Corruption in Serbia: [email protected]
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
From Corruption to State Capture: a New Analytical Framework With
PRQXXX10.1177/1065912916639137Political Research QuarterlyFazekas and Tóth 639137research-article2016 Article Political Research Quarterly 2016, Vol. 69(2) 320 –334 From Corruption to State Capture: © 2016 University of Utah Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav A New Analytical Framework with DOI: 10.1177/1065912916639137 Empirical Applications from Hungary prq.sagepub.com Mihály Fazekas1,2 and István János Tóth3 Abstract State capture and corruption are widespread phenomena across the globe, but their empirical study still lacks sufficient analytical tools. This paper develops a new conceptual and analytical framework for gauging state capture based on microlevel contractual networks in public procurement. To this end, it establishes a novel measure of corruption risk in government contracting focusing on the behavior of individual organizations. Then, it identifies clusters of high- corruption-risk organizations in the full contractual network of procuring authorities and their suppliers using formal social network analysis. Densely connected clusters of high-corruption-risk organizations are denoted as the domain of state capture. The paper demonstrates the power of the new analytical framework by exploring how the radical centralization of the governing elite following the 2010 elections in Hungary affected centralization of state capture. Findings indicate the feasibility and usefulness of such microlevel approach to corruption and state capture. Better understanding the network structure of corruption and -
Corruption and Oversight in Latin America
Corruption and Oversight in Latin America Juan Manuel Galán Pachón Senator - Colombia 0. Introduction. It is clear that corruption has gradually come to the forefront in the global public agenda due to the extent of the phenomenon, similar conducts in other countries and the transnational character that the problem has gradually acquired. The seriousness of the issue is underscored by the establishment of GOPAC and by meetings such as these. The intuitive strategy to address corruption is to be found in aggressive enforcement policies (new definitions of criminal offences, longer sentences and the elimination of subrogees), as well as in the introduction of greater controls over the activities of civil servants and state contractors. Oversight, as a strategy, plays a specific preventative role since the accompanying mechanisms dissuade corrupt individuals and make corruption increasingly complex and costly. Oversight also helps detect operations, i.e. it helps identify signs that may underlie instances of corruption and therefore undertake more efficient investigations. In this context, we will offer a summary of the reports prepared on corruption in Latin America, identify the incentives that lead to corruption and briefly report on the current status of congressional or parliamentary oversight in the region. 1. Reports on Corruption in Latin America 1.1 Transparency International – Corruption Perceptions Index1 The 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) prepared by Transparency International attributed a high risk of corruption to -
State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options Policy Brief No
State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options Policy Brief No. 10, July 2020 State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options SELDI policy brief no. 10, July 2020 State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options 3 State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options SELDI policy brief no. 10, July 2020 z As noted in the European Commission progress reports, despite continuous advancement of good governance, state capture mechanisms remain at unacceptable levels in the Western Balkans. Developing effective methods to address them before EU accession is an essential prerequisite to successful enlargement. z In 2019 - 2020 SELDI has piloted for the first time in the region a reliable metric for monitoring state capture. The State Capture Assessment Diagnostics (SCAD) provides insights into state capture enablers, key affected economic sectors and risks of monopolisation across the region. z The pilot SCAD assessment in the Western Balkans has shown that although none of the countries is close to full state capture, i.e. authoritarian rule, they exhibit critical impairments in democratic and economic checks and balances. Some economic sectors require particular attention, as they are likely sources of concentration of power and capture. z SCAD data suggests that the main challenge for the countries in the region remains in the form of state capture enablers, such as media control, corruption in the judiciary, lack of integrity of public organisations, lack KEY POINTS: KEY of impartiality and inadequate anti-corruption procedures. -
The Case of Hungary Introd
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Corvinus Research Archive CORVINUS JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL POLICY VOL.8 (2017)3S, 255-281. DOI: 10.14267/CJSSP.2017.3S.11 CONTINUITY OR DISRUPTION? CHANGING ELITES AND THE EMERGENCE OF CRONYISM AFTER THE GREAT RECESSION – THE CASE OF HUNGARY JÓZSEF PÉTER MARTIN1 ABSTRACT After a short theoretical overview about the interplay between institutions and elites, the paper analyses the economic performance operationalized by the GDP and the quality of governance in Hungary in comparative perspective, considering two milestones, namely, the impact of the Great Recession, and the change of government in 2010. The role of elites and elite moves are revealed in these developments. In Hungary, the local crisis started before the Great Recession as the slide of the quality of governance and mismanagement of the economic policy can be observed since the accession to the EU. The paper elaborates the disruptive nature of the system built after 2010 with a special focus to the schemes of corruption and cronyism. Finally, the paper confronts the political elite’s endeavors with some perceptions of the population. KEYWORDS: institutionalism, elites, corruption, cronyism, economic development, quality of governance INTRODUCTION Democratic backsliding and the rise of populism throughout Central and Eastern Europe have been subject to vast academic and policy research in the past years (e.g. Kornai 2015, Pappas 2014, Freedom House 2014, Transparency International Hungary 2017). The surge of populism and the impact of the global crisis have put at stake the democratic polity and institutions established in 1 József Péter Martin PhD, is executive director of Transparency International Hungary and senior lecturer at Corvinus University of Budapest (CUB). -
