AN INTEGRATED MODEL FOR CONSERVATION: CASE S?ZIDY ON THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE COMMERCIAL BUSHMEAT TRADE IN CAMEROON
CHRISTNA M. ELLIS
A thesis submitted to the Faculty ofEnvironmentai Studies and the Faculty of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Environmental Studies
Graduate Progrme in Environmental Studies York University North York, Ontario
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a thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of York University in partial fuifillment ofthe requirements for the degree of Master in Environmental Studies
O 2000 Permission has been granted to the LIBRARY OF YORK UNIVERSIN to Iend or seIl copies of this thesis. to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA to microfilm this thesis and to lend or seIl copies of the film. and to UNlVERSlN MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this thesis. The author reserves other publication rights. and neither the thesis nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's written permission. Abstract
Hunting Primates for food poses the greatest threat to Chimpanzees (Pan
trogZod'tes) and Gonllas (Gofilla gorifla) in the Gunieo-Congolian forest region of West
and Central Afi-ica. While past research kas focused on biological or econornic factors of
primate conservation, the commercial bushmeat trade in Cameroon provides a complex
and dynamic case study that calls for a more integrated conservation program. Focusing
on the largely disregarded role of women in the trade, this study demonstrates the need
for greater inclusion of al1 participants in conservation planning. Women, as the buyers
and sellers both in large urban markets and locaI village markets, provide an important
source of local understandings of the bushmeat trade. As an overview for firrther
research, open-ended interviews were conducted with women across the tropical forest
region in Cameroon. While there is considerable cultural variation within Cameroon,
results indicate wornen participate in the trade not only for economic reasons but also
based on gender roles, and appropriate divisions of labour. From this participation, which
ofien occurred after a lifestyle change, the women gain a support group of other sellers as well as generate a sense of iden~ityand community. As such a constituent, wornen vendors represent potential regulators of the trade and their inclusion wil1 influence the success of conservation planning towards community development adindependence. In this view, primate conservation, and programs targeting the bushmeat trade must focus on cultivating support that values the crucial role of women as not only active participants but also key stakeholders in this trade. A proposed integrated mode1 for comprehensive conservation concludes this research project by integrating insight gained fiom valuing alternative perspectives in the bushmeat trade with concepts fiom political ecology. Acknowledeements
1 would like to extend a thank you to the following individuals for assistance in planning my thesis research as well as overall academic and writing guidance:
Dr. Ray Rogers Kerry Bowman Comie Russell Jason Taylor Dr- Anthony Rose Beth Bastien Dr. Lewis Molot Lorraine Standing Leesa Fawcett Anna Chase
Field research costs in Cameroon were eased in part by gants f?oom:
Faculty of Environmental Studies and York University Plant Family Environmental Foundation Barbara and David Ellis and The Bastien Family
The organizations and individuals who assisted in planning my field research and provided access to unpublished reports and documents contributed an invaluable amount of material. 1 would like to highlight the enormous assistance by the foilowing:
IUCN - ROCA and Dja Project Staff Mount Cameroun Projecf Bihini Won Wa Musiti Tako Charles, Mbome William Eko Ndinga Assitou, Rene Meigari Nchimfor Zacheus Roger Emmanuel Bidirna Bidima Korup Project / WlW Michael Vabi, Arrah Emrnanual Marie Meboka
While many individuals assisted with my research and provided guidance while in Cameroon, if it were not for the seIfless generosity of Bihini, Rose and Guillain, 1 would not have survived rny travels. 1 would also Iike to thank: Clodine Mboma, Nnomo Abbah Joseph, Joseph Melloh, Elias Djoh and Emmandeck Kennedy for assisting me while in Carneroon.
1 also must thank my fnends and farnily, but especially my parents and Jason for providing strength and support while I was far away and close at home. vii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Research Sites...... 84 Figure 2: Research Design ...... 93 Figure 3: Research Question I-ûrganizations ...... 95 Figure 4: Raearclt Quesrion I -Participants ...... 96 Figure 5: Research Question II .Frameworks ...... 102 Figure 6: Research Question I - Southeast Area ...... 110 Figure 7: Research Question i - Southwest North Areu ...... 119
Figure 8: Research Question 1- Sou fhwest South Area ...... ,...... 129 Fo reword
Research for this thesis fulfills one of the requirernents for my Master in
Environmental Studies degree f?om York University; however, it also represents the
integration of my academic and personal interests in conservation. 1 came to York
University and the Faculty of Environmental Studies to explore conservation ideologies
and primates in Af?ica. Within my first semester, I noticed an emphasis in traditional
conservation, on biological aspects of conservation issues, and a neglect of socio-cultural,
political and economic issues in primate conservation prograrns. 1 was profoundly
affected by theories on the concept of biocultural interactions, and the influence of
culture and language. 'Nature is not only more complex than we think, it is more
complex than we can think" (Nabham 1997), and the overarching influence of economics
and politics has constructed and constrained the potential for our language to represent
alternative concepts.
1 became interested in building upon the existing conservation processes to
address "new" alternative, or more integrated conservation perspectives for primate conservation issues. This ambition took me to Cameroon to conduct the field research for this project, and allowed me to realize why conservation issues are so complex and challenging. While researching the commercial bushmeat trade, I appreciated that it is the greatest threat to apes7 suMval in West and Central Mca, but was more deeply afSected by the intensity of human survival and the necessity of natural resources in day-to-day existence. When 1 returned to Canada, and told of my adventurous interactions with comrnunities and exposure to al1 facets of Cameroonian Iife, someone said they heard that Cameroon would never be the sarne; al1 T could think was that, no, 1 would never be the same. Cameroon has likely forgotten that 1 ever walked its many paths. The seeds 1 dispersed have now sprouted, the trails grown with vegetation, a11 the while, the local communities continued on their daily trek for survivai, for environmental issues are indeed survivai issues- Table of Contents
Title Paoeb ...... i . Copyright Page...... , ...... o...... ^^ ... Certificate Page ...... 111 Abstract ...... iv Acknowledgements ...... vï . Table of Contents ...... ll List of Tables ...... vi .. List of Figures ...... o...... w~ ... Foreword ...... VIII I Introduction...... 1 ReachProject ...... 1 Scope of this Repor? ...... 4 2 Conservation and Development ...... 6 Introduction ...... 6 Socioeconorriic Realities in Development ...... 8 Diversity and Conservation...... 12 Sustainable development ...... 15 Sustainabiiity ...... 16
3 Conservation Constraints in Cameroon ...... 19 Introduction ...... 19 Cameroon Introduction ...... 19 Regional Context...... 19 Historical Contek-...... 20 Cultures of Cameroon...... 21 Political System ...... ,., ...... 22 Cameroon Economy ...... 23 Environmental Conte.- ...... 21 Cameroon Environment ...... 24 Criticai Species ...... 25 Critical Habitats...... 26 Socio~conomicImportance of ForsResources ...... 27 Constraints to Conservation in Cameroon ...... 28 Panems of Association with Wildlife and Ecological Identity ...... 29 Politics and Economics ...... 32 Atternpts to Address Conmaints to Conservation ...... 31 Perspectives of Stakeholders...... 35 Site Rationale ...... 37 4 The Commercial Bushrneat Trade in Central West AfnCa ...... 39 Introduction ...... 39 Rwons and Aspects for Participation in the Trade ...... JO Food ...... 41 Quantities Consumed ...... 41 CdruraI D_vnamics ...... 43 Process of the Trade ...... 43 Participants ...... 44 Hunter Oveniew ...... 44 Immigrant Settlers ...... 46 Hunting Mâterials and Methods ...... 16 Guns ...... 47 Trapping ...... 18 Seasonaii@ ...... 48 Women Buyers and Selles ...... 49 Markets ...... 49 Prices...... 50 Consumers ...... 51 Economic Importance ...... SI Household Economics ...... 52 Species Hunted ...... 54 Preferences ...... 55 Endangered Species ...... 58 Aspects of Over Harvesting ...... 59 Logging ...... 59 Logging Controls ...... 61 Internationai law Infringements ...... 61 Approaches to Managing the Bushmeat Trade ...... 62 5 The Impact of Commercial Hunting on Primates und Apes ...... 67 Introduction ...... 67 Reasons Primates are Hunted ...... 67 Reasons Primates are not hunted ...... 70 Status and conservation of primates in Cameroon with a focus on Apes ...... 71 Status of the most threatened primates in Cameroon ...... 72 Focus on Apes ...... 74 6 Roject Design ...... 79 Questions of Inquiry ...... 79 PrelwHypotheses Part A ...... 80 Research Design ...... ,., ....,...... 80 Sampling Frames Design for Case Study ...... 81 Components and Research Sites ...... 82 Methods ...... 85 Data Collection ...... 85 Researcher Rote ...... 36 Primary Methods ...... 87 Data Anaiysis ...... 90 Part B ...... 92 7 Region Reporis .Results and Discussion ...... 94 Central / Littoral .Yaounde / Douala Report ...... 94 Research Question 1...... 94 Research Question LI ...... 97 Market Sweys ...... 97 Yaounde ...... 97 Douala ...... 100 summaly ...... 100 Organization Project Planning Interviews...... 101 Patterns of Association with Wildlife ...... 101 Politics ...... 101 Economics ...... 104 Work Issues ...... 104 Causes ...... 105 Solutions ...... 106 2) Southeast Dja Resme Area Report ...... 109 Research Question 1...... 109 Research Question II ...... 111 Politics ...... il2 Patterns of Association with Wildlife ...... 112 Economics ...... Il2 Community ldentity ...... 113 Roles ...... 113 Work Issues ...... 114 Foods Eaten ...... il5 Food Issues ...... 115 Solutions ...... 116 Acceptance ...... 116 Bushmeat trade solutions ...... 116 Sourhwest North .Kurup National Park Area Report ...... 118 Research Question L ...... 118 Research Question II ...... 120 politics ...... 120 Patterns of Association with Wildlife ...... 121 Economics ...... 121 Community Identity ...... 121 Roles ...... 122 Work ...... 123 Work Issues and Solutions ...... 124 Food Eaten ...... 125 Foai Issues ...... 126 4) Southwest South -Mount Cameroon Area Report ...... 227 Research Question 1...... 125 Research Question II ...... 130 Politics ...... 131 Pattern of Association with wïldlife ...... 131 Economics ...... 131 Roles ...... 132 Work Issues ...... 133 Food Issues ...... 134 Bushmeat Trade Solutions...... 134
Introduction ...... 136 Trade dynamics and participants .regionat cornparisons ...... 137 Process of the Trade ...... 133 Participants ...... 138 Discussion of Frameworks...... 138 Politics ...... 139 Economics ...... -...... 140 Aiternative Perspectives - Gendered Issues ...... 141 Cornrnunity Identity ...... 141 Roies of Wornen ...... LU Work issues ...... 146 Food ...... 147 Summary ...... 148 9 Conclusion-...... 151 Program Opportunities...... 152 Future Researc h ...... 156 References ...... ,...... 157 Appendix 1: Mammals at most risk from the bushmeat trade ...... 168 Appendix 2: Status of Species in Carneroon ...... 169 Appendix 3: interview Template ...... , ...... 171 Appendix 3: Market Survey ...... 172 Appendix 5: Project Planning meetings ...... 175 List of Tables
Table 1: Biodiversity in Cameroon 25 Table 2: Land and Forest Areus of Cameroon 26 Table 3: Cumeroon socio-economic indicators related to the Environment 27 Table 4: Protected Areas in Carneroon 34 Table 5: Quantities Consumed 42 Table 6: Bushmeut Species Prefetences 57 Table 7: Data Collection Totals 89 Table 8: Mwket Surveys in Yaounde 98 Table 9: Market Surveys in Douala LOO Table 9: Identiq and Roles of Women 123 1 Introduction
Research Project
Conservation projects in Central Afnca are attempting to tackle wildlife
management problems within extremely challenging and complex social, econornic,
political and institutional circumstances. For example, despite policies that resaict access
to fireanns, establish hunting quotas and issue hunting pennits, designate conservation
areas, and ernploy enforcement oflicers, conservation prograrns in Aftica have failed to
effectively regdate over hunting (Gibson and Marks 1995). This is due to the fact that the
resources to be conserved are those upon which cornrnunities depend for survival. This
highlights the distinction and the conflict between resource conservation and resource
use. Further, it implies a Iack of attention to human sustainability in conservation and a
Iack of ecological sustainability in Iocal community development.
Embedded within this conflict, are concepts such as wildlife management,
conservation, development and sustainable development. While wildlife management has
focused on the protection of resources for exploitation, conservation has embraced
management but has also attempted to designate preservation within protected areas.
Development normally suggests a favourable change towards an increase in the standard
of living or economic growth. Given the apparent inadequacy of conventional wildlife
management and conservation policies inherited Eom the colonial era, conservationists,
international conservation organizations and Mican wildlife departments have searched for a different approach. The resulting programs have emphasised integrated conseniation
and developrnent, community-based conservation and sustainable development. With the popuiarization of sustainable development prograrns, conservation and development ideals have progressed towards a comrnon area, but remain ideologically distinct. And conservation or development programs still reflect their distinct perspectives. While presenting new initiatives, these prograrns have not necessarily aùdressed the root issues or constraints on conservation prograrns in tropical areas.
Within the challenging and complex ftamework for conservation, hnctional pressures of importance in this study are: pditical involvement, economic decline, increasing levels of poverty with increasing population and rapid escalation in exploitation of the country's natural resource base. There is an implicit assumption that these pressures must be influencing the environment and promoting the loss of biodiversity. The problem is to determine the linkages and the relative importance of various factors. Interactions are fiirther complicated because any individual behaviour can be the result of multiple causes, and because not all causes may be in the conscious mind of an individual. Therefore the process of identification of integral facets of a conservation issue is extrernely complex.
The purpose of my study is ta analyze the reasons why wildlife management in
Cameroon is not working, and to suggest that an emphasis on alternative perspectives for conservation may help to resolve some of these failings. En order to illustrate the constraints and multiple facets of conservation and development programs, and the need to work fiom community understandings of factors and interactions, this project presents a case study on the perspectives of participants in the commercial bushmeat trade in
Cameroon. Bushrneat is used to describe the meat of wiId animals caught in the bush for food purposes, and trade constitutes a transfer of this meat for cash. The trade is prevalent
and of seriou conservation and development focus in much of West and Central Afiica-
The two main questions of uiquhy in this study are: 1) who are the main
participants in each aspect of the bushmeat trade? 2) How do they conceive of their participation? Answers are important because of their potential to affect firmre
conservation planning. The commercial bushmeat îrade presents an ideal case study to
illustrate the importance of addressing the non-biological factions of conservation issues.
Politics, economics and cultural practices propel the trade, and the remedy therefore requires programs of greater scope than protected areas or specîes population studies. An ovem-ew of the participants in the southem tropical forest zone of Cameroon indicates a series of exchanges between male hunters, middle people, women buyers and sellers, and
individual restaurants or clients. The trade operates at the local village level, in large urban centres, and through underground dealings arnong urban elite; each level is comrnercialized. By focusing on the previously neglected role of women in the trade, 1 will show that inclusion of all participants, and their perspectives on the trade cmprovide greater insight for structuring conservation prograrns to protect endangered or threatened am-mals, such as the gorillas or chimpamees in Cameroon.
The dominant frameworks for addressing the trade have focused on political will and economic dependence. Implicit in the trade is the cornpliance of political systems and assistance fiom the infiastructure of Cameroon. hterviewing women buyers and sellers, who control the market and business aspect of the trade, identifies other perspectives of involvement Gender aspects of the trade emphasize the role of women interlaced with their work, food security, community identity and resource exploitation. These
£iameworks reiterate that development issues are important to communities and ako that the bushmeat trade is more than a biological conservation problem. Potentid future research directions include the following two research inquiries. First, to identie ways in which education, awareness or pilot programs could use these heworks as guidelines, and secondly as a mode1 to identiQ particular ways in cvhich conservation efforts have failed, and the perspectives needed to prornote a successful balance between resource use and conservation,
While there are many perspectives of the irade, primate conservation focuses on the endangered populations of goriflas and chimpanzees and has brought the bushmeat crisis into public concem because it is the greatest threat to their survival (Ape All'lance
1998)-However, these species do not constitute a large portion of the trade, or elicit a large constituent of specialized hunters and sellers. Therefore programs addressing the trade are best applied in non species-specific perspectives. Certain cases may be made for education programs aimed at instilling value for endangered animats, be it intrinsic, or for fkture economic potential. A focus on popuiar animals may also assist in generathg awareness due to the public appeal of large marnmals. Such is the case in the North
American efforts to aise awareness of the bushmeat trade using the crisis situation of chimpanzees and gorillas. Although this report focuses on the trade hma primate conservation perspective, it reflects the comprehensive conservation approach to the crisis and therefore presents data and information relevant to dl aspects of the trade, as this is how causervation programs must address this issue. Seope of ?bis Report
1 vdill discuss the practices of primate cornervation as reflected in the broader theories of conservation, development and sustainable development. This dlhelp ta illustrate the tmp-ce cf fkmi~,gpr~gr-ms e~ corsenratiofi or development, and vdl present an interesting panidox for the boshmeat Me,which deals directly ~16thbot! wildlife ruid human ne&.
Fo!!~wii?ng+Ss discussion, the case study will be introduced in the context of conservation in Central Africa descnting biologicrl, social, political and economic information. Site information for Camerom introduces the research design and methods of this project. malyses sepamte the resuits uito four geogrzphic regions in the tropical forest area of southern Cameroon. Each region is detaited separately, followed by a cross-cornparison introducing the overall emergent fnrneworks for understanding the bushmeat trade as delineated by the participants inteniewed. Following a bnef summary of the case study aspect cf this report, the conclusions suggest newrways of addressing the conservation and development issues within this industry. 2 Conservation and Development
Introduction
The semantic implications of terms such as natural, environrnent, conservation, development and sustainabIe development, detennine and fiame Our way of thinking about these concepts, which in tum determines their application. As such, there is a fundamental tension between the processes of biodiversity conservation and hurnan development (Robinson 1993). The problernatization of the distinction between conservation and develop ment are answered by neWorld ConservafionSfrategy
(International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (TUCN) l98O), which suggests that these concepts are not mutually exclusive, and may find solace in sustainable development. Caringfor the Eurth (nrCN, UNEP & WWF 1991) and the World Conservation Sfrategy philosophies have played a major role in influencing the conservation progams pursued in Afnca. They are anthropocentric and imply that local cornmunities must be involved in conservation and development. While striving towards sustainability, development tries to incorporate environmental factors into the paradigm, and conservation considers answering rural developrnent needs in order to influence community support for conservation programs. Integration of these two theories has not been sufficient to address some of the constraints to conservation in countrizs such as Cameroon, or the issues confronting primate survival. Both community- based conservation and rural development programs which were developed as an answer to amdiorate conservation and development differences, have now inspired the suggestion that neither achieve conservation nor development (Oates 1999). Cited problems in primate conservation are due to political, economic and social conditions, including civil war and cornmunity disputes. Errors in conservation faII into the same categories as suggestions for a more inclusive conservation. Socially, conservation has failed because many times decisions are made nationally and imposed locally. Economically, conservation has faiied because non-use values are not respected, and policies for resource sustainability are useless in the absence of economic aIternatives based on local needs. Politically, conservation has failed due to multifarious uncertainties of the future, which undermine long-term social, economic and environmental p lanm-ng.
