The Alliance City: NATO and Berlin, 1958-1963

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Alliance City: NATO and Berlin, 1958-1963 The Alliance City: NATO and Berlin, 1958-1963 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Mark Jonathan Rice Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn, Advisor Professor Robert McMahon, Co-Advisor Professor Carole Fink Copyright by Mark Jonathan Rice 2010 Abstract Very few places evoke the Cold War quite like Berlin. A city literally divided between East and West, it represented the international divisions from its capture in 1945 until the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Starting in 1958, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev put Berlin back in the center of the Cold War by threatening to end the Western presence in the western sectors of the city. Over the next five years, the status of Berlin remained at the heart of the relationship between the superpowers, and the possibility of war, especially the possibility of nuclear war, hung over the events of the period, including the building of the Berlin Wall and the Cuban Missile Crisis. This project examines the development of the policies of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in response to the perceived Soviet Bloc threat to Berlin from 1958 to 1963 by placing NATO at the center of an examination of the Western response to the Soviet challenge. The tensions between national and collective interests have been an important theme in Cold War history, but the role of NATO within these relationships has not been examined adequately. By placing NATO at the center of my work, this study shows how it became a central pivot around which allied governments approached the Soviet challenge. Doubts about nuclear strategy during the crisis meant that a conventional deterrent was necessary, and NATO provided that conventional deterrent. NATO’s forces complemented and enhanced the main American nuclear deterrent, and helped to protect Western interests in Berlin and Germany during the i crisis. Without NATO to harmonize Western policy behind the American lead, the Allies would likely not have been able to properly confront the Soviets over Berlin, and the presence in West Berlin could not have been maintained. The loss of credibility from losing West Berlin would have severely damaged Western credibility in the face of the Soviet presence, and the stability of West Germany and Western Europe would have been substantially undermined. Thus, NATO and what it represented were vital to the successful protection of West Berlin, mainly through the prevention of a direct Soviet move on the city. ii Dedication This document is dedicated to my parents. iii Acknowledgments My interest in this topic goes back to my final year of undergraduate study at the University of Toronto. The idea first appeared as part of seminar with Professors Robert Bothwell and Francine McKenzie, both of whom have provided valuable advice over the years since then. My MA advisor at Ohio University, Chester Pach, was supportive of my goal to study NATO, and helped give me the skills and knowledge to begin my graduate work in the historiography and the archives. Peter Hahn and Robert McMahon have been extraordinarily helpful in supervising my dissertation. They have provided direction, framework, advice, and critiques both in Columbus and for my research, and have been patient and supportive through all the twists and turns of the second part of my graduate life and my dissertation. Carole Fink has read papers and drafts, given me constructive criticism on everything, and pushed me in my work. I am also grateful for the help and support from David Hoffmann, John Brobst, Marvin Fletcher, Jonathan Winkler, and the staffs in the history offices at Ohio University and Ohio State University. I received institutional support from the Contemporary History Institute at Ohio University and the Department of History at Ohio State University. The research for this dissertation would not have been possible if not for the generosity of the Andreas Dorpalen Award and Philip Poirier Award from Department of History at the Ohio State iv University, an International Travel Grant from the Ohio State College of Arts and Sciences, the Alumni Grant for Graduate Research and Scholarship from the Ohio State Graduate School, and a Research Grant from the Mershon Center for International Security Studies. I also received generous support from the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation. The archivists at the United States National Archives, the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, the Library and Archives Canada, the British National Archives, the archives at Sciences Po in Paris, the Centre des Archives diplomatiques de Nantes, and the NATO Archives in Brussels were all helpful and willing to field my many questions during my times there. I would especially like to thank Cristina Reibel and Dr. Andreas Kunz at the Bundes- Militärarchiv in Freiburg for their extra understanding in resolving a difficult situation. My friends at Ohio University and Ohio State have been invaluable in getting me through graduate school. I need to thank especially Robert Davis, who provided me direction in my research and ideas. I would also like to thank Rickie Garlitz, Amaryah Orenstein, Melissa Kuhn, Tom Bruscino, Jon Peterson, Ryan Irwin, Chapin Rydingsward, David Dennis, and many others. My family has also been tremendously inquisitive about my work, and I should single out my uncle, Gerald Tulchinsky, who provided a beneficial insight into the academic world. My sister, Jodi, read drafts and contributed her English teacher’s eye to my writing. My parents supported me both financially and morally throughout my choice to pursue my graduate degrees, and I could not have done this without them. Finally, my wife Ray Ball has given me the drive and encouragement to make it through the dissertation. She gave me suggestions, feedback, v and love whenever I needed them, and I could not imagine either my professional or personal life without her. vi Vita June 2001 .......................................................B.A.H., History, University of Toronto March 2005 ....................................................M.A., History, Ohio University September 2004 to present ............................Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of History, The Ohio State University Fields of Study Major Field: History vii Table of Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................................. i Dedication .......................................................................................................................................iii Acknowledgments........................................................................................................................... iv Vita.................................................................................................................................................vii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..1 Chapter 1: The Soviet Ultimatum .................................................................................................. 24 NATO’s strategic background................................................................................................... 26 Khrushchev’s First Moves......................................................................................................... 32 NATO’s December Meeting...................................................................................................... 45 Macmillan’s Trip ....................................................................................................................... 57 Meeting again in Geneva ........................................................................................................... 64 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 72 Chapter 2: The Rise and Fall of Summits ...................................................................................... 75 Eisenhower’s Summits .............................................................................................................. 80 Early problems of contingency planning................................................................................... 88 The Origins of LIVE OAK ........................................................................................................ 92 NATO and LIVE OAK............................................................................................................ 102 The Paris Crash........................................................................................................................ 110 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 121 viii Chapter 3: Reevaluating Strategy................................................................................................. 124 In the Wake of Paris................................................................................................................. 127 The Strategic Question............................................................................................................. 136 Conclusion ..............................................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR
    asdf PMUNC 2015 Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR Chair: Jacob Sackett-Sanders JCC PMUNC 2015 Contents Chair Letter…………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………….………………………………………………….4 Topics of Concern………………………...………………….………………6 The Space Race…...……………………………....………………….....6 The Third World...…………………………………………......………7 The Eastern Bloc………………………………………………………9 The Chinese Communists…………………………………………….10 De-Stalinization and Domestic Reform………………………………11 Committee Members….……………………………………………………..13 2 JCC PMUNC 2015 Chair’s Letter Dear Delegates, It is my great pleasure to give you an early welcome to PMUNC 2015. My name is Jacob, and I’ll be your chair, helping to guide you as you take on the role of the Soviet political elites circa 1961. Originally from Wilmington, Delaware, at Princeton I study Slavic Languages and Literature. The Eastern Bloc, as well as Yugoslavia, have long been interests of mine. Our history classes and national consciousness often paints them as communist enemies, but in their own ways, they too helped to shape the modern world that we know today. While ultimately failed states, they had successes throughout their history, contributing their own shares to world science and culture, and that’s something I’ve always tried to appreciate. Things are rarely as black and white as the paper and ink of our textbooks. During the conference, you will take on the role of members of the fictional Soviet Advisory Committee on Centralization and Global Communism, a new semi-secret body intended to advise the Politburo and other major state organs. You will be given unmatched power but also faced with a variety of unique challenges, such as unrest in the satellite states, an economy over-reliant on heavy industry, and a geopolitical sphere of influence being challenged by both the USA and an emerging Communist China.
