Reno: Basque 14. See Echeverria, Jeronima, Home Away Studies Program, University of Nevada, from Home: A History of Basque Board- Reno, 1999: 94–107. inghouses, Reno and , University 5. De la Puente Brunke, José, “La Cofradía of Nevada Press, 1999. de los vascos de Lima” in Las huellas 15. Irigoyen Artetxe, Alberto, Laurak Bat de América. I Congreso Internacional de Montevideo primera euskal etxea del Arantzazu y los Franciscanos Vascos en mundo, 1876–1898, Vitoria-Gasteiz: América, Eusko Ikaskuntza, Donostia-San Servicio Editorial del Gobierno Vasco, Sebastián, 2004: 103–113. Te Virgin 1999. Mary was purported to have appeared 16. Chueca, José, “El asociacionismo vasco to a shepherd on a Gipuzkoan mountain en América” in Juan Andrés Blanco (ed.), and is the object of Basque devotion to El asociacionismo de la emigración española this day. Tere is a signifcant monastery a América, Uned-Zamora, Salamanca, on the site that has devolved a practical 2008. and political role in Basque history that 17. Te Basque troubadour, José María Ip- is quite akin to that of the Monastery of arragirre, author of the song Gernika’ko Montserrat for . Arbola (“Tree of Gernika”) that is the 6. Patron saint of Bizkaian and Gipuzkoan de facto Basque national anthem for Basques. Te College was also known as nationalists, emigrated to Uruguay and the Colegio de las Vizcaínas. Argentina after the loss of the fueros. 7. Douglass and Bilbao, Amerikanuak, After a disastrous run as both a sheep- 104–112. herder and tavernkeeper, the Basques of 8. Ibid, 81. southern South America raised money to 9. Ibid, 88–94. pay for his return to Europe. (Douglass, 10. Tis is not to say that the Old-World William A., “El vasco antitético: Iparra- divisions, as we shall see, were not at times girre en América” in Mendibil, Gontzal manifested in the New-World settings Jose Maria Iparragirre: Erro-urratsak/Raíz BENAN OREGI IÑURRIETA 73

y viento, Igorre, Bizkaia, Keinu, 1999, 23. Hagio, Sho, “Nationality and Territorial- vol. 2: 161–172. He also penned the ity in Basque Diaspora Politics” in Azcona, song popular among Basque emigrants José Manuel (Ed), Identidad y estructura whose frst verse is Gazte gaztetatikan de la emigración vasca y navarra hacia erritik kanpora Estranjeri aldean pasa Iberoamérica siglos (XVI–XXI), Tomson det denbora. Errialde guztietan toki onak Reuters Aranzadi, 2015: 555–570. badira. Bañan bihotzak dio: zoaz Euskal Errira (“Since I was very young I have spent time abroad. But although there are good places everywhere, the heart says: go back to the Basque Country”). 18. Nevertheless, in 1877 a similar association was founded in with the name Laurak Bat. Its founders were aligned with Spanish centralists against the Cuban independence movement. So in this case “four in one” meant that Spanish Basques were in accord with Madrid’s colonial policy. See Irigoyen Artetxe, Alberto, La asociación vasco-navarra de benefcencia y otras entidades vasco-cubanas, Vito- ria-Gasteiz: Urazandi, Gobierno Vasco/ Eusko Jaurlaritza, 2014. 19. Totoricagüena, Gloria Pilar, Identity, Cul- ture and Politics in the Basque Diaspora, Reno and Las Vegas: University of Nevada Press, 2003. 20. Cited in Heiberg, Marianne, Te Making of the Basque Nation, Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1989: 52. 21. Basaldua, F.: “Eskal-Berri” in Bol. Inst. Amer. Est. Vascos, 142, 1985: 136–144. 22. Tis is a modifcation of Arana’s term “Euzkadi” that designates the entire Basque Country. Tat use is politically charged to this day and refers to an in- dependent Basque state encompassing all of Hegoalde and Iparralde, irrespective of the desires of the Navarrese and French Basques (where such sentiment remains in a distinct minority). Use of the term Euskadi to refer to the Basque Auton- omous Community does not have the same radical political connotation and is accepted by Madrid.