Conservation failures compound when the effects of resource scarcity itself create a source of instability (Western et al. 1989) within social, economic and poIitical agendas.
It is therefore usefil to came the discussion of current Afiican primate conserv~tionissues and programs within societal development, conservation, and sustainable development, to simultaneously present the necessary background on primate conservation, and also to illustrate the need to create a "new conservation". This discussion is also important for this treatment of the commercial bushmeat trade for two reasons. Firstly, developrnent has threatened primate populations, while conservation ideology has limited the scope and success of primate conservation programs. Secondly, the bushmeat trade as a conservation issue arose because of its threat to populations of chimpanzees and godas in West and Central AfYica. Therefore, initial conservation prograrns have emulated a primate conservation perspective. Programs have now expanded to include other species and the relevant socioeconomic issues, but still retain the original conservation perspective. Therefore, the bushmeat trade is an excellent case study to illustrate how traditional conservation ideology would fail to acidress the more
cornplex socioeconomic realities and more diverse conceptions of nature.
The suggested ernphasis on social, political, and econornic factors in conservation
is not intended to negate the importance of starting with a biologicaf foundation from
which to base these new perspectives. The information presented in this chapter begins
with the biological history of primate conservation in general, which will be continued
throughout the following conservation and bushmeat trade chapters. Specific species data
will be discussed within the Carneroon bushmeat trade case study.
Socioeconomic Realities in DeveIopment
Growth and development are different processes that are considered
complementary in the long run but cornpetitive in the short run (Kempe 1996). Although
development may contain econornic factors, it is not synonymous with econornic growth
as an overall goal, and this false assumption has been one of the main limitations of
development. There are qualitative dimensions distinguishing development frorn
economic growth, such as social, political and economic transformations.
However, miscarried development efforts are attributed to a lack of social,
political and ecological considerations. Causes of failure are often complex, and include
such factors as inadequate planning, political contention and cultural resistance.
Development itself is a product of power relations, power of States, capital, technology and knowledge, al1 used to alter the culture and society of particular groups (Adams
1990). Not surprisingly then, a lack of propnety of development, both culturally and geographically, compound development resistance. Additionally, concem has been that few development programs take account of environmental considerations when making
policy or planning development. If the ideals of economic growth and environmental
quality are fiamed in opposition, then one wiIl always have to be sacrificed for the other.
Human preference for environmental goods needs to take account not only of the
value of the environment to humans, but aIso the value of the environment itself-
Development is almost inevitably synonymous with disturbances or destruction of natural
habitat. However, economic development has been elusive in developing countries due to the failure of development theory (due to limited definitions and insight), and the policy failure to capture the real long-term issues that should deterrnine development prospects
(Kempe 1996). The nature of contlict involves unsustainable exploitation of forests, inappropriate development of regions adjacent to protected areas, and total repiacement of forests by other land uses. Destruction through logging, conversion to plantations, and clearing for agriculture are the most cornmon situations in West and Central Afi-ica.
About two million hectares of tropical forest are lost each year, with insignificant reforestation, and approximately 70% of original wildlife habitats are destroyed (Cleaver
1992). Conversely however, Fairhead and Leach (1996) discuss the assumption that current forest loss represents past forested areas, whereas in Guinea, these scholars show that forested areas have actually increased by the activities of local inhabitants. Therefore the theory of habitat destruction is itself a contested area due to generalizations of blame for rnisuse of forested areas on local inhabitants, and a general myth of, or sensationalism in porîraying the actual rates of deforestation in West Mica. Globally, habitat destruction is cited as the major threat to wild populations of
primates. In the broader ecological realm, primates are an excellent group of animals to
study when attempting to understand the impact of habitat destruction and hunting of
tropical forest fauna. This is due to their ecological role as seed dispersers, predators,
insectivores, pollinators and browsers (Struhsaker 1997), and how hunting and logging
can affect their food habits, ranging patterns, social behaviour, interspecific relations and
population dynarnics.
The effect of disturbances on primates vanes with the species, the accumulating
irnpingements into the forest by communities and the method of disturbance.
Reproductive variables are important components of both rarity and vulnerability to
extinction in primates. Long-lived species such as Chimpanzees (Pan trogIocJ,fes) and
GoriIlas (Gorillogorilla), are K-selected with low reproductive rates and high parental
investment (Happel, Noss & Marsh 1987). As such these species are unlikely to show an
immediate population decrease following the onset of habitat degradation. The likelihood
of exhibiting a decrease is also broadly correlated with diet and feeding ecology,
specifically, the risk is correlated with their ability to adapt to a changed distribution and abundance of food. Changes in feeding behaviour may also result in altered ranging behaviour. Stnihsaker (1997) showed that primates most susceptible to logging were the large species such as chimpanzees that fed on seasonal items such as fruit, seeds, and flowers. Energetic constraints may limit daily ranging, whereas fragmentation of the habitat may force other species to travel firther each day. Short-term reductions in food quality cause agekex specific mortality within a population. Species unabie to adjust their ranging patterns to cope with an uneven distribution of food resources are piaced at
a cornpetitive disadvantage in logged forests (Johns 1985).
The general feeling that disturbed habitat is of little value is based on scant
ernpirical evidence. Logged forests have an important role to play in the conservation of primates, as they will continue to occupy large land areas. Primary forests are vital in supponing a full range of species, but logged forests are able to support many animals, including some that cannot survive in small, isolated primary forest reserves. Lowland goriIlas have in fact shown preference for secondary forest areas. The larger problem lies in the resulting encroachment into a newly accessible forest region. Encroachment may involve cultural practices of shifting agriculture, fùelwood gathering, and gathering of forest products. However, the most important secondary disturbance for ape conservation is the increased access to forest populations of animals for commercial hunting.
Aside from habitat disturbances, the hunting of primates for a variety of different purposes can be a significant factor in their decline. The main reason for hunting primates is for food. Alternative reasons include medicina1 purposes, bait, to obtain skins or other body parts for omamentation, for pets, and in certain circumstances, because they are evil omens or agriculniral pests (Mittermeier 1987). Hunting can cause more damage than deforestation in certain regions and has already resulted in the extirpation of populations even in areas of othenviçe suitable habitat. The commercialization of primate products is the greatest threat to many species of primates in West and Central Mrica, and illustrates the desire for economic growth and development by both local cornmunities and i mrnigrant entrepreneur^'^. Diversity and Conservation
Primate conservation follows the pragmatic aspects of conservation and as such has identified key habitats and species on which to focus. Along with the influence of defining conservation, the WCN has produced the Sram Sumy and Consenation
Action Plan for Afncan Primates (Oates 1W6), which summarises the current ideology of primate conservation measures. The most appropriate actions to achieve the goals of survival of endangered and representative species include: establishing current patterns of diversity and distribution of African primates, studying and describing the threats to primates, assisting in the development of management recommendations, and establishing priorities among specific conservation projects.
A survey of the Iiterature indicates compliance with recommendations; current practices in conservation from a "Western" effort involve application of conservation theory, idand biogeography, minimum viable population size, and population viability assessment (see Western & Pearl 1989). These are essentially the minimum bioIogical and matenal resources needed to maintain a species as an evolutionary entity (Western
1986). While there exist many examples of community based conservation initiatives, a focus on Iocal primate consenation (guided by relic colonial govements and the influence of international organirations) encompasses establishing protected ecosystems, although areas may also focus on educational programs, national strategies, and better hunting controls (Oates 1986).
Emphasis is placed on the role of protected areas and primate survival. Protected areas may serve environmental objectives of habitat management, or multiple use agendas serving the economic, and social objectives of the development process. The
globally favourable trends observed in the establishment of protected areas during the last
two decades result fiom an emphasis on the links between nature conservation and the
socioeconomic development of people living near reserves (McNeely 1992). Most
categories could accommodate sorne combination of environmental, economic and social
objectives of development through the application of zoning techniques. A prosram of
boundary demarcation has been initiated, and in theory a buffer zone sunounds many
parks, but, in practice, these areas have been taken over by the human population.
A policy of strict conservation increasingly finds itself in conflict with human
populations resident near conservation areas. Some practitioners have labelled the
atternpted inclusion of local residents into Park initiatives, as community based
conservation, and view it as the only means of finding comrnon ground between
conservation and development interests (Refer to Western, Wright & Strum (Eds) 1995)
Criticism of these programs focused on the minimal amount of community participation,
and the even smaller amount of involvement in the planning process, as well as the
conflict between communities after implementation. The pervasive attitude is that within certain limits, communities will cooperate, help to manage established areas, or refrain fiom participating in certain practices, as long as the communities are provided with money or material rewards (Oates 1999). This highlights the distinction between essentially bribing cornmunities to participate in community based conservation, and the process of soliciting community needs and ideas on development and conservation. Clearly, conservation methods are most usehl where they pay attention to local
realities, and attempt to integrate the principles of conservation into management
regimes, and this became the goal of my research. Valuation of primates is based on a
theory of utilizing wildlife as a resource in order to make human populations concemed
about its continual survival. AIthouyoh economic valuation rnay initially seem
unfavourable, conservation as a concept may effectively emulate the ideal success of
development (as understood by local communities who want economic development) and
ascribe to this popu1arized ideal of growth as success. Tropical forest conservation does improve overall ecanomic well-being, and takes pressure from forest resources and thus promotes conservation. Conversely, this association may also plague the success of a program, whereby conservation is seen as another development initiative (Adams 1990) linked to colonial management and the faults of development planning. Therefore, serious flaws exist irn the theory that wildlife can best be conserved through promoting human economic arud community development.
Suggestions two decades old stili frame füture consenration initiatives: more education on the meaning, value, and practices of primate conservation for the local cornmunities, and the establishment of more effective wildlife reserves in forested areas
(Oates, Gartlan & Sttruhsaker 1987). Overall management of conservation prograrns in relation to primates #continuesto focus on protected areas and biological or ecological aspects. This includes ecological and behavioural studies, maintaining parks and reserves, focusing on endangered and vulnerable species, creating public awareness, and detennining ways im which humans and primates can coexist (Struhsaker 1992, Mittermeier 1986). Research on widespread problems of human land-use practices such as logging, hunting and cultivation, can make important contributions to primate conservation.
Sustainable develop ment
As the ultimate integrated program, sustainable development has been marshalled as the concept to tmly bridge the gap between traditionai conservation and traditional development ideology. The definition may be framed ecologically, economicallJ or in sociai/cultural terms, and may alternatively focus on ecological sustainability or human sustainability. Although the definition ultimately focuses on the system of interest, the most common definition now is fiom Our Cornmon Future: "development which rneets the needs of the present without comprornising the ability of fùture generations to meet
their own needs cc (Brundtland 1987:43). The tenets of sustainable development may
Vary fiom a steady state, to growth in resource use, or equitable distribution of natural resources (Goodland 1990).
The emergence of sustainable development was intended to ameliorate flaws in the deveIopment theory, which includes providing a new method of measuring costs and benefits. Sustainable development ca~otbe separated fiom sustainable economic development, as sustainability depends on the interaction of economic changes with social, cultural and ecological transformations (Barbier 1987). Economic analysis has been the traditional rneans by which costs and benefits of conservation and development projects have been identified. The terms of such conventional valuations have tended to be highly restricted, and have underestimated the benefits of conservation, while overemphasizing those of development. Criticisms have targeted the obviously
reproduced eamework of development planning and economic idedogies within this
concept to indicate that sustainable development merely represents the current
development rhetoric. This approach argues that real improvernent cannot occur in ThÏrd
World countries udess the strategies wiiich are being formulated and implemented are
not only environmentally sustainable over the long-term, but are consistent with social values and institutions, and encourage participation in the developrnent process (Barbier
1987).
There is no single best way to construct a social systern for achieving ecological
sustainable development. Suggestions indicate that sound economics, improved use of environmental assessment, environmental accounting and direct guidelines are al1 needed to make the urgent transition to environmentally sustainable development. However, theory alone is not suficient for discovenng an interrelating systern of planning and decision-making that is both ecologically sound and politically feasible (Caldwell 1984).
This case study in Cameroon indicates that conservation requires a complex understanding of local cultural nuances, not a general theory.
Sustainability
ExernpIified by the case study on commercial hunting, greater insight may be found in extracting the concept of sustainability from sustainable development and applying it to the system of interest, such as sustainable harvest rates, sustainable food production, sustainable consumption rates or ecologically sustainable activities, economically sustainable activities and socioeconomically sustainable activities. For exarnple, the concept of sustainability is usefiil when discussed within carefully defined
systems, such as the sustainability of wildlife hunting in the southern tropical forest
region of Cameroon, by both local village and professional hunters participating in the
bushmeat trade.
Sustainability may be detined as the ability of a system to maintain productivity
in spite of a major disturbance such as that caused by intensive stresses or large
perturbation (Simon 1989). Theoretically, sustainability may be fiamed as the process of
interactions between dynamic development and social systems, or the balance between
the biological, economic and social systems (Barbier 1987). Extrapolated fûrther,
sustainability rnay be visualized as a tnangular mode1 ~f basic needs and self-reliance,
with ecoIogical sustainability as the base (Redclift 1987). Each system has its own goals,
but unfortunatel y, politics and vested interest often prevail and ignore biological
information on the potential of a sustained yield of resources, therefore constraining the
potential gains from sustainable concepts. The general objective then is to rnaximize the goals across al1 these systems.
As such, sustainability as a ccconservationmetaphor" relates to human use. The policies of sustainability cal1 for a fusion of realism and idealism in which the individual sees values in the survival of nature and also in working with nature, with which they identie. Consumptive or nonconsumptive human use of resources must not significantly deplete primate populations. A population is depleted when it is reduced to a 1eveI at which the species is vulnerable to extirpation or when the ecosystem functioning is adversely affected (Robinson and Redford 199 1). However, sustainable systems are not necessarily biodiversity conserving systems. For example, hunting control efforts cm produce short-terrn sustainable yields while still holding a species at a relatively sma!l population level at which it cannot perform its traditional ecological services such as seed dispersai. Sustainable use ody occurs when the nghts of different users are specific, when human needs are met and when the losses in biodiversity and environmental degradation are acceptable (Robinson 1993).
Summary
The loss of biodiversity and extinction of species is the paradigm that indicates a lack of sustainability (Pearce et al- 1989). On the road to sustainability, development has shown interest in fbrther incorporating environmental considerations, and conservation has turncd attention to community needs and developrnent aspirations to promote their programs. Each of these processes is highly criticized (for example see Sachs 1992).
There are many labels for this integration, including, ecodevelopment, green development and sustainable development. By contrast, conservation in Cameroon relates to the capacity of the poor to subsist on their own terms (Adams 1990); it is not about the way the environment is managed, but about those with the power to decide how it is managed. 3 Conservation Constrainl in Cameroon
Introduction
Following the introduction to conservation and development perspectives in the previous section, this chapter identifies the pertinent conservation information for the region, while specifically situating Cameroon and the bushmeat trade within these concepts. The goal of the case study is to present additional information and perspectives for better prograrn planning relevant to conservation and developrnent issues in the commercial bushmeat trade. The overall purpose is to use this case study to illustrate how to identie opportunities and constraints in conservation based programs.
This section includes not only biological conservation issues, but also the relevant social, political and economic situations in the region, to illustrate the constraints to conservation programs in Cameroon. Following this section is an overview of the commercial bushrneat trade also in Central West Afiica. FinaIly a brief review of the status and conservation of primates in Cameroon, and the impact of the bushmeat trade upon chirnpanzees and goriIlas concludes the introduction to the case study.
Cameroon Introduction
Regional Context
Cameroon is part of francophone Central Afiica, and is a member of the customs union that binds together Gabon, Congo (Brazzaville), Central Afkican Republic,
Equatorial Guinea and Chad. Cameroon has common boundaries with five of these countries, and shares a currency and similar linguistic, social, and economic contea. The CFA eanc (Communaute Financiere Africaine francL)is Iegal tender, and facilitates forma1 and informal trade. The boundaries between these countries are porous, in many regions people move tieely between the countries.
Historical Context
The Atlantic slave trade and the legitimate trade that followed affected the development of the forest areas on the coast of Africa. The areas in the interior were predominantly affected by the expansion of Islam and the spread of the acanEmpire toward the coast. But in the 1880's another influence became significant, German colonial domination spread exploitation northward f?om the coast.
The German period though brief, 1884 to1916, was of great importance to
Cameroon. More than a new name and a set of intemationaily recognized boundaries were involved, for the Germans undertook major infiastructure development and their activities continued the process of tying the Cameroon peoples and their economic systems to the world capitalist economy. In so doing, the Cameroonians undertook massive migration movements increasing the economic and social interactions between the cultures. The British and French invasion of c'Kameruny7during WWI brought an end to Germari rule. The colony was divided between the V~C~O~OUSpowers, the larger share of land and popufation going to the French, the smaller to the British.
Upon achievement of independence in 1960, Cameroon faced several problems.