    [Show full text]
  • US Army Was Already Upset About Its Losses from Deep Personnel and White House Photo Via National Archives Budget Cuts When Gen
    National Park Service photo by Abbie Rowe By John T. Correll US Army was already upset about its losses from deep personnel and White House photo via National Archives budget cuts when Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor arrived as the new Chief of Defense Technical Information Center photo Staff in June 1955. Army strength was down by almost a third since the Korean War and the Army share of the budget was dropping steadily. These reductions were the result of the “New Look” defense program, introduced in 1953 by President Dwight D. Eisenhower, and the “Massive Retaliation” strategy that went with it. New Look was focused on the threat of Soviet military power, putting greater reliance on strategic airpower and nuclear weapons and less emphasis on the kind of wars the Army fought. US planning was based on the standard of general war; the limited conflict in Korea was regarded as an aberration. If for some reason another small or limited war had to be fought, the US armed forces, organized and equipped for general war, would handle it as a “lesser included contingency.” New Look—so called because Eisenhower had ordered a “new fresh survey of our military capabilities”—was driven by the belief that adequate security was possible at lower cost, especially if general purpose forces overseas were thinned out. Another factor was the recognition that NATO could not match the con- ventional forces of the Soviet Union, which had 175 divisions—30 of them in Europe—and 6,000 aircraft based forward. So in 1952, the US and its allies had adopted a strategy centered on a nuclear response to attack.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER 2 the Period of the Weimar Republic Is Divided Into Three
    CHAPTER 2 BERLIN DURING THE WEIMAR REPUBLIC The period of the Weimar Republic is divided into three periods, 1918 to 1923, 1924 to 1929, and 1930 to 1933, but we usually associate Weimar culture with the middle period when the post WWI revolutionary chaos had settled down and before the Nazis made their aggressive claim for power. This second period of the Weimar Republic after 1924 is considered Berlin’s most prosperous period, and is often referred to as the “Golden Twenties”. They were exciting and extremely vibrant years in the history of Berlin, as a sophisticated and innovative culture developed including architecture and design, literature, film, painting, music, criticism, philosophy, psychology, and fashion. For a short time Berlin seemed to be the center of European creativity where cinema was making huge technical and artistic strides. Like a firework display, Berlin was burning off all its energy in those five short years. A literary walk through Berlin during the Weimar period begins at the Kurfürstendamm, Berlin’s new part that came into its prime during the Weimar period. Large new movie theaters were built across from the Kaiser Wilhelm Memorial church, the Capitol und Ufa-Palast, and many new cafés made the Kurfürstendamm into Berlin’s avant-garde boulevard. Max Reinhardt’s theater became a major attraction along with bars, nightclubs, wine restaurants, Russian tearooms and dance halls, providing a hangout for Weimar’s young writers. But Berlin’s Kurfürstendamm is mostly famous for its revered literary cafés, Kranzler, Schwanecke and the most renowned, the Romanische Café in the impressive looking Romanische Haus across from the Memorial church.
    [Show full text]
  • Policy-Roundtable-1-5BG.Pdf
    H-Diplo | ISSF POLICY Series America and the World—2017 and Beyond Stalin, Trump, and the Politics of Narcissism: A Response to Rose McDermott’s “The Nature of Narcissism.” Essay by Geoffrey Roberts, University College Cork, Emeritus, and Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies, 2018-2019 Published on 29 June 2018 | issforum.org Editor: Diane Labrosse Web and Production Editor: George Fujii Shortlink: http://tiny.cc/PR-1-5BG Permalink: http://issforum.org/roundtables/policy/1-5BG-Stalin PDF URL: http://issforum.org/ISSF/PDF/Policy-Roundtable-1-5BG.pdf was intrigued by Rose McDermott’s piece on “The Nature of Narcissism”.1 As a narrative historian of international relations, I appreciated her call for analysis of the “influence of individual-level differences on international outcomes.” Central to narrative history is the reconstruction and analysis of the actions Iand interactions of individuals, as well as people’s goals, motivations, feelings, and experiences. However, I was startled by her characterisation of Joseph Stalin as a narcissist like Donald. Trump. It would be difficult to imagine two more different personalities; during decades of work in Stalin’s personal archives it never occurred to me he was a narcissist. Indeed, based on McDermott’s description of narcissism I would say that Stalin was the complete opposite (more on Trump below). While Stalin’s personality cult performed a political function, he displayed no personal need for such grandiosity. Nor did he seek validation and approval from others (except maybe Vladimir Lenin) or rely on external referents for his self-esteem. Stalin’s rejection and sometimes emotional response to criticism was based on strong beliefs, not a fragile ego.
    [Show full text]
  • John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy.