I. Diplomacy's Winding Course 2012
2012 - A Make or Break Year for Serbia and Kosovo? By Dr. Matthew Rhodes and Dr. Valbona Zeneli nstead of the hoped for turn to normalization, 2011 NATO and EU member states except Cyprus, Greece, Isaw escalated tensions over Kosovo. Agreement Romania, Slovakia, and Spain. on Kosovo’s participation in regional fora and Serbia’s formal advance to Serbia’s challenge before EU candidacy in early 2012 the International Court of have revived a cautious “The very active first three Justice (ICJ) marked the centerpiece of its strategy sense of optimism, but months of 2012 have restored unresolved underlying issues against Kosovo’s move. and approaching political a sense of calm regarding Winning support within the United Nations General contests leave the prospects Serbia and Kosovo. Intensified for further progress uncertain. Assembly in October 2008 Warnings of precipices and European and American for consideration of the case powder kegs are overdone represented a significant in the Balkans, but 2012 is diplomacy together with success for Serbian diplomacy. shaping up as a potentially leaders’ attention to larger However, the Court’s July decisive year for international 2010 decision that Kosovo’s policy in the region. goals prevented 2011’s act had not violated international law effectively skirmishes over border Despite the Euro-Atlantic closed off this challenge. community’s current internal posts and barricades from Potentially positively for both challenges, integration into sides, however, the case’s that community’s formal escalating into something conclusion opened the way structures remains the best worse. As welcome as that for direct talks on technical path for Balkan security issues between Belgrade and and development. -
Serbia and Montenegro
ATTACKS ON JUSTICE – SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO Highlights Serbia and Montenegro (the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia until February 2003) entered the process of democratic transition, the creation of a system based on the rule of law, much later than other former socialist countries. On 4 February 2003 the new state union of Serbia and Montenegro was proclaimed. Under the Constitutional Charter of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, there is only one instance of Serbia and Montenegro having a common judiciary – the Court of Serbia and Montenegro. Otherwise, each state – the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro – has its own internal courts system. A set of important judicial reforms came into force on 1 March 2002 in the Republic of Serbia and in July 2002 amendments to these laws were made that violate the principle of separation of powers and the independence and impartiality of the judiciary. In Montenegro, several laws relating to the judiciary were passed or amended during 2003. On 19 March 2003, the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia dismissed 35 judges from office, including seven Supreme Court judges, amid accusations that the judiciary had failed to take tougher measures in dealing with remnants of the former regime as well as in prosecuting organized crime. The legal system in Serbia and Montenegro is still characterized by a number of contradictory and inconsistent regulations, resulting in legal insecurity. BACKGROUND On March 2002 officials of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro signed a procedural agreement for the restructuring of relations between both states in Belgrade, in the presence of the high representative of the EU,. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
State Capture Analysis: How to Quantitatively Analyze The
DISCUSSION PAPER No. 2 June 2019 Governance Global Practice State Capture Analysis: Public Disclosure Authorized How to Quantitatively Analyze the Regulatory Abuse by Business-State Relationships Andreas Fiebelkorn Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized This series is produced by Governance Global Practice of the World Bank. The papers in this series aim to provide a vehicle for publishing preliminary results on Governance topics to encourage discussion and debate. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author(s) and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. Citation and the use of material presented in this series should take into account this provisional character. For information regarding the Governance Discussion Paper Series, please contact contact: Ayse Boybeyi, at aboybeyi@ worldbank.org © 2019 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 All rights reserved ABSTRACT Abundant qualitative evidence reveals how public and private actors abuse regulations to seek rents, impede reforms, and distort the economy. However, empirical evidence of such behavior, including its economic costs, remains limited. For that reason, the objective of this paper is to help practitioners who seek to quantitatively analyze state capture make better use of experience, methodologies, and potential data sources. Based on a comprehensive body of existing empirical studies, it provides guidance to analyze state capture and its impact on the economy. Chapter 1 discusses the concept of state capture and its relevance for economic development. -