The issue of defining and building an acceptable set of legitimate institutions to rule the newly independent country, was offset by the need to establish a national identity based
I Convertible to French Franc at 100: 1. on the many heterogeneous populations within its borders. The problem of state building
arises directly as a result of separate pre-existing political systems. The colonial rulers
had weakened or destroyed the previous systerns without providing for the constmcticn
of a new, overall system for the colonial entity. This problem common to most Afi-ican
States, was made more complex for Cameroon by the history of three colonial rulers, each
having a heritage of political attitudes and proto-institutions superimposed on the varïed
background of Afncan attitudes and institutions in the political, economic and social
spheres (DeLancey 1989). With no Iingua fianca, both French and English are officia1
languages; French culture and language dominate the country's people, administration
and government-
Cultures of Cameroon
Diverse cultural adaptations reflect the diverse environments in Cameroon, which
is often referred to as "Afi-ica in miniature". With 24 major Afncan language groups and
over 200 dialects, Cameroon is culturally heterogeneous. The country is divided into
three major religious, social and cuitural zones. The pastoral and sedentary people of the
north are Muslim or animist and have Iargely retained their traditional way of life. The
people of the humid forest zone in the south are farrners and cultivators. They constitute
about 33% of the population and have been influenced by Christianity and an external
market with plantations, commercial agriculture, forestry, railways, urbanisation, oil
production and industrialization. Thirdly, traditional forest cultures are distributed across the forested regions of Central Afiica in many distinct ethnic groups. They traditionally
{iveby hunting and gathering wild forest resources, which they consume and trade to neighbouring Bantu speaking fmers in exchange for cultivated food~.There has been a long history of contact and extensive economic and political relations between cultures in the rain forests for at least 2000 and maybe even 4000 years (Sayer, Harcourt & Collins
1992)-
One feature of Cameroon over the last decade has been a pronounced regional movement of people. The mass rnovernent of rural people to urban areas is important due to increasing demands for bushmeat in these settings. Immigrants are often economic migrants, moving to an area for econornic gain, and these activities are often then imitated and adopted by the local comrnunities (Sikod et al. 1998), thereby weakening traditional practices.
Political Systern
The institutional framework in Cameroon is the product of a potitical structure that is centrdist, hierarchical and geared towards the collection and distribution of rents.
"It is essentially multifarious, fragmented, inefficient, uncoordinated and fùnctionally and relatively distorted" (Sikod et al. 1998: 12). A lack of inter-ministerial coordination is a pronounced feature of this govemment and work camed out in any Ministry is usually duplicated in the paraIIel structures in the Prime anister's office, and then the
Presidency. There is often not even coordination between the different administrative branches within the same Ministry.
The enforcement of wildlife and forestry Iaws is the responsibility of provincial and divisional staff. There are ten provinces in Cameroon: Adamaoua, Centre, Est,
Extreme-Nord, Littoral, Nord, Nord-Ouest, Ouest, Sud, Sud-Ouest. Provincial and federal institutions have not been immune to the structural adjustment program and have lost
much staff and resources, including vehicles. Forrneriy stntctured as the conservation and
management of forests under the Ministry of Agriculture, and the conservation of wildlife
under the Ministry of Tourism, these Ministnes are now under Ministry of the
Environment and Forests (IVENEF).
Cameroon Economy
The rnajority of Cameroon's GDP is derived from the pnmary sector (logging,
mining) or of primary agricultural production (coffee, cocoa, bananas, rubber, cotton)
(Sayer et ai. 1992). Most agriculture is produced by small fmers, rather than agro-
industrial estates. The secondary sector of the economy, rnanufacturing and industry, is
very weak. From 1986, Cameroon's economy suffered a sharp reversa1 of an otherwise
steady growth. GDP per capita declined by 6.3% per year. The country adopted an
International Monetary Fund (MF) structural adjustment program in 1988. Initial
interna1 adjustments affected rural areas the most, with the number of households below
the poverty line rising £tom 49% to 71%. In 1994, there was an extemal currency
devaluation of 50% (Sikod et al. 1998). With a halving of labour and operating costs, the timber industry flourished. Comrnunities were forced to find other sources of income-
The skilIs that are necessary for subsistence existence were easily transferred into economic activity and hunting became more cornmerciaIized.
Econornic decline, reduction in civil servants' salaries up to 60%, the devaluation of the currency by 50% and the lack of strong leadership and discipline have resulted in the mushrooming of corruption (Sikod et al. 1998). In 1998 and 1999, Cameroon was voted the most compt country in the world by Transparency International
(Koulagnakoutou Denis, persona1 communication).
Environmenta1 Context
Central West &ca is characterized by a wide range of biomes, ecosystems and
habitats. Included are tropical moist forests (representing 80% of the dense forests
remaining in Afkica), dry and evergreen forests, afio-montane forests, seasonally
inundated forests and savannas, woodland savannas, dry woodlands, papyrus and peat
bogs, the Congo river system, lakes and lagoons. In terms of biodiversity, Central Afiica
supports more than 60% of African biodiversity with over 400 species of mammals, 1086
species of birds, 2 16 species of reptiles, at least 48 species of butterflies and over 10 000
vascular plants (Martin 199 1).
The majority of Africa's intact tropical forest is now confineci to Congo,
Cameroon, and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The exploitable forest in
northern Congo alone covers 8 984 749 ha (Fay 1993). DRC has the third highest number
of animal species in the world, and only has 2 million people. The two-thirds forest cover
should mean that wildlife conservation is possible, especially within the 7% of forest gazetted to reserves (Amman & Pearce 1995). These diverse resources are of global importance. They are also important for nutritional, econornic, and social values for local and urban populations in the region.
Cameroon E~vironment
Cameroon has five different environmental zones in terms of vegetation and climate (Murray 1990). Many of Cameroon's forests are subject to an equatonal climate with four seasons per year (long and short dry and rainy seasons), but the coastal and montane forests tend to have a climate with two seasons. Most of the coastal plain has more than 4000mm of precipitation annually. Debundscha's rainfall, at the foot of Mount
Cameroon, regularly exceeds 10 000mm.
B iogeographic affxnities inchde predorninantly Guineo-Congolian raidorest in the south, and Sudanian in the north, with a broad transition zone across the centre (Stuart and Adams 1990). There are important Afio-montane elements in the West, and Sahel in the north. The most important threat to biodiversity in Cameroon is clearance of both lowland and montane forests, and the current lack of effective policies to enable the sustainable utilitation of products fiom forests that are outside (and inside) protected areas. Habitats are being lost through agricultural expansion, bush-fues and commercial logging. Illegal hunting of wildlife is a serious problem in both savannah and forest zones, with larger mammals, parrots and crocodiles being particularly affected.
Table 1 presents the overall biodiversity in Cameroon. Carneroon contains 48% of
Mica's known mammal species...... -in -in Biodiversity ...... r...... rr-...... -...... ---.-.:
A total of 29 primate species occur in Cameroon (Sayer et ai. 1992, Stuart &
Adams 1990). Within other populations of flora and fauna, there includes over 9000 species of plants including 156 endemic species, 23 species of antelope, 11 species of
rodents with conservation concern, 14 species of bats with 2 endangered, one of the largest populations of giraffes, buffalo and elephants, a distinct species of black rhino, a significant manatee population and 14 threatened species of birds, with 22 species endemic. Several endemic species of reptiles and 63 species of endemic amphibians characterize Cameroon-
Cnnticizl Habitats
Stuart and Adams (1990) sussest some of the most critical sites of conservation priority in Cameroon. Those reflected ir. this study include Komp National Park, Dja
Forest, Doula-Edea Game Reserve, Mount Carneroon axa, and the far southeast forests such as Nki, Boumba Bek and Lake Lobeke. Refer to Table 2 to gain an appreciation of the extent and conversion of forested areas in Cameroon,
...... 1 Table 2: Land and Forest Areas of ~ameroon - I Total area of the counts.lkm_tl 475 500 *.-.-.-.---.-----.-----.---..--.--.--..-..-...--....y.-..-..------.-...... -...-..----.-..------l,--...---.-..------...--...--...-*..--...... -...- II. 0 155 3302 - 2 Protected areas in the tropical forest (km') jj 11 270 ...... ?
Rain ~044- Lowland fi 147 480 $3186 !: Mangrove 2434 1; -3- i [...... -...... 1,--...... 2230 1.5 Lii lmi 155 330 1 .------...... (Sayer et al. 1992, Stuart and Adams 1990) Korup National Park lies within the "West Central" centre of endemism, and therefore harbours an accordingly high diversity of plant and animal species. The mount
Cameroon area rehge is one of nine areas in Africa with a distinct primate cornmunity
(Oates 1986).
Socio-economic Importance of Forest Resources
The region is characterized by low population density, and a high rate of urbanisation compared to other AG-ican regions (See Table 3)- ConverseIy, a large portion of the rural people Iive within forest areas where they rely on the use of natural resources for their subsistence livelihood (Hakizurnwami 1997). A significant portion of the resources harvested fiom the forest and f?esh waters is also sold to get rnoney for basic needs. Large-scale activities such as logging, mining, oïl exploitation and farming intersect with rural economies based on commerciaI hunting, fishing and slash and burn cultivation. Poaching and illegal trade of endangered wildlife species such as chimpanzees, gonllas, elephant and panther is widespread in the region. For example, in the Mount Cameroon area, a large percentage of inhabitants work the Cameroon
Development Corporation (CDC) on pIantations, but augment their small income
(between 870- 1350fcfa (US$ 1-45-3.25) per day) with hunting and gathering of natural resources (Ambrose-Oji 1997). These activities contribute to the degadation of wildlife resources and their habitats.
$ Table 3: Cameroon socio-economic indieators related to the 1 ~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~~~ Average Population Density urban 1992 (people/ km2) ...... Urban Population (Oh) 8 42% 2; ------*-----*------*------*------*--- r.-*----*--.------Average fopulation Density rural 1 13.1 1
Rural Population f%) 58% e mationliv- 1 1400 O00 -...--.*------.*------*-.-*--.*-.*-.--...--*.------~--.--.-**--~--.-----*--*--.--*-.-.------.*-*.------.---.--*---**--* . Literacy Rat* 154Y0 1 Literacy Rate for Women (%) ~.-**~~.~-*--.-~~~~-..---..------.-----.--.~..-...~..~~~*.**..*...**...... 3143%~..----..----..------' GNP / ca~ita1995 US$ $ $627 g
Constraints to Conservation in Cameroon
The principle cause of biodiversity loss is a complex of consequences of what might be loosely terrned ccdevelopment"arnd the need to meet modem consumptive demands frorn a natural resource based ecamorny (Sikod et al. 1998). The main factors recorded to influence excessive use of wil&life are commercial hunting, lack of respect of laws and regdation, ineffrcient mechanisms of control, logging activities, large scale farrning, economic crises, poverty, and a lack of alternatives for income generation.
The pressure on wildlife is steadily increasing due to the high demand for bushmeat by urban peopie or large settlernents created as a result of logging activities or large-scale agriculture. These activities have increased the number of people reiying on bushmeat as a source of protein, and income. Due to the low capacity of government services to control the use of wildlife resources, and the contradiction between modem law and traditional user rights, the control of hunting is virtually impossible. This is deduced following failure to punish offenders, the excessive supply of hunting licenses, ineficiency of government infrastructure, and the reluctance of government to delegate authorities to control trade,
Conservationists ofken expect local communities to hold a view of the bushmeat trade which: measures human's independent interaction with the natural world and the implications of those interactions, is future onented, values indirect communication, and is of obvious importance (Bowrnan 1999). Therefore, social, political and econornic factors constrain conservation potential and implementation in Cameroon. This complex of factors cm be grouped into several Erameworks which indicate the expanse of subjects which affect or are af5ected by conservation. Frameworks include patterns of association with wildlife, ecological identity, politics, and economics. Attempts to address the constraints to conservation with prograrn initiatives include the focus on creation of
National Parks, and attention to the perspectives of stakeholders-
Patterns of Association with Wildlife and Ecological Identity
Patterns of association with wildlife include cultural concepts and the value of wildlife and natural resoürces; these are reflected in traditional systems of wildlife management. In Cameroon, wildlife is valued for its spiritual values, as a component of the landscape indicating seasonal changes and the economic and social services it can provide. Rural communities' economies are almost entirely based on natural resources; for example, bushmeat marketing is an important source of income. I-Funting is attractive to rural people due to the fact it requires low initial investment, can generate rnonetary incorne very quickly and provides nutrition for the family. Changing economic and social situations can exacerbate the reliance on wildlife. Wildlife products play a significant role in the nutrition of the communities in rural as weII as urban areas. A linguistic connection
illustrates the extent to which local communities perceive primary food in wildlife. For
example, in Bantu dialects, "nyama", and "ntir" in Baka, is used to mean both wild
animals and meat (Hakinimwami 1997).
Although there is not much information on the impact of traditional systems on
the sustainability of natural resources, one may assume that cultural beliefs and
traditional practices contributed to the conservation of natural resources. Central African
communities possess a wealth of indigenous knowledge and traditional practices to deal with natural resources. Cultural beliefs, taboos, respect for sacred sanctuaries, and totems
are believed to influence community behaviour towards the use of natural resources,
especially wildlife. Respect to taboos changes following a decrease of alternative
resources or the increase of outside influence. Apart fkom taboos, there are still traditional rules related to mystic forces such as juju or djengi2, which are respected in the use of wildlife. For example, the Ikenge people in Korup National Park in Cameroon have banned outside hunters fiom their portion of the forest by using the "Ekpe juju"
(ETakizurnwami 1997). Communities believe these mystic forces have an important role in regulating resources and protecting community members. Each clan has a particular animals species, which host the spirits of its dead members. This animal species represents their totem and is protected.
2 A Juju is believed to be important for the conservation of culture and defence of the society, and to guarantee the weü'are of the community. It is believed to punish the people engaged in misuse of resources. Djengi is a Baka belief which has the power to reveal secrets if it is offered bushmeat Therefore Baka do not mttheir communi ty animais to disappear because they wouid Iose this service. In remote areas, land and its natural resources are under customary management
regimes and resources are used mainly for subsistence purposes. Land is also traditionally
a sacred common resource. It may constitute the link between cornmunities and their
descendants (Hakizumwami 1997). Natural forest is subdivided into naturally delineated clan temtories. In areas not significantly affected by outsiders, hunting and fishing are still regulated by right of access, traditional methods and cultural beliefs. Net hunting, trapping (snare, trench), and close hunting (spears, arrows) are traditional hunting methods. For outsiders to establish thernselves or use resources, they must first consult customary owners who may authonze them under exchange of symbolic gift. Therefore, an initiative to control outsiders fiom access to the resources in their customary temtories was the main metliod of management. It is now evident that these systerns are deteriorating due to factors such as economic constraint, pressure from outsiders, and increasing demand for bushmeat.
Since the introduction of colonial Iegislation, the status of land and its natural resources changed for the benefit of public access. The management of resources became the responsibility of govemment, which retains legal control over wildlife resources and its associated revenues. Access to wildlife, especially for commercial purposes, without a license is against the law. The govemment may delegate responsibility for management to institutions, international and national nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), projects and private initiatives. The law would then dictate the conditions under which exploitation must operate. Very rarely is responsibility given to local cornmunities. Politics and Economics
Politics, economics and ecological factors contribute to deforestation and destruction by logging and hunting. The international and national laws regulating these industries are also af3ected by factors similar to the constraints to conservation programs,
On national lands there is no requirement for management and there is a range of different options for exploitation. Logging, agicultural encroachment and fire are the major causes of forest degradation and destruction in Cameroon. The rate of degradation is increasing and tme primary forests are now restricted to a few areas in the southeast of the country. There is a hidden system of concession allocation where large sums of money are paid to secure large concessions. Concessions are granted without approval from any form of technical cornmittee and there is little field supervision. There is a very low rate of tax collection. This implicit policy encouraged uncontrolled expIoitation of the forest sector. As a result of vastly increasing logging operations, deemed to replace petroleum to drive Cameroon7seconomy, the rate of deforestation is 10- 11 times that of regeneration (IUCN 1996). CIear felling in the context of logging operations does not occur within the country. The logging industry of Cameroon is under the control of foreign companies. The volume of timber exports is approximately 1.2 million CU. M per year of which 62% is raw Iogs and the rest processed wood. Principally Belgium, France,
Germany, Greece and Holland take 85% of the exported logs and 91 % of the processed wood. Over half of the production cornes £tom the semi-deciduous and Cameroon-
Congolese moist forests in the east of the country (Sayer et al. 1992). Government policy is that 60% of logs are processed locally. The average recovery of tirnber f5om raw logs processed for export is 30%, but can be as low as 20 percent. As much as 20-35% of each
felled tree is lost at the logging site. The waste from a felled tree to sawn product is as
high as 65-75% due to inefficient machinery.
Efiminating seed dispersers such as elephants, duikers and primates Eom a forest
whose tree species have CO-evolvedwith them, will initiate a process of ecologicaI
succession towards a forest with a different species composition. This is occurring in
most of Cameroon's ecologicalIy valuable coastal and montane forests. The main
problem therefore is an insidious degadation of the forests.
Cameroon is party to CITES and the Convention on Biological Diversity of 19%.
The export of endangered species is either banned or controlled through the allocation of
quotas. The fact that those who are also responsible for monitoring the quota allocation
control the export of valuable endangered animal items fkom Cameroon, leads inevitably
to fraud and abuse (Sikod et al. 1998). Cameroon is also a ratified member of the Afî-ican
Convention on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, the Convention
Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, the Convention on
the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (the "Bonn Convention"), the
International Tropical Timber Agreement, and the Convention for Cooperation in the
Protection and Development of the Marine and Coastal Environment of the West and
Central Afiican Region (Stuart & Adams 1990).
The government of Cameroon has enacted three Iaws that nationalized al1 land and natural resources (1 974 and 1976 Land Tenure Acts, 1994 Forest Law). Traditional land tenure processes still flourish, but are not enforceable. The 1994 Forest Law nationalized al1 natural resources, including plants and trees, but villagers have usuhct rïghts. This alienation of land and resources is a source of considerable insecurity and is not conducive to sustained management of resources.
Attempts to Address Constraints to Conservation
As the main method for conserving species and habitats, authonties have established National Parks with financial and technical assistance kom foreign aid and conservation agencies. For example, Korup National Park was created to value the support of local communities, but has rather assisted communities in the development of their economy in exchange for not exploiting the Park's resources. This approach has led to unfulfilled expectations and very little programming to increase the protection of wildlife fiom hunting (Oates 1999).
Cameroon possesses some of the most important protected areas in Africa.
Established and prospective areas are listed in Table 4. A major problem with the faunal reserves has been an inadequate budget and
infrastructure. The boundaries are neither cleared nor marked. The reserves are not
developed as tourist attractions and therefore receive a much lower budgetary and infrastructure priority than do the national parks. Realisticafly, only Komp N.P. and the
Dja Reserve (also a biosphere and world heritage site), and the southem section of
Douala-Edea reserve are protected
Perspectives of Stakehoiders
It is generall y acknowledged that collective approaches to natural resource management requires integration of conservation and development objectives, and the legal right for local communities to ensure the economic potential and the active involvement of local communities in environmental protection and management. The latest initiative in Central African wildlife management is by community initiatives.