    [Show full text]
  • THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN and AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY in LIGHT of the KOREAN WAR Author(S): DAVID G
    THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN AND AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY IN LIGHT OF THE KOREAN WAR Author(s): DAVID G. COLEMAN Reviewed work(s): Source: Australasian Journal of American Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1 (July, 1999), pp. 19-41 Published by: Australia and New Zealand American Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41018739 . Accessed: 18/09/2012 14:16 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Australia and New Zealand American Studies Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Australasian Journal of American Studies. http://www.jstor.org AUSTRALASIAN JOURNALOF AMERICAN STUDIES 19 THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN AND AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY IN LIGHT OF THE KOREAN WAR DAVID G. COLEMAN The Korean War had a profoundimpact on the ways in which American policymakersperceived the Cold War.Nowhere was thismore fact evident than in the case of Berlin. Despite the geographicalseparation between the two countries,policymakers became concernedwith what theyidentified as the 'Berlin-Koreaparallel.' Holding the Soviet Union responsible for North Korea's aggression,Washington believed that in NorthKorea's attackit was witnessing a new Sovietcapability that could give theUSSR a decisiveedge in the Cold War.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolt and Crisis in Greece
    REVOLT AND CRISIS IN GREECE BETWEEN A PRESENT YET TO PASS AND A FUTURE STILL TO COME How does a revolt come about and what does it leave behind? What impact does it have on those who participate in it and those who simply watch it? Is the Greek revolt of December 2008 confined to the shores of the Mediterranean, or are there lessons we can bring to bear on social action around the globe? Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come is a collective attempt to grapple with these questions. A collaboration between anarchist publishing collectives Occupied London and AK Press, this timely new volume traces Greece’s long moment of transition from the revolt of 2008 to the economic crisis that followed. In its twenty chapters, authors from around the world—including those on the ground in Greece—analyse how December became possible, exploring its legacies and the position of the social antagonist movement in face of the economic crisis and the arrival of the International Monetary Fund. In the essays collected here, over two dozen writers offer historical analysis of the factors that gave birth to December and the potentialities it has opened up in face of the capitalist crisis. Yet the book also highlights the dilemmas the antagonist movement has been faced with since: the book is an open question and a call to the global antagonist movement, and its allies around the world, to radically rethink and redefine our tactics in a rapidly changing landscape where crises and potentialities are engaged in a fierce battle with an uncertain outcome.
    [Show full text]
  • The Vietnam War As China's Watershed
    the vietNAM wAr As chiNA’s wAtershed China today is a rising superpower and a major challenger to American hegemony. Te industrialization and modernization that other nations achieved in centuries, China has compressed to a few decades. Indeed, all too ofen, we forget how meager were China’s origins before its recent rise. By the mid-20th Century, China remained extremely poor and militarily weakened, having sufered the Century of Humiliation and the Japanese Invasion. Tese trends would begin to change, however, during the Vietnam War of the 1960s and 1970s. Tis paper tracks how the Chinese leadership used their involvement in Vietnam to work toward three goals: frst, to legitimize Mao’s military theories; second, to damage Soviet international prestige in the Communist movement; and third, to secure an advantageous post-war relationship with the United States. In achieving these goals, the Chinese used Vietnam as a springboard for future geopolitical relevance and development. By Christian Talley ‘16 Vanderbilt University ne of the most important trends in Vietnam War his- toriography has been the shif from a stale East ver- Osus West analysis and toward an examination of the competing intra-bloc interests of the Soviets, Chinese, and Vietnamese. Historians such as Lien-Hang Nguyen have re- cently reconstructed Hanoi’s perspective, demonstrating that North Vietnam’s leaders were torn between their commu- nist patrons in Beijing and Moscow as a result of the Sino- Soviet split. Just as important is the perspective of China in this seminal confict. At the beginning of the Vietnam War, China was an impoverished junior partner in the world communist movement.