BTI 2018 Country Report — Serbia
BTI 2018 Country Report Serbia This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Serbia. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Serbia 3 Key Indicators Population M 7.1 HDI 0.776 GDP p.c., PPP $ 14512 Pop. growth1 % p.a. -0.5 HDI rank of 188 66 Gini Index 29.1 Life expectancy years 75.5 UN Education Index 0.779 Poverty3 % 1.4 Urban population % 55.7 Gender inequality2 0.185 Aid per capita $ 44.0 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary Serbia’s current political system is characterized by the dominant rule of one political party at the national and provincial level, as well as most of the local government units. -
Research Conferences on Organised Crime at the Bundeskriminalamt In
Corruption and Organised Crime Threats in Southern Eastern Europe Ugljesa Zvekic Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime 1 Organised Crime and Corruption in the Global Developmental Perspective In this article the emphasis was on a nearly inherent link between organised crime and corruption on a local as well as transnational level. Wherever there is ground prone to corruption, there is also a favourable ground for organised crime; and vice versa. Much of the prone ground for organised corruption is established through firstly a low corruption level which then accelerates to a more sophisticated level of corruption, in particular when linked to organised crime. Furthermore, it was professed that today more intricate activities in or- ganised crime can be linked to more intricate activities in corruption, making them mutually instrumental. Historically speaking, two contradictory trends were identified: Firstly a de- cline in violent crimes over the past century and decades, and secondly an in- crease in global organised crime and corruption, which in turn promoted more international legal responses and cooperation. (Pinker, Mack 2014/ 2015) The phenomenon of organised crime is not new to the global crime trends but the scale and scope have shifted vigorously. Change is also pre- sents in new forms and methods of legitimizing illicitly gained profit. The im- pact comes to light in the form of shifts in major illicit markets, an expansion of new criminal markets as well as a blurring of traditional producer, consu- mer and transit state typologies. Therefore, organised crime and corruption both have broader implications than defined within the traditional security and justice framework; hence they are now recognised as cross-cutting threats to a sustainable development which is also pictured by the 16th goal of the Sustainable Development Goals1. -
Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia
PRIF-Reports No. 94 Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia Filip Ejdus This report was prepared with the kind support of the Volkswagen-Stiftung. Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2010 Correspondence to: PRIF Baseler Straße 27-31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49(0)69 95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69 55 84 81 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-942532-04-4 Euro 10.- Summary On 5 October 2000, the citizens of Serbia toppled Slobodan Milošević in what came to be known as the “Bulldozer Revolution”. This watershed event symbolizes not only the end of a decade of authoritarian rule but also the beginning of a double transition: from authoritarian rule to democracy, on the one hand, and from a series of armed conflicts to peace, on the other. This transition has thoroughly transformed Serbian politics in general and Serbia’s security sector in particular. This October, Serbia’s democracy celebrated its tenth anniversary. The jubilee is an appropriate opportunity to reflect on the past decade. With this aim in mind, the report will seek to analyse the impact of democratization on security sector governance in Serbia over the period 2000-2010. In order to do so, in the first part of the report we have developed an analytical framework for studying democratic security sector governance, which is defined as the transparent organization and management of the security sector based on the accountability of decision-makers, respect for the rule of law and human rights, checks and balances, equal representation, active civic participation, public agreement and democratic oversight. -
2012 SERBIA PUBLIC OPINION STUDY Respondent Booklet A
2012 SERBIA PUBLIC OPINION STUDY Respondent Booklet A Page 1 • Boris Tadić Choice for a Better Life • Tomislav Nikolić Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) • Ivica Dačić SPS, PUPS, JS • Vojislav Koštunica Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) • Zoran Stanković United Regions of Serbia (URS) • Čedomir Jovanović LDP, SPO, SDU... • Jadranka Šešelj Serbian Radical Party (SRS) • Vladan Glišić "Dveri" • Istvan Pasztor SVM • Zoran Dragišić Pokret radnika i seljaka • Muamer Zukorlić Citizen's group • Danica Grujičić Social Democratic Alliance Page 2 • Choice for a Better Life - Boris Tadić • Let’s Get Serbia Moving - Tomislav Nikolić • Ivica Dačić - Socialist Party of Serbia - PUPS-US • Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) - Vojislav Koštunica • Turnover - Čedomir Jovanović • United Regions of Serbia - Mlađan Dinkić • Serbian Radical Party - Vojislav Šešelj • Dveri for the Life of Serbia • Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians - István Pásztor • Movement of Workers and Peasants • Communist party - Josip Broz • Party of Democratic Action of Sanjak - Sulejman Ugljani • All Together - BDU, CAH, DUC, DFVH, Slovak - Emir Elfić • "None of the offered answers" • Social Democratic alliance - Nebojša Leković • Albanians Coalition from Preševo Valley (KAPD) • Reformist party - Milan Višnjić • Montenegrin party - Nenad Stevović Page 3 • For a European Serbia - Boris Tadić • Serbian Radical Party - Vojislav Šešelj • Democratic Party of Serbia - New Serbia - Vojislav Koštunica • Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) - PUPS - US • Liberal Democratic Party - Čedomir Jovanović • Hungarian