Large international organizations, government ministries and local nongovernmental organizations team up in remote areas to work with comrnunities to organize community conservation projects in order to make them meaningful for community customs, rituals and myths (See Vabi and Schloor 1998).
Parties involved in wildlife management include the following:
Local cornmunities - A comrnunity represents the people belonging in the same
clan or ethnic group or traditional users of resources (E3akizumwami 1997), and
may be made up of different groups competing for the control of access to
resources. The dimensions of a comrnunity are reiated to the availability of
resources- For example, when resources are insufhient, the boundaries of the
comrnunity tend to be enforced in order to exclude outsiders.
Government Institutions - are largely under-resourced to mobilize Iocal
communities for wildlife management, and delegated to externally fùnded
projects, which rnay be attempting to introduce participatory approaches to
management. Governments remain partners.
International Organizations - play an important role in influencing governments to
improve conservation policy and legislation. They also fund and implement field
projects.
Local Organizations - collaborate with governments and projects to mobilize
local communities towards conservation of wildlife.
Pro-iects - potentially participatory or community developed.
Logeing; com~anies- some cooperate for conservation of wildlife. Due to the increasing involvement of greater numbers of stakeholders, local
communities no longer feel themselves responsible for the conservation of wildlife. This
is fiamed that since their natural environment is a reservoir of resources, the government
is concerned with conservation of biodiversity. Hakizumwami (1997) found that
comrnunities were not motivated to participate in sustainable management of wildlife for
the following reasons: inadequate legislation, irnproper extemal actors and programs, no
consideration of indigenous knowledge, conflict between stakeholders, political and
institutional instability, and failure to integrate conservation and development.
Development is the overarching goal of both Cameroon and its citizens. Villagers want health care, hospitals, education, housing, television and radios etc. Before the economic collapse of Cameroon in the 1980s, there were officia1 five-year development plans for al1 regions. Development means infrastructure, roads, ports, airports, modem buildings, and telecornmunications. Mastructural development is thought to contribute to central control of the country, therefore logging practices in remote areas are conducive to this development perspective, as they provide infrastructure in areas otherwise untouched.
Site Rationale
A review by Bowen-Jones (1997) of the current depth of knowledge on the bushmeat trade indicates that approximately 2 1% of the literature on the trade included aspects ouor focus on Cameroon. Market studies have been carried out and logging activities of selected cornpanies analyzed. Logging companies and protected species ranges have been documented. While this may indicate that research energies might be better focused on other less researched countries, consider the impact that the information fiom Cameroon
has on the development of conservation programs targeting bushmeat. Because several
aspects of bushmeat research have been completed in Cameroon, it was essential to
indicate that the story is still not cornplete. Coupled with the corresponding constraints to conservation in Cameroon presented in this section, this initial research allowed for a more complex starting point for this study. The challenging and complex array of issues and stakeholders in conservation programs in Cameroon illustrates that attention to the neglected aspects aild participants of an issue rnay assist in presenting a more complete understanding. While in this project, attention is focused upon the alternative perspectives, it is meant to contnbute to the overall conservation problem of the crisis of the bushmeat trade. 4 The Commercial Bushmeat Trade in Central West Africa
Introduction
While illustrating the complex nature of the integration of conservation and development ideologies within these constraints, this chapter highlights background information on the commercial bushmeat trade. The information is presented to address the initial research question of the main participants in each aspect of the circuit of the commercial bushmeat trade in Cameroon- Integral details on the process of the trade are described concurrently. The reasons for participating in the trade highlights these additional frameworks (to those presented in the previous chapter: patterns of association with wildlife, politics, economics, and ecological identity) in order to answer the second research question: what are frameworks for understanding participation in the bushmeat trade. These concepts highlight the perspectives of stakeholders, especially that of gender division of labour within the trade.
In Afnca, the forest is often referred to as "the bush", thus wildlife and the meat derived fiom that wildlife is termed "bushmeat". The bushmeat trade then, applies to al1 wildlife including elephant, gorilla, chirnpanzee and other primates, forest antelope
(duikers), porcupine, bush pig, pangolin, cane rat etc. that is shot, speared or trapped and sold for public consumption either fresh or preserved, usually by smoking.
This study deals with the V~~OUSlevels, the participants and factors in the commercial bushmeat trade in Centra1 and West Mica. An important distinction is the transition fkom subsistence to commercial hunting and trading of wildlife. This conversion has been occurring for some the, Hart (2000) observed it among the Mbuti of DRC in the 1950's. Market hunting is distinguished fkom subsistence hunting because it is not restricted to supplying the hunter's family with meat; instead hunters sel1 products to the open market. However, as indigenous groups supplernent their incomes with the sale of meat (Ape Alliance 1998), the formerly benign levels of subsistence hunting are now interlaced with essentially commercial activities that are damaging to the environment and cause biodiversity loss (Sikod et ai. 1998). It is therefore becorning increasingly difficult to distinguish traditional from commercial hunting.
Theoretical models and historical reviews demonstrate that profit-oriented wiidlife exploitation by individuals selling to a market is unlikely to comply with the interest in conserving wildlife. Therefore, in West Central AfYica, both subsistence and market hunting are important factors for the decline of many species.
Reasons and Aspects for Participation in the Trade
Bushmeat is consumed for many reasons. CulturaI preference and availability allow bushmeat to supply food and economic revenue. Exploitation of wild animals is an important component of household econornies in the Congo Basin. Results from literature show that:
k Bushmeat rernains the primary source of animal protein for the majority of Congo
Basin families,
B. Bushmeat hunting can constitute a significant source of revenue for forest families,
(Wilkie & Carpenter 1999, Asibey 1977, Martin 1983, Anadu, Elamah, & Oates
1988, Geist 1988, King 1994, Juste et al. 1995). Food
Exploitation of wildlife fûî fûod is especially intense in the forest zone, partly as a consequence of a scarcity of dornestic livestock (especially beef cattle, which are difficult to raise in this zone) and partly as a consequence of food preferences (Anadu et al. 1988).
Hunting is the best way of obtaining animal protein in the dense forest where raising
Iivestock is difficult and where meat Eorn outside is not a satisfactory economic alternat ive (Feer 1993).
Hunting typicall y contributes between 3 0-80% of protein consumed by forest- dwelling families in the Congo Basin (Koppert et al. 1993), and alrnost al1 the animal based protein. Some ethnic groups such as the Mvae, Yassa and Kola of Cameroon eat more meat, 73 kgkapitdyear, than the average person in the industrial world at
3Okg/capita/year (Wilkie & Carpenter 1999). Anafyzed nutritionally, bushmeat was providing for approximately 11 g of protein /person/day for every day of the year, representing roughly 25% of daily protein requirements.
Quantities Consumed
The high demand for bushmeat and the lucrative trade associated with it rnust be the underlying factor of the heavy poaching in many West and Central Afncan countries where there is an indiscriminate exploitation of wildlife as a source of food. Bushrneat consumption in forest dwelling populations within the Congo Basin has been rneasured in a number of studies, but the issue is problematic as it is often unclear if consumption estimates are based on whole carcasses, dressed or boned-out weights. The minimum consumption rate is 373 63 1 metric tins of bushmeat per annum for Senegal's hurnan population of 296 619. The people of the Northern province of Cote D'Ivoire eat more
bushmeat than domestic animals. In Gabon, as much as 73% of locally produced meat
cornes fiom wild animals, particularly fiom smaller types such as cane rats or grasscutters
(Thryonomys spp.) .
E Table 5: Ouantities Consumed j;
By extrapolation, WiIkie and Carpenter (1999) generated gross estimates of the
quantity of bushrneat consumed in forest and urban areas across the Congo Basin. For
example, in Cameroon 503 kg/km'/year were consumed, while in Gabon or Congo the
estimate was 50 to 77 kg/km2/yr. The highest rates were estimated in DRC at 897
kg/km2/yrto total 1 067 873 491 kgyear. These estimates indicate that bushmeat
consumption may exceed 1 million metric tons across the Congo Basin. Cultural Dynamics
Local populations continue to be dependent on forest products for subsistence.
Relationships between agriculturalists and hunter-gatherer communities in the region have traditionally involved patterns of exchange with forest-products being traded for agicultural products (Bailey, Bahuchet & Heulett 1992) between the Baka and farming neighbours. A trading ethos has led to a hierarchicai structure in the newly prospering trade in meat fiom the forest, wherein patrons ofien supply guns for "pygmyy' hunters to bring back meat, or hire them as guides.
The ethnic differences in the role of hunting within communities and the trade can be summarized by stating that the Bantu consume more meat than pygmies and it is this group that dominates the region's towns and cities (Eves 1996). The overall amount of money received by each ethnic group in a mixed village is also unequal, with pygmies receiving only 9.8%.
Process of the Trade
The many participants highlight the process of the trade. Depending on the level of involvement, the trade rnay incorporate any of the following situations. A hunter may take meat to the nearest village, sel1 it on the roadside, sel1 it via traders (middle peopIe) in that village, meet traders in hunting camps or arranged places, or rnay have killed on commission in which case the meat has a prearranged middleperson or client. Hunters based on logging roads may sel1 directly to the Company. Senior administrators, politicians, senior members of armed forces, and Muslim traders often finance hunting.
They do not hunt themselves, but provide guns, snares and needed tools. Traders or middle people may sel1 to market sellers, or sel1 it themselves to restaurants, prearranged clients, or the public. Udike the hunting side of business, women dominate the trading aspect of the trade. Meat may be sold on the roadside, or in village level or large urban markets alive, fresh, smoked Gr cooked as "Pepe soupn3.
Meat may be transported certain distances between any of these participants. The transport may be via a separate party by plane, boat, train, truck (personal or logging), or by foot (usually the women buyers and sellers). Much of the illegal large-sele urban bushmeat market trade is underground and diffrcult to observe. In some countries, bushmeat is sold directly to restaurants and therefore bypasses the market, In Central and
West Afkica, it is safe to say that al1 major urban centres are foci for the growing trade in wild animal meat. The supply links between rural areas to larger towns and cities follow predictable patterns, and it is the infiastructure in a given region that determines the availability of rneat (Ape Alliance 1998).
Participants
Although the specific process and players in the bushmeat trade varies with certain areas, it is possible to outline the basic participants and categorize some behaviour.
'Kunter Overview Adapted fiom Sikod et al. (1998) there are three main types of bushmeat hunters, described as follows:
A non-specfic spicey meat broth. 1. The indioenous subsistence hunter: Al1 households hunt with trapping as the
principle rnethod of obtaining animals. The staple source of protein is bushrneat
and only the excess is sold. This excess is increasingly becorning the main source
of monetary revenue for most households in the region. Many of the anîmals
caught in this marner are srnaII rapid breeding species, which are aIso farm pests
(such as rats, porcupine, rnonkeys). Often very Medistinction is made between
different species and the level of local knowled,oe is not high.
2. Local hunters: Non-indigenous workers of the logging companies, industry and
civil servants also hunt for subsistence. The most important of this group are the
employees of the logging companies. The natural forest base is being used to
subsidise the logging companies cost by providing food for the employees.
Logging Company workers and civil servants also supply snares and guns to the
focal population to hunt on their behalf and are rewarded with a proportion of the
kill. A significant portion of the catch may also be sold to "Pepe soup" women
who cook and serve this rneat on the roadside or village markets. Since both the
indigenous and local hunter is part of the local cornmunity, they are susceptible to
cornmunity pressures. Strornayer and Ekobo (199 1) saw that the highway trade in
bushmeat was dominated by villagers who were hunting in what they considered
to be locally owned land.
3. Commercial hunters: This is hunting for the large-scale commercial bushmeat
market and many professional hunters and meat collectors are involved. These
hunters usually have special relationships with those who sel1 theu produce in the markets. The market vendors may supply the hunters with arms and cartrïdges
and other supplies. Most commercial hunters are non-natives and use the native as
guides for token payments. The commercial hunters are often able to penetrate the
forest because of access provided by the logging companies. These hunters are
not susceptible to local community pressures. They rnay aIso work in small,
tnbally homogenous groups, and corne from areas where hunting is a strong local
tradition. Market accessibility is all-important; hunters may travel to work in the
Mount Cameroon arca fiom Bertous: where the game is more plentifül, but
market access more difficult. They work out of hunting camps and sel1 the meat in
larger centres such as Douala or Yaounde; little of the meat is sold locally.
Immigrant Settlers
A census of hunters in the Lobeke region of Cameroon by Usongo and Curran
(1996) found that 85% were Cameroonians fiom other parts of the country, and that 75%
of them were ex-employees of the Iogging companies. Immigration due to employrnent
opportunities along new comdors facilitated by road building, and the breakdown of
traditional values with permanent settlement and adoption of a market economy, alters
the traditional system to regulate hunting. The off-take by commercial hunters was found
tci be 10 times more per immigrant hunter than for local subsistence hunters for whom it
was only 2.9 animals/hunter/month (WCS 1996).
Hunting Mirterials and Methods
Traditional hunting and trapping are of great importance in Cameroon. Hunting by means of traditional methods, excluding firearms, does not require a Iicense, and this includes spears, bows and arrows, as well as traps fabricated tiom local materials The pygmies do not require permits of any kind. The fiequency of use of different weapons depends on local traditions, and the availability of firearms. For example, in the Dja
Reserve, 56% of hunters used the mare methods, while 29% used firearms, dogs or pygmies (Muchaal& Ngandjui 1995). More modem capture techniques include the use of mmle-loading guns, shotguns, traps and snares, nets and may include use of dogs.
Gum
Blake (1994) showed that estimated rates of return are 7-25 times higher with a shotgun than traditional weapons, especial!~when coupled with using motorized vehicles to travel deeper into the forest fkom a logging concession, and using a flashlight at night.
Lahm (1993) estimates that 95% of guns are unregistered in Gabon. Wilkie, Sidle and Boundzanga (1992) recorded 40 guns in one concession camp in Congo alone.
Ammunition availability is increasing. Although each person is allowed 4 boxes of shotgun cartridges (25 per box) per year, there iç flagrant abuse of this as miIitary and other personnel are seen distributing these to market women (Steel 1994). Although the costs of hunting are high, Infreld (1988) pointed out that there is an increase in the patrons providing supplies to the hunter. Although gun ownership is also low in
Cameroon, govemment personnel provide guns to hunters for a share of the meat
(Gadbsy & Jenkins 1992). Despite the liberal nature of Cameroon's laws, village income would suffer if the laws were strictIy enforced (Martin 1991). There is an understandable preference for hunting larger mammals with shotguns.
This is the case with gorillas, where the ammunition of choice was the MACC chevrotine cartridge (Amman & Pearce I996), until it was banned.
Trapping
With three different types of possible traps, al1 made inexpensively, trapping can be more lucrative than shooting and the most effective means of obtaining rneat. Gadsby and Jenkins (1992) found that trappers are £ive times more numerous than those who used ody shotguns. Overall trappers spend 3-6 days in the forest checking their snares and smoking the meat of animais before selling to traders. Reportedly each hunter set 25-70 traps at a time.
Uncontrolled use of snares presents several problems. The indiscriminate nature of capture can harm or kill unintended victirns including gorillas. Usongo and Curran
(1996) found that hunters using snares might deploy 50-300 per year each and that 10% of the meat may be rotten before recovery. There may be an even higher level of waste during the dry season as snares are visited less ftequently. Percentage of rotten carcasses would also increase with the distance fkom a hunters' village or base, with 97% rotten in the furthest zone (Muchaal & Ngandjui 1995).
Seasonality
Hunting takes place al1 year round, but the level of hunting is not necessarily constant. Seasonality of prey appearing in markets is affected by various factors related to:
1. Variation in hunting pressures, 2. Changes in activity patterns of the different species,
3. Differences in the behaviour of the species (Juste et al. 1995).
Snaring in Komp Onfield 1988) is prirnarily in the wet season because it is easier to determine where to srt snares in the dense vegetation in order to confine animais to the pathways. However, hunting with shotgns may occur a11 year, with successfirl hunters following rivers to avoid the noisy, dry leaf litter.
Women Buyers and Sellers
Oniy women seIl bushmeat at Libreville's three bushmeat markets, and this is usually their only source of income or employrnent (Steel 1994). Some wornen work in teams or groups, and do not sel1 every day. It is quite comon to see daughters assisting their mothers in the markets, to learn the trade and taking over in the future (Anadu et al.
1988). Of rnixed nationality and ethnicity, they purchase their meat at the market ~om hunters or middlepersons, in hunting camps, in markets and hunting camps, in villages and hunting camps or at stations along the train Iine- Most market women in Gabon have permanent contact with one or more hunters. Women may travel with a transporter, in their own vehicle or by foot on a predetermined route to meet hunters at villages or camps. Especially in isolated regions, bushmeat selling is attractive employment for women; 44% of respondents indicated that they sel1 cooked bushmeat al1 year in the support zone around Korup National Park (Ape Alliance 1998).
Markets
Lahm (1993) notes that one to two-thirds of bushrneat produced in Gabon is marketed cornmercially. In southeast Cameroon another study found that "Bantu" households sel1 nearly one-third of the bushmeat captured, whereas most "Pygrny" households consume the rnajority of bushmeat procured (WCS 1996). The scale of the bushrneat market is considerable: in Yaounde, Cameroon's capital city, an inventory of the four main bushmeat markets reveals a monthIy arrivai of 70 - 90 tons of busheat, with an average of 2300 kg per day. The meat arrives in Yaounde either by road (20%) or by train (80%) (Sikod et al 1998). Hennessey (1995) documented the path of a duiker in
Carneroon; fiom hunter to buyer CFA 3 000, buyer to pirogue CFA 6000, and then it was sold in Brazzaville for CFA 15 000.
mces
Some argue that bushmeat is a cultural preference and cite consumers' wiilingness to pay a premium pnce over domestic meat for the opportunity to eat bushmeat. Steel (1994) has found that bushmeat in Libreville, Gabon was $3.7/kg, over
1.6 times the price of the most popular cut of beeE However, Gally and Jeamart (1996) found that the price of bushmeat per kilo was -10--25times the pnce of available substitutes in three markets in Cameroon, Congo and Central &can Republic. In other areas, bushmeat ranges fiom $0.32-0.75, whereas goat is $1.75/kg, chickens are $2.52kg and caterpillars are $3.65/kg (Delvingt 1997).