    [Show full text]
  • The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1)
    TheHershberg United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1) ✣ What options did John F. Kennedy consider after his aides in- formed him on 16 October 1962 that the Soviet Union was secretly deploy- ing medium-range nuclear-capable missiles in Cuba? In most accounts, his options fell into three categories: 1. military: an attack against Cuba involving a large-scale air strike against the missile sites, a full-scale invasion, or the ªrst followed by the second; 2. political-military: a naval blockade of Cuba (euphemistically called a “quarantine”) to prevent the shipment of further “offensive” military equipment and allow time to pressure Soviet leader Nikita Khrush- chev into withdrawing the missiles; or 3. diplomatic: a private overture to Moscow to persuade Khrushchev to back down without a public confrontation. Kennedy ultimately chose the second option and announced it on 22 Octo- ber in his nationally televised address. That option and the ªrst (direct mili- tary action against Cuba) have been exhaustively analyzed over the years by Western scholars. Much less attention has been devoted to the third alterna- tive, the diplomatic route. This article shows, however, that a variant of that option—a variant that has never previously received any serious scholarly treatment—was actually adopted by Kennedy at the peak of the crisis. The United States pursued a separate diplomatic track leading not to Moscow but to Havana (via Rio de Janeiro), and not to Khrushchev but to Fidel Castro, in a secret effort to convince the Cuban leader to make a deal: If Castro agreed to end his alliance with Moscow, demand the removal of the Soviet missiles, and disavow any further support for revolutionary subversion in the Western hemisphere, he could expect “many changes” in Washington’s policy toward Journal of Cold War Studies Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuban Missile Crisis: Applying Strategic Culture to Gametheory
    Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU All Graduate Plan B and other Reports Graduate Studies 5-2013 Cuban Missile Crisis: Applying Strategic Culture to Gametheory Chelsea E. Carattini Utah State University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/gradreports Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Carattini, Chelsea E., "Cuban Missile Crisis: Applying Strategic Culture to Gametheory" (2013). All Graduate Plan B and other Reports. 236. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/gradreports/236 This Report is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Graduate Plan B and other Reports by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Introduction Game theory applied to political situations offers a unique approach to analyzing and understanding international relations. Yet the rigid structure that lends itself so well to mathematics is not practical in the real world . It lacks a built in mechanism for determining a player's preferences, which is a key part of an international "game" or situation. Strategic culture, another international relations theory, is quite the opposite. Critics claim it suffers from a lack of structure, but it captures the spirit of international actors and what makes them tick. This paper explores the idea of pairing the two otherwise unrelated theories to bolster both in the areas where they are lacking in order to provide a more complete understanding of international states' behavior and motivations. Brief Summary of Major Theories The theories presented in the following pages are drawn from distinct schools of thought; consequently it is necessary to provide some background information.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuban Missile Crisis Final
    US and USSR Joint Crisis Committee Cuban Missile Crisis St. John's Preparatory School • Danvers, Massachusetts • 9 December 2017 1! Letter from the chair Delegates, Welcome to the Cuban Missile Crisis joint crisis. My name is Trevaughn and I’m currently a senior at St. John's Prep and this is my fourth year as a member of Model UN. When I'm not involved in Model UN, I spend my time in the Science and Technology Club, while also playing football and rugby. As one of the highest stakes diplomatic crises of the 20th century, the Cuban Missile Crisis holds a unique place in US history. The actions that took place in the Cuban Missile Crisis has shaped America's current foreign policy. I look forward to see how the Missile Crisis plays out in my commit- tee. If you need to contact me, my email is [email protected] Sincerely, Trevaughn Wright-Reynolds, Class of 2018 Committee Description The joint crisis committee on the Cuban Missile Crisis consists of the opposing American Ex- ecutive committee (Excomm), and the Soviet Politburo. Both of these committees served to advise the heads of state of the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) during times of crisis, such as the Cuban Missile Crisis. Although both groups exist only to advise the respective heads of state of the US and USSR, for the purposes of this committee, all mem- bers will have a single vote regarding resolutions and directives.The delegates representing Kennedy 2! and Khrushchev will have veto power over all resolutions and directives, although this veto can be overridden by a ⅔ majority.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense : Robert S. Mcnamara
    The Ascendancy of the Secretary ofJULY Defense 2013 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Special Study 4 Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Cover Photo: Secretary Robert S. McNamara, Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor, and President John F. Kennedy at the White House, January 1963 Source: Robert Knudson/John F. Kennedy Library, used with permission. Cover Design: OSD Graphics, Pentagon. Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Special Study 4 Series Editors Erin R. Mahan, Ph.D. Chief Historian, Office of the Secretary of Defense Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. President, Larsen Consulting Group Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense July 2013 ii iii Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Contents This study was reviewed for declassification by the appropriate U.S. Government departments and agencies and cleared for release. The study is an official publication of the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Foreword..........................................vii but inasmuch as the text has not been considered by the Office of the Secretary of Defense, it must be construed as descriptive only and does Executive Summary...................................ix not constitute the official position of OSD on any subject. Restructuring the National Security Council ................2 Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line in included.
    [Show full text]