Women are aware of market fluctuations. Steel (1 994) documented several reasons for price differences: time of month (increase before payday, decrease midmonth), client preference, seller prerogative, the price at which meat is bought, the size of the animal, and lack of demand. For example, according to King (1984), in
Cameroon, chimpanzee carcasses may fetch as much as $US 20 - 25 each, whereas Steel (1994) reported the cheapest pnce of meat for gorilla at 167 fcfakg. Chirnpanzee is sold
in the same area for 245 fcfakg. Conversely, in the Mount Cameroon area, also a region
with low demand for chimpanzee, it would still sel1 for 5000fcfa (Gadsby & Jenkins
1992).
Consumers
The demography of consumers varies fiom local villagers to elite urban dwellers.
Seventy percent of respondents to a bushmeat survey said they could go without
bushmeat, only 3% bought bushrneat everyday, and 40% purchased it occasionally.
Formal markets are sited as a source of bushmeat only 42% of the the. This indicates
that a large portion of bushmeat is purchased outside of markets, and 33% of respondents
had no idea of the ongin of the meat consumed (Steel 1994).
Hotels do not usually buy bushmeat at markets; instead they have permanent
contact with one or more hunters andor middle people. On a yearly basis, two hotels and
one large bushmeat restaurant purchased 10 112 kg of bushmeat.
Economic Importance
The value of game consumed is estimated at $US 117 million, of which $23
million cornes fiom commercial hunting (Feer 1993). Meat fkom the Korup National Park was worth L271 000 per year according to InfieId (1988). Steel (1994) found that overall the trade is worth $3million in markets and $21 million through rural consumption in
Gabon. Steel (1994) determined that bushmeat has a value of 6 090 362 240
FCFA/annum for rural Gabon. Nationwide the results indicated US$ 50 141 233 1 year.
Monetarily, wildlife harvesting has a value 3 times greater than beef production and importation in Gabon. Bushmeat represented at minimum, 1% of Gabon's national economy. Garne consurned in Nigeria durhg the early 1970s corresponded to 4% of the country's gross national product (Ajayi 1971). In 1980, estimates of Nigerian trade in game fluctuated between $1 5-3 6 million.
Household Economics
Economic consideration of production and consumption are confounded by cultural practices involving trade and @fi-giving of food items. Bushmeat cmbe considered a public good, having a total value worth more to the cornmunity at large when shared, rather than when consumed by single households.
Meat acquisition by cash purchase is highest among wealthy households. Poor households received over 80% of their meat as gifis or fiom husband's hunting activities.
This suggests that distribution patterns change in areas of altered employment, whereas in areas where demographics have remained relatively stable, patterns appear to follow more traditional patterns of distribution. For example, the highest reported bushmeat consumption is arnong logging villagers (3 -4 daydweek), followed by non-industry (1 -4 daydweek) and conservation villages (1.05 daydweek). Consumption is highest arnong wealthy households (2.58 days /week) followed by average (1.8 daydweek) and poor
(1.27 daydweek). (Eves & Ruggiero 2000). Martin (1993) found that the fiequency of eating bushmeat was similar, individuals with the lowest incornes tended to eat bushrneat less regularly than those in higher income groups. Some 95% of those interviewed ate bushmeat; however, those in rural areas ate bushrneat more regularly than those in urban areas. The greater portion of the population of Afnca is rural (69-97%) and depends largely on wild sources for much of its meat. Representing preference and demand, the
urban supply of game meat is not always sufficient. Nigeria's upper class does not
consume as much bushmeat as does the mral population, although wealthier members of
society would gladly pay the price (Martin 1991).
The economic importance of bushmeat to communities varies according to the
combination of alternative employment opportunities and hunting controls. Where they
exist together hunting appears to contribute relatively little to the overall cash economy.
Where few alternatives for income exist, and hunting is not controlled, bushmeat is a
pnmary contributor to the local economy. In Korup National Park area, Infield (1988)
determined that hunting accounted for 38% of a village's incorne, while trapping
constituted 18%- Seven percent rested on hunting Drills, and 60% on a combination of
Duikers and Red Colobus.
Total economic value and economic value per hunt were analyzed according to
hunter type. Hïred hunters performed rnost hunts (57.8%)' rather than gun owners
(37.2%) or trapping (4.9%) (Sikod et al. 1998). Kired hunters eamed less per hunt ($2.25)
than gun owners ($3.04) do in net profits. Gun owners hunting for themselves decreased
their profits per hunt ($2.50) due to higher opportunity costs for time spent hunting. The
highest per hunt net eamings ($1 1-80) are fiom snare hunting. (Eves & Ruggiero 2000).
Noss (2000) reports that snare hunters trapping in southwestern Central Afican Republic eam behveen $400-700 per year. Hunters earn more than CAR'S officia1 wage, and an amount comparable to guards employed by the nearby park. Hunters in Cameroon are reported to earn between $330-1058 per year (Ngnegueu & Fotso 1996); derone week of hunting in the wet season in Dja, a hunter can collect 50 000fcfa. Those in the Congo earned between $250-1050 per year ffom selling bushmeat @ethier 1995). In a northem
Congo logging concession., bushrneat hunters and sellers earned approximately
$300/household/year (Wilkie, Sidle & Boundzanga 1992), or between 6-40% of al1 househoId7sdaily income.
The amount of money accrued to vendors varies according to species, method of acquisition and number of middle people in the trade. Steel (1994) found that on average
(of main species sold in Gabon bushmeat markets) vendors accrued 340 CFA/kg when meat was purchased not directly fiom the hunter, and 540 CFAkg when was purchased directly fiom the hunter. The mark-up on their pricing ranges fiom 148-200%. Gally and
Jeanmart (2996) traced the dealing of three monkeys and found that the hunter eamed
$6.3 (30% profit), the seller earned $10.2 (19% profit), while the restaurateur earned
$20.6 (21% profit).
The most obvious conflict between current hunting practices and socio-econornic sustainability may be seen in the case of a hunter-gatherer society. Traditionally when game was scarce, groups would migrate to find better areas. This is likely to become increasingly diE~cult,as garne populations are exhausted and forest are declifies. Senous threats to these cultures are posed by over-hunting, changing demographics, and resulting effects on traditional hunting patterns.
Species Hunted
Many traditional taboos existed to regdate consuming certain species by certain groups of people. However, the lure of market values and participation in the cash economy, has ied to a break down of these protective measures. For example, locals in
northeastern Gabon are culturally prohibited from consuming meat of carnivores with
spotted coats. The taboo however does not prohibit them from selling the meat (Lahm
1993).
Muchaal and Ngandjui (1995) found that the Badjue people fiorn north of the Dja
reserve believe that it is taboo to eat the yellow-backed duilcer because it will adversely
affect present and future offspring- In the past, bush pig, chirnpanzees, buffalo, and giant
pangolin were believed donated to the village and could not be eaten by a hunter alone,
but rather the entire village. Now only the head goes to the village as a result of the value
of the meat (Lnfreld 1988). People in the Korup region do not shoot buffalo, chimpanzee
or leopard because of their fear of these animals. Hennessey (1995) noted that sorne
hunters said chimpanzees look too mrich like humans to eat. Conversely, Redmond
(1989) reported that certain tnbes of people in the Congo are said to prefer gonlla to al1
other meat. Harcourt and Stewart (1980) described opinions of some villagers in Gabon
who indicated that apes are vermin that can he eaten, due to their nature as crop raiders.
Preferences
Steel's (1994) study of Gabonese preferences indicated that most people
interviewed like bushmeat because of taste, habit and other qualities of the meat. A 1968 study (Sabater Pi & Groves 1972) on diet preferences in Equatorial Guinea, indicate that
species preferences are in fact very closely related to traditional appetites.
The species found in both markets largely represent only those anirnals that faIl within a particular weight range. This bias in prey appearing in markets may be set by the attractiveness of certain meats over others and meat price per kilogram. Thus, it is a
combination of economic constraints and low palatability, which excludes the srnalier
species such as squirrels and bats. On the other hand, larger animals are also uncornmon
in markets because they require more specialized hunting techniques and an exaggerated
investment in extraction and transport to market (Juste et al 1995).
A wide range of animals currently provide good meat in West Atnca, but in the
past a smaller number of animals was used for the daily human diet because then groups
couId be more seiective in their food habits. With increasing human population and
demands on limited supplies, the range of animals eaten gets wider. The size correlation, which is striking in the Neotropical regions, is less striking in Mrica, where taste, local customs, and general abundance exert a more important role (Mittermeier 1987). For example bush babies (Galago spp.) and Afiican hedgehogs (Atelerix spp.) are now cornmon food items (Asibey 1974).
Table 6 presents the most common bushmeat species. In general the preferred species seems to be duikers, pigs, pangolin, primates and rodents, with duikers both numerically and in tenns of biomass being the most important bushmeat species group. Ln urban areas, rodents may be more important indicating depletion of duikers in the area
(Steel 1994, Fa et al. 1995). Popular primates include the guenons (Cercopithecus spp.), the mangabeys (Cercocebus spp.) and the mandrill and drill (Mandrillus spp.)- Colobus species Vary in popularity. Few preferred the taste of leopard, crocodiIe and tortoise. The most common animals, pests and animals around human habitation appear the most for sale. The most consumed species are also the most abundant, the moustached guenon (C. cephzrs), followed by the spot-nosed rnonkey (C. nictituns).
...... -. .-. -p.
------.-.--.------.------..------..w.---.--.----z----r------.------*.-** ------** .----- % of bushmeat $ X Ii Location X indicates that species was considered one of the most important in that study area. L~ilkie& C enter 1998, Lahm 1993, Steel 1994, '~earce 1995, '~nsta~1999, 6Martin 1993,"r: Sabater Pi & Groves 1972, Juste et al. 1995, Muchad& Nganpjui 1995.
Today godla meat is rarely eaten due to the increasing scarcity of the population.
Correspondingly those that favoured gonlla meat were elderly people. The most
appreciated portions of the gorilla were the facial muscles, palms, soles and tongue.
Studies have often not correlated age with species preferences.
Gorilla, chimpanzee, elephant and buffalo meat may be more cornmon than
recorded. Vendors, recognizing the illegality of trade in these species, often hide the meat
until requested by a client.
Endangered Sp ecies
A survey of published literature by Bowen-Jones (1997) indicated that in many
Congo Basin countries, markets displayed mostly artiodactyls, primates or rodents. There
are however, always endangered and protected species for sale in al1 regions, these
included elephant, leopard, golden cat, gorilla, chimpanzee, vanous monkeys, water
chevrotain, sitatunga, and giant pangolin. The total number of protected species for sale
in some markets totalled 18 different species (Wilkie et al. 1992). Appendix 1 details the
species most at risk kom bushrneat hunting.
There is litîle evidence of specialized hunting other than elephant. Eves (1996) camed out an extensive survey of villages in three forestry management units in northem CAR and detailed high levels of elephant huntimg in the area. Other authors, including
Hemessey (1995), and Blake (1994) in northern Congo and southern Cameroon gave
details of "le grande chasse".
Aspects of Over Harvesting
ccConvictionsagainst excessive hunting tend to be motivated more by profound
cultural beliefs about aEnity and reciprocal obligation than by scientific or moralistic
values typical of contemporary arguments for the protection of nature7'(Bowman 1999).
Hunters indicated that hunting is now more difficult than five years ago because of too
much killing. Brown (1996) reports that women in the Komp area tned to convince
hunters to leave young or pregnant animals to ensure a fbture supply, but had no success.
In Gabon, it is now necessary to travel for a day fiom the village to obtain meat, and
hunters no longer consider it a viable occupation (Steel 1994). This literature suggests
that hunting practices are ovsr -harvesting wildiife. Robinson and Bodmer (1999) detail
sustainabte models for harvest rates, which also indicate that all species are being over-
harvest ed.
Logging
There is no sustainable timber presently produced in Cameroon. Logging
continues to expand and t here is much corruption, under-reporting, tax evasion, and false
declarations. Selective logging is practiced in Cango Basin countries as a rule but there is
still a highly mechanized process requiring substantial infiastnicture and the importation of large numbers of external workers into an area that has not before supported large consumer populations (WCS 1996). Wilkie et al. (1 992) concluded that selective logging in the absence of hunting might have had a limited effect on wildlife. Hundreds of
kilometres of roads allow an easy and systernatic exploitation of apes. Research to date
does show that moderately Iogged forest can support some primate populations. It may be
that chimpanzee populations are particularly at risk of local extermination from hunting
after logging because even selective logging seems to drastically reduce their densities
(Bowen-Jones 1997). Robinson (1993) detailed the eEect of human society on forest
fragments that are still used for hunting afier habitat degradation. Hunters preferentially
take fauna over 1 kg in body mass. This in turn reduces biornass and therefore has
secondary consequences on biodiversity and cornmunity structure.
In southeast Cameroon, 75% of poachers are ex-loggers. The hunting camps carry
on during the closed seasons. Logging trucks have been seen carrying up to 200kg of
meat on one trip (Amman & Pearce 1996). Species on board included goriIlas and
chimpanzees. Usongo and Curran (1996) reaffirm the Iink between forest enterprises and
immigration, illegal activities due to lack of job security, improved access to inaccessible
areas, and poaching supplies of ammunition and arms in the camps fiom where transport
of meat to commercial centres is possible.
Loggers not only increase access to regions for hunters, but also facilitate the transport of meat to market centres. Some companies have gone even further to organize
Sunday hunts to provide meat for workers, but the tmcks are also used by outside hunters. Hunters in these regions have adrnitted they are dependent on the trucks for access to forest. In southeast Cameroon, 85% of the meat taken by poachers is taken out on Iogging trucks to &el the commercial trade. in addition, a logging ferry across the Sangha River to the Cameroonian Coast fkom Congo transports 7 logging trucks a day and
has created the infrastructure for the growing bushmeat trade in Carneroon.
Logging concessions have therefore facilitated bushmeat hunting in two ways:
1. They dramatically increase hunters' access to deeper reaches of the forest by
building roads and providing transport,
2. They spur demand through the large number of employees who typically earn 2-
3 times the nationa! wage-
Logging Controls
In the 1980s the majority of European Union (EU) timber imports were supplied
by the Ivory Coast with one of the fastest deforestation rates in the world, which resulted
in the loss of the majority of the country's forests. From 1994, Liberia took up most of the EU quota Adding to the increasing amount of timber leaving the area, Carneroon and
Gabon are now approaching severe Iogging rates. The commercial bushmeat trade has
proliferated in these countries durin%these same periods. Throughout the region, the estimated deforestation rates are between 800 and 1500 km per year. An examination of three logging companies in Cameroon have found that al1 of the concerns examined faiIed to meet the sort of standards required to be able to define an operation as sustainable (Ape Alliance 1998).
International law Infrin,~ements
Traditionally there was a widespread adherence to hunting seasons and on paper many countries in the region have cIosed seasons. However, these laws are ofien not enforced. It is also illegal to hunt at al1 in the closed season in Congo and the hunting of gorilla is completely illegal. Blake (1994) noted that this law is completely noutrd and that the chief of police in Kabo was seen selling large quantities of gorilla meat. The
"pygmy" he bought this from was from Cameroon, crossing the border with large quantities of bushmeat.
There is widespread idkction of CITES agreements and an active international trade in ape rneat and that of other protected species. Legislation does not prevent cross border trading, for example 13% of rneat at a Congolese market was found to onginate from Cameroon (Hemessey 1995). Blake (1994) describes the Djembe on the Cameroon side of the CameroodCongo border as an important place for the bushmeat trade between the 2 countries, due to the logging road and the timber concession. River access is now providing border access and trade between several countries in the region (Eves 1996,
Eng 1994, Amman & Pearce 1996, Usongo & Curran 1986, Steel 1994, Malonga 1995).
While country specific, Steel (1994) presents a synopsis of wildlife law and adherence in Gabon:
Lack of enforcement for hunting, trapping, firearm and ammunition licences and distribution, illogical hunting laws with regards to traditional behaviour, hunting quotas, lack of enforcement of selling bushmeat in legal areas, illegal transport, involvement of logging companies and minimal capacity of officiais for enforcement, indicate the degree of corruption possible in a system with no infrastructure for education citizens of the laws, much less enforcernent (54).
Approaches to Managing the Bushmeat Trade
Results fiom the growing number of studies indicate that hunting at present Ievels is adversely affecting the distribution and density of bushrneat species and is unsustainable. Given the importance of bushmeat hunting to local economies and the various levels of operation, strategies to reduce incentives for and the impact of hunting have attempted to address both econornic and law enforcement issues. Current efforts follow this sarne path (Bakarr & Painemilla 1999, Rose 2996). Ideas fiom the literature for managing the busEuneat trade include the following:
A) Increase production of bushmeat. Attention has been paid to the potential for
raising bushmeat species to provide substitutes for wild-harvested individuals-
These programs have generaIly focused on cane rat and gant rat production
(Asibey 1974, Feer 1993, Steel 1994, Wilkie & Carpenter 1998) Banning or
curtailing to bushmeat consumption at the household level without providing
acceptable substitutes is unrealistic. Asibey tested the domestic breeding of large
cane rats as a source of meat in the 1970s, his experiments were quite successful
and showed that cane rat breeding could suppIy extra income to farmers. The
rodents are easy to keep and require only grass fodder. Unfortunately, large-scale
cane rat breedgng has never become popular although it would be an efficient
method of meat production (Asibey 1974).
B) Chanee the priice of bushmeat. Taxation for sale and transport to markets.
C) Chanee the availabilits and price of substitutes. Lower demand is the key to
wildlife conservation in the Congo Basin region.
D) Chanee consumer preference. Given the importance of bushrneat to local diets,
and the absence of alternative sources of protein, changing consumer preferences
through envirmnmental education and social marketing is only likely to be
effective for bushmeat consumed as a luxury item. This indicates targeting urban city elites, restaurants and expatriates living abroad. Nthough controversial, using
the potential of primates for spread of deadly diseases such as AIDS and Ebola to
heighten marketing strategies, could change preferences.
E) Use of conservation bonds in Iogging com~anies.Companies should be required
to post a bond for an amount indexed to the area of forest to be exploited that
year.
F) Control Access. Change the open-access nature of the bushmeat trade by
restricting rights to hunt and sell. Many animals hunted are said to have been
more common 15-20 years ago. Hunters may blame the present scarcity on
excessive hunting, forest destruction and bush burning. Many have suggested that
hunting be banned in certain areas (Anadu et al. 1988) as the only solution to
combat over-harvesting. Those who objected to govemrnent control of hunting
thought that this should be done through the hunter's unions-
G) Privatization of bushmeat harvesting
H) Spatial controls of harvest areas
1) Conservation Education Proiects. Sikod et al (1998) conducted a study of two
principle causes of biodiversity Ioss in Cameroon. The first is the wildlife trade,
which is knowledgeable about the nature and value of biodiversity and supplies
extemal markets. The second is the bushmeat trade, which is essentially ignorant
about the nature and value of biodiversity, and supplies a fundamentally interna1
market. For example, hunters around the Komp area did not expect that their
children would have to hunt, and were therefore unconcerned with prospects for future wildlife (Infield 1988). Optimally managed hunting requires a degree of
selectivity in species, sexes and ages, which traditional hunting techniques may
not meet. Hunting quotas and their distribution throughout the year have to be
compatible both with the life cycle of the species and with market requirements.
(Feer 1993). Therefore, a lack of knowledge is a serious constraint on successful
management of any sort. Additionally, market women in Gabon viewed the lack
of equity with regards to officials and expatriates obeying laws, as a major
impediment (Steel 1994). Market women's main complaints focused on the need
to better regulate commerce. This includes not only the respect of laws by
officials, but also regulating the sale of bushrneat as legal, and a better
understanding of legal species (Steel 1994). Vanwijnsberghe (1 996) found that
understanding of the status afforded protected animals was that "it is you whites
who know the reason for protection" and hunters thought the forest was
inexhaustible. Likewise, Kano and Asato (1994) reported that most residents in
northeast Congo are aware of protection for apes, but believe that they cm eat
them because they were eating them before the laws existed.
0 Economic Substitutes. Even where the predorninant source of income in a
forested area is fiom agriculture, hunting has become econornically important.
Muchaal and Ngandjui (1995) found that coma is cited as the primary income for
households in Dja area of Cameroon, and that hunting was second. Although
these households retain oniy 2530% of the meat for consumption, it is the main
source of protein. In the western region of Cameroon, 80% of the meat obtained is destined for commercial markets in Cameroon or acrass the border in Nigeria.
Infield (1988) reported that the main reason for hunting in Korup region was for cash incorne, with the average hunter earning up to CFA350 000 per year. These links between behaviour patterns, economics and tenure authority relationships are too complex for simpIe substitutions to be eEective. 5 The Impact of Commercial Hunting on Primates and Apes
Introduction
The fact remains that in quantitative terms, apes are a minor constituent of the
bushmeat trade. Although recent evidence f?om Amman and Pearce (1996) and this study
indicate a ~chefor specialized goda hunters in the southeastem area of Cameroon,
Iikely due to the sheer weight of saleable meat. As apes play a key role as seed dispersers
in tropical forests, loss of ape species locally or nationally will affect forest regeneration
and constitution greatly. In addition to their intepral role in the forest ecosystem, primates
and apes have generated conservation concern due to the excessive rates of harvesting
these groups. Apes have symbolized the quest for humane conservation rneasures from
European and Arnerican conservation organizations and epitomize the desire to conserve
for intnnsic value, rather than based on economics.
This section continues the presentation of essential biological information on the
species involved, in order to establish the baseline data fiorn which to move toward
alternative expIanations and additional perspectives.
Reasons Primates are Hunted
In the region of interest for this study, primates are generally hunted for food, a cash income, because they are agicultural pests, and their infants may be sold as pets.
Primate hunting is most intense in those areas in which primates are one of the main sources of protein, as is the case in the more remote tropical forest regions (Mïttermeier
1987). When fish, wild ungulates, other wild game animals (for example, cane rat, duiker, crocodile, pangolins, porcupine) or domestic animals are available, primate hunting is usually much less of a problem. Nonetheless, it may still occur because primates are often a less expensive form of bushmeat. Diurnal primates also are ofien in plantations closer to habitation.
Research has identified several areas where hunting primates for food poses the greatest threat to the primate species. Of top pnonty is the Guineo-Congolian forest region of West and Central &ca. Hunting within this region is especially intense in
Liberia, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Cameroon, Equatonal Guinea, and Congo Wttermeier
1987, Oates 1996) with tens of thousands being killed for local consumption and for sale as bushmeat In these areas, hunting is the greatest threat to primate survival and it is due to this widespread hunting that international concem has defined the trade as a "crisis".
This crisis focuses on the endangered animals in the trade, and especially the chimpanzees and gorillas. An in-depth study of primate hunting and its effects on primate populations in the entire Gunieo-Congolian forest region is a top prionty in international primate conservation (Oates 1996). This area is one of eleven distinct rainforest habitats for primates and contains at least 20 primate species, with ten species endemic to the region and the largest remaining population of GwiZia gorilla and Pan trogZodyfes.
Figures on hunting rates are as dificult to obtain as accurate market carcass counts, and do not accurately represent the numbers being kilied. Knowledge of illegal aspects of trade may inhibit locals fkom speaking about numbers killed. Therefore, numbers of apes eaten in the forest, or those sold in local village markets are not reflected accurately in the statistical figures. Apes are very vulnerable to exploitation, therefore killing rates would fluctuate with exposure, smoked meat is hard to identie, and these
apes may die £Yom trap lines (Bowen-Jones 1997).
Estimates of numbers of apes killed are based on carcasses counts and much extrapolation. For example, Amman and Pearce (1996) estimated that 800 gorillas are being killed each year in a 10 000 sq km area of Cameroon, and that several thousand are being killed across their range. Redmond (1989) cited estimates of a similar number of
400-600 goriIIas being kiIled per year in northern Congo.
Sabater-Pi and Groves (1972) interviewed 100 Fang people in Equatorial Guinea and found that 33% preferred higher primates above al1 other sources of food. Oates et al
(1987) found that in Nigeria, 16.7% of 1084 animals sold as bushmeat were primates.
TeIeki (1982) estimated that Basa tribesman from Liberia cross the border to Sierra
Leone and transfer as many as 2000 smoked monkeys per trip, with several trips per month. The poaching for meat and infant gorillas comprises 90% and 10% of the total poaching in the northem Congo (Oko 1992).
With heavy hunting pressure of this kind, it is certain that primates have been greatly reduced or even exterrninated f?om many areas. Certain rare and endangered species with very restricted ranges are under serious and immediate threat because of hunting. Some examples include the white-throated guenon (Cercopithecus erythrogastw) and the drill (MandriZZzrs leucophaezts) from several areas in West &ca.
Assuming that habitat, vegetation density and visibility are comparable in the hunted and un-hunted sites, data suggests that hunting results in a decline in game densities of 43-100% in hunted areas. Primates and large bodied species are more severely affected by hunters, with godlas effectively extirpated fiom a hunted area
(Wilkie & Carpenter 2999).
Reasons Primates are not hunted
Primates are legally protected in rnany countries, and this may serve as a deterrent
to hunting. However, it is clear that restrictions are not effective in most areas occupied by primates. In general, legal restrictions are only remotely effective in larger towns and
cities where they are sold in markets.
The most important reason for not hunting primates is religion. Certain religions forbid the killing or eating of primates. For example, in many Muslim areas one can see large bodied primates in close proximity to towns and villages. However most other religions do not have restrictions on eating primates and other wildlife. Primate hunting is quite common in mixed Christian areas.
Closely connected to religious beliefs about hunting are cultural taboos. These taboos also Vary with region, tnbe and even individuals. For example, gonlla and chimpanzee meat is taboo for pregnant women in Gabon because it is believed that by eating such meat, the woman will give birth to a baby ape. In several areas of Cameroon, the local cultures have traditionally avoided hunting or eating chirnpanzees because of their recognised resemblanee to humans. In areas such as this, the cultures will often hunt and eat other available primates.
Another factor linked to hunting and eating primates, is education. In certain parts of Amazonia, it is considered "primitive" to eat primates, and rnany people in toms and cities will not engage in such behaviour. In Cameroon however, the reverse has becorne true with the increasing cornmercia~izationof primates. Educated citizens in the larger
towns and cities primarily eat primates as a sign of prestige or wealth, but also as a
nostalgie memory of village Iife.
Status and conservation of primates in Cameroon with a focus on Apes
Populations of primates in Cameroon reflect a regional distinction, separated by
the Sanaga River in the middle of the country. The species West of the river reflect a more
West AfXcan grouping, while those on the East indicate a Central Afncan association.
The western grouping has high levels of endemism and diversity. Primate species
endemic to t his region of Cameroon are Mmdriilus leucophaeus, Cercopifhecuspreussi,
and C. erythrotis. Species found onIy in western Cameroon and southeastern Nigeria are
A rtoceb us calabmemis, GaZago pallidus and Cercopithecus mona (Oates 1 9 96, Mit ani
1990)-
The eastern region is an important area in global terms for primate conservation,
containing at least 20 species of nonhuman primates. The area has a relatively Iow human
population density and until recently supported large areas of little-disturbed forest. This
region contains the largest rernaining populations of GoriZZa gorilla and Pmtroglodytes.
Endernic primate species are Artocebus aureus, Ezrticcrs elegantulus, Mmz&zlZus sphinx,
Cercopirhecus cephzts, C. solatzrs, and Miopifheczrs sp . Arnong endemic subspecies
include endangered forms of red colobus (Procolobzrs badnrspennanti, preussi and
bozrveri) and one or more forms of Allen's galago (Galago alleni).
See Appendix 2 for a complete listing of primate species in Cameroon and appropriate international legislation regdating their exploitation. Status of the most threatened primates in Cameroon
To illustrate the link between hunting and the most threatened primates, below is
a brief outline of threatened species in Cameroon.
Mand ri11 (MmdriZZztsqhinx)
Habitat destruction and hunting are the main threats to this semi-terrestrial,
opportunistic feeder and effective protection is lacking in most areas of its range in
Western and Central Afnca. They are found in southern Cameroon from Campo Forest
Reserve on the coast to just West of the Dja River. It has been extenninated locally
throughout most of its range in southwestern Cameroon, particularly south of Yaounde.
Population estimates are unknown.
Drill (MmdriIIus leucophaeus)
The species is semi-terrestrial with a flexible social organization, small units
occasionally joining to fom groups of up to 200 anirnals. Distribution is still uncertain, but seems to be restricted to western Cameroon, southeastern Nigeria and Bioko Island-
Populations are theoretically protected in Komp National Park in Cameroon, although excessive hunting still pressures the population. They are shot as crop pests and hunted for their sweet flavour.
P reuss' s guenon (Cercopithenrsprzzcssi)ssi)
With a similarly restricted distribution as the drïI1, this animal is threatened by hunting and habitat destruction. No population estimates exist. It is found in primary and secondary rain forests above 1000m. Groups tend to be small, between 2-9 animals and they may associate with other guenons. Red-eared Guenon (Cercopithents er-ythrotis)
This species is found in southern Nigeria, northern Cameroon and on Bioko
Island. No population estimates are avaiiable, but densities in the Douala-Edea Reserve
were 2-3 groups per sq. km, and the species was thought to be abundant in Korup
National Park. Groups range from 4-30 and large muki male groups were observed in
Cameroon. They are found primarily in lowland rain forest, but are also present in
secondary, immature and seasonally flooded forest. Similarly, the greatest threats are
hunting and habitat destruction.
Black Colobus (Colobus safamis)
Its numbers are declining due to both habitat destruction and hunting within its
limited range in the rain forest of Cameroon, Gabon, parts of Congo and Equatorial
Guinea. It is rare or absent in secondary forests, and its limited range in southwestern
Cameroon is diminishing. Group sizes averases 15 in Cameroon. Extensive logging of
hardwoods in Cameroon reduced its high canopy habitat. The species is rare wherever
people are present.
Red CoIo b us (ProcoZobus (badizis) prennmti (preuss, bouveri)
They inhabit coastal lowland evergreen forest, and are arboreal and hgivorous.
These subspecies have a very restricted range in the lowland evergreen forest of western
Carneroon and possibly far southeastern Nigeria. The only confirmed population is within
Korup N.P., but are hunted at a level exceeding sustainability. Population estimates based on observed group sizes of 30 animals in Korup suggest fewer than 8000 animals. Chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes)
There are three subspecies of chirnpanzees occupying slightly overlapping regions. Pan troghfytes troglodytes (central subspecies) is the most nurnerous (80 000) and is present fiom Zaire to Cameroon. Threats to ail subspecies include hunting for meat, hunting for export for biomedical research (western subspecies) and habitat destruction.
Gorilla (Gofilla gorilla)
There are also three recognized subspecies of gorilla. The western lowland goda occurs in Cameroon, CAR.., Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon and southeastern Nigeria.
Population estimates are based on only a few mal1 groups, but total 1IO 000, with less than 10% occurring in National Parks. Hunting, forest clearance for agriculture and timber are the main threats to survival and are increasing in intensity and extent. This subspecies was predicted to become extinct within the last century (1900).
Focus on Apes
The Pongidae of Camesoon are poorly known and their number is thought to be declining. Chimpanzees and gorillas were once present near the capital of Carneroon,
Yaounde. Hunting and deforestation have exterminated thern fiorn the most populated areas. The rain forest is inhabited by one of the most important populations of lowland go rilla Govilla gorilla gorizla and chi m panzee Pm troglodytes trogZodytes. Populations are estimated between 6000- 10 000 chirnpanzees (Teleki 1991) and approximately 1500 godlas (Gartlan 1980 in Lee et ai. 1988) in Cameroon. Gorila Distribution
Essentially goriIlas are found in four regions of Cameroon. The main
concentrations are in the far southwest and southeast. Gorillas are sparse in the central
south where only relict population remain. Vegetation type and distance 6om human
population are the two major factors identified as influencing the distribution of gorillas.
Three surveys of the Dja reserve found only traces of godia in southeast corner
but secondary forests in the Dja reserve provide ample habitat for gorillas. Williamson
and Usongo (1996) estirnate nest density at 36.4 gonlla nests per km2. Mean goilla group
size was estimated at 3.7 weaned individuals, with a range fiom 1-12. Gorilla groups of
up to 20 animals were occasionaIly seen in humid areas over 15 km from any village
(Prescott et al. 1994).
In the extreme northwest a population was reported to survive by the Cross River
on the border with Nigeria (Harcourt et al. 1989). The species may also survive in central
east Cameroon.
Population estimates totalled 1500 gorillas in Cameroon in 1980, comprised of
200-500 in the southwest Campo Reserve, Iess than 1000 in the southeast and central
soüth, 200 in the northwest and possibly a few in the central east. (Gartlanl980 in Lee et
al, 1988).
GoMa Habitat and Ecoloay
Gorilla troops keep a 10-3Okm range, normally travelling a kilometre a day, which may overlap with other groups. They live in highfy developed social groups, led by a single older dominant male, the silverback, with several females and Young. Females bear and raise one offspring at a tirne. Physical maturity is reached around IO years for
females and 15 years for males. At maturity both sexes leave their natal group to rneet up
with males or to attract females.
Goril!as primarify live on the ground. Sleeping nests are built on the ground or in trees, with a new nest each night. Godas are vegetarians living largely on foliage, although western lowland gonllas have a great proportion of hitin their diet (Harcourt et aI. 1989).
Cornervation sfatus
The godla is included in both Appendix 1 of the Convention on International
Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), and in Class A of the
AiGrican Convention on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources. Between 30
000- 50 000 gorillas are estimated to remain in the wild.
Although the species is totally protected against hunting, this is the greatest threat to its survival in the region. Conservation measures therefore focus on law enforcement, and increasing the protection of valuable habitat. For example, the establishment of rnany villages and development of agriculture has forced the gonllas to seek refuge in the centre of the Dja Reserve, where 42.4% of nest sites were recorded in seasonally inundated forest or Raphia swamp. Fay et al. (1989) found that gonllas fed extensively on plants common in swamps of Northern Congo. Blake (1994) explained the use of swamps as a modification of their behaviour to avoid areas of human activity. The proposed godareserve in Lac Lobeke may then prove successfûl, as it is largely swamp. Chimpanzee Distribution
The central subspecies Pan troglodytes troglodytes, are most common in the relatively undisturbed forests in the southeast of Carneroon frorn Dja Reserve to Lac
Lobeke, Mboumba bek and Nki in the far southeast, whiIe isolated populations exist along the western coast fiom Korup National Park south to Campo Forest Resenre
(Prescott et al. 1993). Their current status in areas of former occupation such as the
Nigerian border and Mount Cameroon is unknown. Maximum numbers are estimated to be less than 10 000 (Teleki 1987).
Chimpunzee Habitat and Ecology
Chimpanzees live in a wide variety of habitats from humid evergreen forests through mosaic woodlands and deciduous forest to dry savanna woodIands. The presence of surface water throughout the year is an important factor in limiting their distribution.
Animals living in dry areas tend to have larger ranges and Iower densities than those in denser canopy forests.
Chimpanzees also eat a wide variety of foods, with a concentration on fruits, flowers and seeds, but include some young leaves and a variety of small mammals and invertebrates. Diets can be diverse in terms of the numbers of foods and are variable fiom area to area, but they are characterized by the dominance of ripe hits fiom forest trees.
Movement between foraging sites may take place on the ground, but at least 1% of tree cover is necessary for the provision of food sites and nesting or sleeping sites. Social groups range in size fiom 20-100 animals with an average of 35 individuals. Foraging and travel parties are between 2-10 animals, as adults may travel alone when food is scarce. Females move between neighbouring communities while males remain to defend the group's range.
Wild chimpanzees have low reproductive rates. They reach sexual rnaturity around 10- 73 years and may give birth every 6 years. Lifespan is typically around 25 years and most femaIes have three offspring.
Conservation Stafm
Chimpanzees are listed in CIass A of the Açican Convention and included on
Appendix 1 of CITES.
The main threats to the centrai Afiican subspecies are hunting for meat and habitat loss due to logging or the encroachment of cultivation. Chimpanzees are protected by Iaw, but there are no restrictions on trade. 6 Project Design
The identification of, and linkages between the mosaic of factors in conservation is challenging. The case study within the theoretical f?amework for conservation is an attempt to understand and illustrate this complexity. The purpose of this research was to evaluate the commercial bushmeat trade of chimpanzees and gonllas in Carneroon while documenting the many biological and cultural facets of the trade. Emphasis was piaced on the role of women in the bushmeat trade, as this aspect has been Iargely overlooked in research and conservation planning. This emphasis will then highlight the complex nature of conservation probtems in Cameroon and illustrate the urgency to include all participants and cultural variations within the mode1 for conservation programming.
Questions of Inquiry
To gain an overview of the bushmeat trade, the questions of inquiry were as follows:
Part A
1. Who are the main participants in each stage of the bushmeat trade circuit?
II. What are fiarneworks for understanding the bushmeat trade as delineated
by participants in the trade?
Part P3
Results kom the questions of inquiry were applied in the following ways:
III. IdentiQ ways in which education, awareness or pilot programs could use
these fkameworks as guidelines.
IV. Develop a mode1 as a case study example of an integrated conservation
program. Preliminary Hypotheses Part A
Preliminary descriptions of the participants in the bushmeat trade indicate two
levels or circuits. The first level is a srnall-scale commercial bushmeat trade, invoIving
individuals at village level, hunting for subsistence and commercial purposes, selling the
meat directly or via a buyer and seller in srna11 local markets. The second level is the
larger commercial dealing, which may involve clients or market vendors in larger cities
buying meat via commission hunting or prearranged meetings fiom commercial hunters
for sale in larger centres. Consistent within each level is gender. Kunters are almost
exclusively male, while buyers and sellers or market vendors are almost exclusively
female, although in larger urban centres there may be some male sellers. Vending of Pepe
soup is exclusively female.
Preliminary assessrnents indicated five possible frameworks for understanding or describing participation in the trade. As a mode1 of analysis, factors that rnay influence the interaction of such pressures incf ude:
1. Patterns of association with wildlife
2. Politics
3. Economics
4- Community Identity
5. Perspectives of Stakeholder - Gendered division of labour
Research Design
By valuing the people, meanings, events and ideas that have influenced and shaped the present, 1present an ethnûgraphic account of the bushmeat trade. Ethnography is defined as an atternpt to describe sorne aspect of culture; it tries to "account for the behaviour of people by describing what it is that they know that enables them to behave appropriately given the dictates of common sense in their community" (McDermitt
1976: 159 in Bogdan & Biklen 1998). The goal of ethnography is to share the meanings that the cultural participants take for granted and then to depict the new understandings for the reader.
Sampling Frames Design for Case Study
By employing an evolving, comparative case study (single case study - multiple research sites) research design (Yin 1984, Reinharz 1992, Bogdan & Biklen 1998), from a Iargely "historica17' (as presented in Peluso 1992) perspective, the structure of this research traced the concept of the bushmeat trade. Using the constant comparative method to allow for emergent frameworks fiom participants, and to make a multiple-site study theoretically relevant, the process was as follows:
1. Begin collecting data
2. Look for key issues, recurrent events, activities in the data that may become
categories of focus for understanding the bushrneat trade (to be formulated as
"Frameworks")
3. Collect data that provide many incidents of the categories, with an emphasis
on documenting the diversity of the dimensions within each fiamework.
4. Write about each of the categories explored (designed as comparative method
between research components (participants) and geographical distribution). 5. Work with the data and emerging mode1 to discover basic processes and
reIationships.
6. Engage in sampling, coding, and writing as the analysis focuses on the core
categories.
(Bogdan & Bilkin 2998, Glaser & Strauss 1966).
Components and Research Sites
The focus of this study is an overview of the trade in order to document the
participants and social influences at several stages in the circuit. Based on suggestions
fiom the literature and early field contacts, components emerged which represented
stakeholders 50m various stages in the trade. The following eight cornponents4were
explored as possible throughout each of the potential research areas in the tropical forest
of southern Cameroon.
Markets
Women Buyers and sellers
Hunters
Wildlife Rehabilitation Centres
Research Stations
Organizations - Project Planning Meetings
Govemment Policy
Data collection for women buyer /seIlers was collected either in a market settuig,
in village common areas or individual households. This component may be fürther
4 Logging concessions, and hunting camps wre inaccessible. subdivided into commercial vendors, and village level vendors, although it is difficult to assign or evaluate the degree of participation because the factors are a matter of degree not difference. Although the focus of research was on the role of women in the trade, host organizations, village chiefs or individuals often suggested interviews with hunters. Since there was a degree of uncertainty as to why 1 wanted to focus on women, when a hunter was available for interview, data collection proceeded. While hlfiIling other components as well, time spent at three research stations lead to a greater operational understanding of programs and research in Carneroon.
Regions were chosen based on the literature, with consideration of time fiame, road conditions, and potential for assistance in the area. Within these regions, local projects assisted in choosing both villages and respondents for interviews. The four areas
(see Figure 1) correspond to provincial delegation as follows:
Central / Littoral Provinces - representing the large urban market industry in
Yaounde and Douala.
South / East Provinces - the region east of the Dja Reserve including the following
villages: Lomie, Abong Mbang, Mindouroy Karagua, Zolabot II, Nohmedjoh,
Polydor and Bapile-
Southwest Province - Northem region around Korup National Park including
Mundemba, Manja and Ekundu Kundu-
Southwest Province - Southem region around Mount Carneroon including Limbe,
Batoke, Isongo, Scipio, and Suden camp. Figure 1: Research Sites Methods
Da.ta Collection
The complexity of conservation constraints in Cameroon limited research potentials, therefore an informal, indirect and opportunistic approach to data coI1ection was necessary. Some of the constraints inciude:
1. The present bushmeat commerce is not necessarily legal. Penodicaily the Iarger
bushmeat markets have been raided and meat confïscated, Residents in urban
areas tend to assume researchers are working for the government, and wil1 use
the information to negatively affect their activities,
2. Time constraints and travel dificulties eliminated some research sites fiom the
proposed study.
3. The nature and quantity of the bushmeat trade is difficult to document due to the
many levels of operation. Individuals sel1 fiom local vilIages and their homes,
the meat does not necessarily pus through markets or other fonnal charnels-
4. Very few participants in the trade focus on dealing in primates or apes
exclusively. Participants were chosen to best reflect the diverse and opportunistic
nature of the trade.
Data coIlection clustered in the urban centres and three regions of the tropical forest habitat in Carneroon, and thusly the natural habitat of chimpanzees and gorillas.
The research agenda was consistent with each site:
1. Who are the main participants at XXX site corresponding to YYY aspect
of the bushmeat trade? II. As indicated by participants at XXX site, what are their conceptual
fiarneworks for understanding the bushmeat trade, and their participation
or role in the trade?
Regional separation is in fact the first level of analysis and to rnaintain the integrity of the constant comparative method, each geographical area is analyzed and reported separatel y.
Researcher Role
The rnethods employed in this study were qualitative. Part of the protocol purpose is to substantiate the validity of techniques, and therefore requires acknowledgement of the role of the researcher. A central organizing identity in many cultures is gender. As a
Western white fernale 1 acknowledge that 1 was likely treated differently by cenain groups of people, and came to know different aspects of the worids 1 was researching. As a portion of my research focused on the role of women in the bushmeat trade, 1was able to use my gender as privilege to speak to a previously inaccessible group of informants to the predominantly foreign male researchers. Overall, attention was paid to interact with locals respecting traditions and terms defined by each village. During al1 aspects of rny stay in Cameroon effort was made to Iive, travel, eat and interact as local habit dictates.
Locals noticed this behaviour, as rnany comrnents indicated that "whites" previously in the area did not behave in this manner. Primary ~ethods'
A multistage participatory approach was adopted to collect and crosscheck
information for this study. This involved literature review and collection of prirnary data
at different levels (regional, national and IocaVvillage levels). The literature review targeted published and unpublished documents related to conservation and bushmeat in
Central AErica, and provided acquaintance with concepts related to the trade. The
majority of Iiterature pertaining to regions in Cameroon was collected from field visits to headquarters of regional conservation agencies and project offices.
The methods discussed below are thought to provide meaning for the behaviours and attitudes expressed by the participants in this research project (Kirby & McKenna
1989).
Open-ended Interviews - An interview question template (Appendix 3) was
created in the field after several project planning meetings. The questions were
adjusted accordingly to each specific situation and the response of participants.
The situation of each interview was also different. In most cases 1wrote as the
interview progressed, and notes were taken in the language of the interview,
French, English or pidgin to try to capture the words of the participant as
-- '~nadditi~n to the aforementioned methods, consensus analysis, freelisting (Cauikins 1998) and alternative exercises such as those detailed by Clover et al. (1998) and Marino (1997) were planned. Due to time constraints, and climate of data collection these methods were not possible. As the scale of this project is an overview for fkrther research, such methods wodd be better planned for fùture in-depth exploration. The theoretical basis of these methods was incorporated into the structure and development of the survey and interview. accurateiy as possible. In certain instances notes were compiled only afier the interview was completed. Interviews were with either individuals or a group. It is recognized that during group discussion, sorne information may not surface due to fear of the topic or the presence of other respondents. As such an effort was made to create an informal, safe setting and to ask both individuals and the whole group questions. As my interview experience progressed it was not necessary to refer to questions in my notebook. This increased the positive reception of my interview, as eye contact was maintained for longer periods, and the insecurities of my reading and writing firrther minimized. My reception varied with situation and area. I was welcomed literally with open arms, laughed at, laughed with, insulted, ignored and rejected. However, no matter the reception, when we drove away
(when applicable) they cheered and waved. At the end of each interview 1 asked if they had any questions for me. Ifthere was a response, it always focused on wonderment as to why 1 would want to corne to Cameroon and why 1cared about them.
Participant observation - A vast arnount of information and understanding was documented via participant observation. The theoretical advantage of participant observation is that when coupied with the constant comparative method (as detailed above), it is designed to produce theoretical insight and contribute to theory building (Goldenberg 1992). My role was often participant, but dso combined unobtrusive measures, as wel1 as persona1 accounts, narratives, and direct observation to give a fùll account of how these individuals made sense of their situation. The act of being in certain situations ofien generated much
valuable information on the infrastructure and method or process of being in
Carneroon. This information was documented in the forrn of notes.
Market Survev - An in depth market survey (Appendix 4) was created after
initial observation of the bushmeat markets in Yaounde. A locally hired research
assistant tried to implement the surveys but, unsurprisingly, had little success. The
hostile atmosphere of the markets coupled with a pact of not speaking to
researchers deemed this exercise futile. One survey was fülly completed;
additional information was gathered by observation.
Triangulation was achieved by integrating information fiom literature review,
meetings and interviews with International organizations, local NGOs and the
govemment, and finally by direct data collection through both participant observation and
individual or group interviews. The following table presents the tallies of method and
research for each component in each geogaphical area. if Table 7: Data CI lection Totals ...... [ Components Method -1 South / Littoral j East South Provinces E Provinces Observational sunreys / ----.*.--..--.--...------.-.-*..*-.*.---.-..-.------*--.------.--.--.*.-...surveys 1Women Buyen Open ended / and Sellers interviews / surve_2rs_____ Open ended interviews Participant observation Centre ji- Research Participant -1UCN Komp -Mount [f 5 ei Stations Observation Project Dja Project Cameroon 1; -Local Project forest - Etinde surveys for Reserve 1 gorif las: g KWPa, 3i -Eciiiembor A ~overnrneii Open ended Irnplicit Implicit Irnplicit b 1 Policy interviews / observation Open ended inte~ews1 observation Totals -.--*------.--.*-.--*-....-.*------*----- * Includes one group interview ** Includes two group interviews 1 See Appendix 5 for further breakdown of organizations interviewed.
Data Analysis
Following case study research design, initial analysis of the data relied upon the theoretical propositions that structured the study, and developed a case description as the framework for organizing information (Yin 1984). This analysis reflects the structure of the research design, and values the knowledge generated when this information is compared and contrasted, to illustrate the interaction between environmental conservation and environmental exploitation in developing countries facsd with a complex of factors pIacing increasing pressure on the environment.
Coding analysis involves developing a coding system. By searching through the data for regularities and patterns, 1 documented words and phrases to represent these topics and patterns. Following this process, coding categories reflected the frameworks for understanding the bushrneat trade, asdelineated by participants. Codes were also developed to sort the information on the=dynamics of the trade itself.
Using QSR Nud*ist Vivo (1999)3 software, codes were developed as either fiee or tree nodes, depending on rny interpretatllon of their association together.
Free: Concept of Nature Politics Economics Causes (of crisis) Solutions
Tree: Work O Issues and solutions Community O Identity O RoIe O Food Eaten = Issues
Trade Dynamics O Aspects Participant Profile How/why ~(beganparticipation) Acceptancce Process O Humt Materiais and Methods O Markets P~c~s S pecies Primates
Figure 2 represents the stmcture of the research design and report. The results fiom each region are coded and summari.-zed in the sectional geographic reports. AS completion of part A of the research design, the entire results are compared in the cross
regionaf report foIIowing the sectional reports.
Part B The research questions involving application of data (IIIand IV) were answered according to suggestions from participants of potential rrïethods for alleviating dependence on the bushmeat trade, and based on overall appreciation of the situation-
The theoretical mode1 is detailed afier the completion of the case study irformation, and involves application of the case study into theoretical insights from political ecology. Figure 2 : Research Design 1 Theoreticai Foundation: 1
Conservation Case Study Design Program Planning
Evolving Explanatory Multiple Research Sites
CONSTANT COMPARATTVE METHOD
3 Southwest North - Korup National Park 4 Southwest South Mount Carneroon /Limbe
C Hunters D Wildlife Rehabilitation Centres F Organizations E Research Stations G Government Policy
Sectional Reports
Draw Cross Research Site and Component Conclusions
/ 7 Region Reports - Results and Discussion
This chapter presents the results fiom research questions 1and II for each of the
four geographical areas. The first section is based on market surveys and project plaoning
meetings with organizations in Yaounde and Douala. The next three sections present data from the southeast, southwest north and southwest south regions. Information fiom
organizations and participant interviews is analyzed together for research question I, and contrasted for research question II. This will exhibit any discrepancies between information deemed critical by organizations and that supplied by participant interviews on the important issues in their communities.
The following information presented represents ideas from said participants and organizations. Direct quotes of representatives âom organizations, and research participants, are represented by italics.
Central / Littoral - Yaounde / Douala Report
Research Question 1
Figure 3 and 4 present the results to research question I fiom organizations in
Yaounde. The conception of participants and the circuit of the trade are shaped by the role of conservation organizations to document and research various aspects of the trade.
It also reflects the priority of research agendas and emphasis on markets in the urban centres. Figure 3: Research Question 1 Who are the main participants (and aspects) in the bushmeat trade- as perceived by organizations based in Yaounde.
Mï,sters are the beginning of the chain Hunters are perceived as locals and outsiders to the region of exploitation, and rnay be amateur
Buyers may purchase meat at hunting camps or from Traditional relations reflect method traders, and may supply of hunting. Baka move in the forest hunter matenals to secure with the whole farnily, Bangando or products. Bantu men hunt, children are in school and women stay in the village. Although the traditional relationshi p and seHers are g between Baka and Bantu is no longer / There are no chimpanzees considered at the the same, the power struggle still end of the chain. or goriilas in the markets in exists- Yaounde. This meat does Animals are chosen for various not travel through markets reasons and the majority are not The train station is the very often. This reflects the endangered animals. Anything larger most important market underground dealing for than a porcupine is most popular, in Yaounde. Mvog Mbi endangered animals, and especially duikers and monkeys. vendors are harassed the lack of these species frequently by the police. anywhere near the Iarger I cities. "nere is a decline in ape hzrnling when the numbers of apes decline. I ?
old consumers
Traders are aware of / the destination of to restaurant thei r meats. I\ The weak Iink of the chain is transport because the meat has to rnove via main now there is a store in Marche roads or the railroad. Melen thar regzibly sells baboons and duikers." Figure 4: Research Question 1 Who are the main participants in each stage of the bushmeat trade - as understood by organizations in Yaounde
enforcement
-International, national and nongovernmental Organizations -Governrnent Projects
*. The understvlding of the cycle of Regulation the trade refl ects perspective education structured by each project's Iirnits. Assist with various aspects of the
Illegal animal confiscation and care - There are over 100 orphan chimpanzees in Yaounde alone Research Question II
Market Surveys
Information fiom the markets in Yaounde and Douala were analyzed together to reflect the distinct culture of the large commercial bushmeat markets in urban centres.
Due to the unsuccessful implementation of market surveys, the following section briefly details the sparse information gathered f?om market vendors in Yaounde and Douala. A pact of silence against researchers prevented any questioning beyond pnce inquiry.
Yaounde
A survey of the markets in Yaounde identified four main bushmeat markets, as well as one fetish shop and one bushmeat store6. This infcnnation is summarized in Table
8.
This project did not atternpt to collect data in the many restaurants in Yaounde and Douala that se11 bus hmeat Table 8: Market Surveys in Yaounde Description Species 1. Train Station Ill egal market Predorninant species included: Male and female vendors White nosed guenon occupied different ends of Pangolin the street. Male vendors appeared more lucrative Porcup ine and displayed higher
A tour of the train station platform by guards while the 1 1 am train fiom Douala unloaded provided a view of the vast amount of bushmeat entering Yaounde several times each day, the conditions of its transport and the involvement of train officiais.
2. Mvog OnIy a few bushmeat sellers on the Vendors on the Mbi streets, but a covered building closer to street predorninantiy the train tracks provided ample amounts sold: of bushmeat. Various monkeys Porcupine Most vendors were female Pangolin Rats
Vendors in covered building sold greater variety - identified: Baboons Tortoises ...... ---~~ This market had the Iargest Black Colobus -singe bushmeat vending area with magaestre hundreds of animaIs in open piles, BIack and white colobus and an even greater selection in White nosed guenons covered market staI1s. Moustached guenons Baboons Most vendors were female, Duikers Yambassa, Bassa or Beti. Blue Duikers Sellers were generally There is a bureau and president unaware of species who oversees the market activities, names. In a Muslim area, this winding market provided streets and streets of bushmeat vendors.
Most vendors were rn- 15) My assistant managed to complete one survey of a male vendor. He was born in Mbam but now Iives in Yaounde. He began seIIing bushmeat because he was "short of somefhing to do for money, and beyond the firsf cycle of school, he had no meam tofurther his education". He informed my assistant that he had sold bushrneat for many many years. He prefers to sel1 porcupine because of its high quality. He purchases it fkom a hunter who delivers it to him in Yaounde. The hunter is f?om a forest village, and the vendor does not know where the hunter practices. This is his only source of income: "c 'est ca qui nozmire mafmiIZeiY . Monkeys are his favourïte bushmeat to consume. In his youth he ate chimpanzees and goriIIas, but has never sold them. He has only seen these animals in the markets and reports seeing them in the Mvog Mbi market. He is aware of the hunting laws for species such as singe magestrae, gonlla, lion, and panther. He plans to se11 bushrneat until he dies, or can retire. When asked what aspects of work he would change, fie responded that he has Douala
A survey of the main markets in Douala identified two main bushmeat markets, as detailed in the table below
Market Description 1. Marche du A large market with a small White nosed guenon Chevre bushmeat section. Moustached guenon BIack colobus
Predominantly women vendors Live: were unaware of species identity Crocodiles or location of procurement. Pangolins Tortoises
Standard allotment of porcupineand duikers 2. Marche Bushrneat arrives each day at Crocodiles Ndokoti 4pm. A small row of vendors on Tortoises the sidewalk lines the back of the Pangolins market. Various monkeys Blue duikers Hyr= Cane rats
Summary
Inquiries suggest that any research in the markets, or aspirations for education programs targeting urban market vendors are futile. This is unfurtunate due to the low levels of knowledge of species sold and hunting practices by sellers. Male and fernale urban market vendors seem to be of a separate culture than othenvise described buyers and sellers. Research in the past has been associated with market raids and periodic enforcernent of regulations, to the point where it has tamished any plan to research these participants' perspectives on the trade, or their solutions to ameliorate the illegal aspects of the trade. This indicates that this aspect of the trade is impenetrable except via
enforcement of regulations.
Organization froject Planning Interviews
The following section details information presented by representatives fiom
conservation organizations based in Yaounde. While al1 the information is their voice,
italics represent a direct quote. Figure 5 presents a visual representation of the emergent
fiameworks for al1 results sections, and will be referenced throughout this section.
Patterns ofAssociation with WifdIzj5e
Association with witdlife varies with region and culture, but is generally either
spiritual or resource based. For example, one organization representative suggested that
in the past if a Baka had a Bantu master, he would respect the eating traditions of the master. Ifa clan had a totem animal, they would not eat it. But now they will and sel1 or eat aimost anything, there are few taboos. There are myths that gonllas are dangerous. In the southwest, there are myths that elephants now Live in caves to hide fiom the hunters.
The concept of extinction does not exist.
Sorne Cameroonians are aware that over 50% of the continent's biodiversity is in their country, with high degrees of endemism. But they are aware of this because of industry, there are over 600 species of commercial timber.
Politics
Although there is an officiai policy for bushmeat confiscation and arrest, it is little enforced or even known by oEcials. The cormpt past and current involvement of Figure 5: Research Question II
Frameworks from Project Planning Meetings with Organizations and Interviews with Participants political leaders in the trade continues to barricade the process of prograrn development and implementation and mars any enforcement of Iaws or regulations.
The officia1 government poIicy changed in 1994. Before this date there was a ban on the trading of bushrneat, with two provisions:
1- Meat can be IegalIy hunted with perrnits and a gun license, and the
individual can "dispose" of the meat as they desire. However, not al1
animals could be hunted- following CITES, there was no hunting of class
L animais (chimpanzees, elephants etc).
2. At a cornrnunity level, there was "droits d'usage" (usage rights), whereby
forestry law gave rights to cornrnunities to use some things f?om the
farest. However, this still followed CITES and did not recognize trading.
The law after 1994 was generally the same except officials were asked to accept trading of bushmeat. The idea came from market level, where it was impossible to enforce the law. OficiaIs saw individuals eating, and selling bushmeat, it was therefore accepted so cornrnunities couId benefit frorn resources. Individuals can only trade legally hunted bushmeat however.
Each province has a quota of hunting permits, and cannot aIIocate more than seven. This contributes to the increasing number of illegal permits, as many
Cameroonians do not accept the idea of requiring a permit to hunt. Although there is no sport hunting in Cameroon, the laws have inherited the disposition and francophone way of re~latingsuch industries. There are also perrnits for collection of bushmeat; these cannot be given without knowing the source of the bushmeat, which is problematic and difficult to prove. There is illegal business with guns and cartridges, with the best
supplies available in Yaounde. These problems coupled with inadequate structures of
administration, which couid not fire workers, forced the enforcement of blanket law on
bushrneat and pushed the trade so far underground that it cannot be regulated. The
penalty for possessing part of a prohibited animal is three years in prison or 3 million
fcfa. Even though individuals are very afiaid of the law, there is no enforcement or
collection as the penalty is too extrerne and not respected. Unfortunately judicial
authonties are also unaware of these laws and they are therefore unlikely to be tried in
court. In effect this has indicated that illegal bushrneat trading is not really a crime in
Cameroon.
Economics
Selling bushmeat is important to the economy, as the income of hunting is much
higher now than before the econornic crisis and currency devaluation in 1994. While the
pries Vary throughout the country, individuals work in the industry out of necessity. The tie to other industry is also economicalIy important, as bushmeat follows logging.
Although community forestry is a good initiative on paper, organizations indicated that in
some regions, communities will give up resources for money. Conservafioncm only use remon, loggers bring rnoney.
Wurk Issues
There are problems in terms of biodiversity, although extinction is natural, it is now accelerated. Individuals work in the industry out of necessity. Officials do not know the regulations on bushmeat and therefore harass al1 participants equally. Causes
Anecdotai inquiries indicate that the process is very cornplicated, it is not one cornrnunity, taboos are ignored, sacred areas are ignored and hunting seasons are ignored.
However, the transformation of hunting fiom subsistence to commercial is a larse cause of the crisis. The influx of Iogging and the cash economy in the last remaining relics of the country Iimits the potential for traditional hunting. Prices for chimpanzees and gonllas are between 15 000 and 45 000 fcfq which contribute to unsustainable rates of slaughter. The impact of logging companies on communities and the associated increase in bushmeat hunting is the main cause of the rapid increase in hunting rates. Professional hunters, locals and outsiders have access deep into the forest, customers for meat, as well as transport to markets.
Individuals develop a taste for the meat while Young, and bnng this nostalgia into an urban environment. It is prestigious, but at the same time hidden, incorporating human vanity and powerfùl elite privileges. Altematively, small-scale hunters do large amounts of damage. Comrnunities will aiways compromise resources for money, and no one believes that resources will be conserved for their use. A tragedy of the commons mentality propels unsustainable hunting practices. Economic poverty and social cu1turaI associations with wildlife do not inhibit hunting any animals. An informal survey on views of meat indicates that even if cornmunities are told it is dangerous to their health to eat certain animals, they would not believe it. Solutions
Ideas for solutions to the crisis revolve around several concepts including: regulation and enforcement, greater cooperation among organizations, comrnunity forestry, and education.
Although hunting is regulated, many organizations believe the process shouId include: authorization to buy cartridges (often the oEcer signs blank forms and sells his own ammunition), and permits to hunt particular animals with particular guns.
Unsustainable hunting occurs on a simpler level however, hunters tiom outside the region may invade the forest and locals rnay set hundreds of trap in which the meat rots before they can check them.
Enforcement includes logging certification to prove companies are not participating in the trade, either hunting in the camps or transporting meat. This may include working with NGOs in the areas of logging concessions, and providing workshops to logging workers outlining the niles and sanctions of the Company. The govenment wants to build new strategies with the international organizations to create a task force or anti-poaching unit in the east. Privatization of the railway may increase regulation. Enforcement also includes road checks, controlling the problem in the large urban centres where people are demanding meat, gun control, education of oficials
(credibility), and the establishment of forces of guards to move throughout the country policing the trade.
Community forestry focuses on how to conserve while espousing sustainable use.
Rural developrnent via biodiversity conservation is an international priority. A community should have a say in controIling their resources. Community forestry can
prevent poachers and thieves of wildlife. Comrnunities can rule against foreign hunters,
follow traditional ways, respect the chief and realize that forest products are a common
resource. Policy has also regulated the allocation of community forests or sanctuaries.
MINEF has tried to get involved in comrnunity projects with other organization such as
Earth Day campaigns and community forestry. For 5000 fcfa, a community or
organization can approach the governrnent to manage the resources in their forest. The
Iand still befongs to the country, and the parties must agree on a convention, The state can revoke the land if they deem the community irresponsible, or if they have a need for that land. This has lead to disputes between communities and logging companies on land allocation.
Some organizations are already working in communities, and can also facilitate the spread of environmental education. Cultural dimensions are specific to certain regions and conservation education must reflect the diversity. Different representatives presented strong opinions on the use or potential for education programs. "Community edzcution is useless due to migration and movement, environmental education serves no pupose; the edzication is needed in town against the commercial market in the cities. Ed2rcation of adults is too time consuming". However, adults cmbe reached through theu children.
The economic crisis has hindered the progress of environmental education in schools because parents cannot afford books and teachers are not trained. The hope is to integrate environmental education into existing subjects. "Ki& cmstillget excited about wiZdlïJe, and cotnmtrnity resources mch as zoos and wildlqe centres are key to school environmental edzlcation". 2) Southeast Dja Reserve Area Report
Research Question 1
Results f?om organizations and interviews with participants are presented together to in Figure 6 to represent the main participants in the bushmeat trade in southeastern
Cameroon. This region exhibits the influence of organizations and cornmunity projects, the presence of the Reserve, and the recent influx of the iogging industry. LocaI participants of either gender indicated that it is appropriate work for males or females and is easy because it is based on skills they already have; hunting or cooking, or acceptable places of work such as the forest for men and the markets for women. Locai commercial hunters have practiced for 12-20 years, which indicates that many began as teenagers.
Each leamed these skfis in the forest fkom their fathers or pygmies. Individuals often began hunting due to pest species on their plantations, or in order to provide food and rnoney for their families. Some hunters go into the forest each day (except for Sunday when they hunt for two days consumption). Larger scale commercial hunters go into the forest for several days at a time, no more than once a week. A "grande ensemble" travels into the forest tracking gorillas. Hunters still hire "pygmy" guides and porters to carry the smoked meat from the forest to the village, where a pre-arranged trader purchases his selection. As such, guns are common weapons in the area, and commercial hunters may be provided materials by their clients. Al1 participants in the trade had families and it was not uncommon for women to be in a transition phase of their lives, from married to divorced, for example. Most sellers had only been practicing for one or two years, and began because of their need for economic independence fkom their ex-husbands or Figure 6: Research Question 1 Who are the main participants (and aspects) in the bushmeat trade in the Southeastl Dja area?
Elite clients Urban centres k
transport families. Women travel great distances on foot or in a vehicle to purchase meat £kom the hunters and then sel1 it in their local village market, or larger regional market. Favourite species included porcupine, pangolin, b lue dui ker, moustached guenon, and the most comrnon white nosed guenon. GoriIIas are hunted commerciaily in this region. Prïces of bushmeat Vary with the village and market location- An animal that cost 700fcfa fiom the hunter, would sel1 for no Iess than 1000fcfa, but the mark up rnay be significantly higher.
Porcupine fares well at 1500fcfa for the entire animal, gorillas rnay run 45 000 fcfa.
Monkeys are generally more expensive than other small animals. Most bushrneat is sold cut up into small pieces or served cooked in a tomato sauce. SrnaIl chunks of duiker cost
200 fcfa each, while two hind legs cost 3600 fcfa.
Research Question II
Information gathered f?om project planning meetings and interviews with participants are contrasted to allow for comparison between the interpretation of organization of the trade, and the discussion of participation in the trade by women buyers and sellers and hunters.
Figure 5 presented an outline of the fiameworks as delineated by organizations, women buyers and sellers and hunters in the region. Data f?om the interviews with participants is inside the community area, and highlights the similarities and differences both in the fiameworks presented and the information within these fiameworks.
Frameworks are fully detailed below, contrasting the different perspectives. Politics
Local projects by organizations do not participate in the arrest or policing of
illegal bushrneat activities. Projects have an agreement with the Gendarme, that they
provide food and a vehicle for the oficer to visit a suspected site or village.
The influence of politics may be implicit in other frameworks, but really only
surfaced with the acknowledgement of hunting laws by the hunters. They are aware of
hunting licenses (referred to as "papier pour viandeyy),and regdations regarding pregnant fernales, hunting seasons, and endangered or protected species. Although they believe that papers are not necessary if hunting is solely for subsistence.
Patterns of Association luith Wildlife
Little insight was gained via cuItural concept of nature for understanding participation in the bushmeat trade, aside fiom the overall use of animals.
Economics
Hunting is ofken for a combination of food and cash income, or solely for income.
It is often the only source of income, although some sel1 additional food items as manioc, plantains, cocoa and coffee. Both organizations and participants discussed the need for cash for certain items: gas, soap, clothes, and school fees, which can cost 2000fcfa per child (for primary) plus textbooks. One hunter expressed his desire to fix his house, buy a bicycle, radio or motorcycle.
"Poztr argent et facile" instnicted a commercial gorilIa hunter who makes 45 000 fcfa for a gorilla. Commercial hunters used cash for other necessary items such as ammunition, drinks and pigs or chickens for celebrations. Large-scale sellers indicated expenses related to vehicles consumed their cash income. Money is not shared or
distributed arnong the village or family members.
Cornmunity Identity
Cornmunity projects focus on conservation and sustainable utilization of natural
resources. himateurs7 are used in villages to facilitate the presentation and
implernentation of projects concerning credit, supplies and rnicroprojects such as building
schools and wells.
Individuals described a transformation in their villages, f?om a close association
with families in the village, sharing resources and eating together, to a reunion each
Sunday to Iittle association at dl. Women are able to descnbe their village structure only
in simple terms of number of families and approximate total. Villages contained only 2
families to total 200 people or simply "beaucozrp despersonnes". Many of the women
were born in villages nearby, or lei? their birth village only to return years later.
Roles
The roles of men and women are closely associated with village identity and
work issues. Women dea .1 with problems, and are constantIy bothered. One woman described her need for ernancipation from village problems, which she felt she dealt with alone. Women play many roles, cultivator, market seller, rnother, and wife. Their duties include taking care of children and husbands, house affairs, preparing food, fishing, attending plantations, making baskets, collecting firewood and water. Many women bring their daughters to the markets during the school break, to learn the industry. Others equip their daughters with pots of cooked bushmeat, which they seIl Erom atop their heads as they walk through the village. Husbands might hunt and trap or fish. Hunters saw the man's role was to provide for wife and children, to visit his family and to rest between hunting expeditions. One said his wife would never come into the forest because he did not want her to see a gonlla, as they are dangerous and ferocious. For either gender, identity and role is tied directly to work A large-scale bushmeat seller told me that before she was a wife and mother, now she works.
WOA~SSU~S
Except for one participant, none had left this area of the country. This is reflected in work patterns. The man who had lived in Yaounde was a chauffeur, but now is a cultivator and hunter. He was instructed by his father to work in the village and give to the children. He enjoys fishing, but is angered by the animals destroying the plantations.
The commercial hunter indicates that he rnay quit in the fùture, as he cannot hunt as an old man because it is dangerous and exhausting, but it does provide easy money.
The women sellers indicated that their work always continues- They are occupied in their homes and in the villages. To purchase meat (even if their husband is the hunter they may have to travel to get the rneat as many husbands do not live in the same village as their wives) they travei distances on foot, or by vehicle (very rare). Walking rnay take days to reach the destination, only to turn around and retum to their village. They rnay go
1-2 times per week, or only 2-3 times per month depending on involvement. Some women work in the markets each day of the week from 630 or 9 am to 3pm or into the
7 These individuals iive in a specific village fdl time and assist in e.uplauiing and implementing any evening. In this case prepaxïng the meat may occur in the rnoming beforehand, or the
night before. ORen women cut up the meat while in the markets. One woman identified
her work in the plantations as the rnost diEcult aspect of her day.
Foods Eden
A prevalent issue for village inhabitants is food. Individuals listed similar foods as
the most commonly eaten: plantain, manioc, mokabo, fish, meat, and corn. Meat includes
domestic varieties such as goat, pig and chickens (used only when there is no other food
or for celebrations), but mostly bushmeat. Favounte species are duikers, porcupine for its
sugary taste, pangolin and monkeys. While these species have a similar taste, according
to one hunter, the taste of a godla is much different. He kills gorillas when they are on
his plantation at an average of twice per year. The commercial gonlla hunter often keeps
the head, feet and hands for his farnily, and rnay kill as many as 6 per month. Most
people indicated selling or eating any type of bushrneat.
Food Issues
Only one hunter expressed concern over health issues relating to badly prepared
food. Othenvise food issues are focused on need. When one wants meat, the hunter kills,
when there isn't anything to eat, a hunter kills. "Fit is for hunger, your own or ymrr
neighbours, he will hunt withorrt respecting the Zaws". If it is for an age ceremony he will
kill two domestic animals. There is not enough food diversity in the region however. "As fur as selhg is concemed, it is hmder tofiltd meat than manioc- everyone has enozrgh of
that. "
program established by the IUCN ou treach project. Solutions
Very few solutions to this crisis were presented in this area. Only suggestions that
hunters may quit in the future when they can find equal employment or are too old. Only
by satisfying the needs of the family with an equally profitable activity would lessen the
intrigue of selling bushmeat.
Acceptance
There was cultural variation in this area and amongst research participants, but
this does not produce any significant differences as far the bushrneat trade is concerned-
Communities are also homogenous in their acceptance of their lives. It was not
uncornmon for respondents of al1 factions to Say "c 'est comme ca icz7', or la vie ici
en Cameroun, ca c 'est comment en Camerozrn". This is interesting considering
respondents indicated that their lives are bothersome and exhausting.
Bushmeat trade solutions
Potential solutions presented by organizations include alternative means for
economic revenue and education for an appreciation of nature and sustainable utilization
of resources. Economic programs include agroforestry, credit allocation for supplies, and gorilla habituation for tourisrn. Environmental education is difficult in this area because although individuals rnay understand the message, it is hard to alter their behaviour. 'Yt is not easy to aller their nîentality. It is part of rheir cztlrzire and certain rights cal[for the killing of certain animals to show that yozi are a man. It is a pro blem of cultzire, of food
and of money " "Although sorne people refusd the message, senribiliration and education is the on& 1va-y- Cornmzrnities are afaid of the projecl. especiuh'y ifthey have busheat. ney know these organizations are here to reduce participation in the trade."
Education on the reduction of animal populations and strategies for sustainabIe utilization are generally understood and accepted in the villages. There is no point telling people that it is unsafe to eat primates because they might get AIDS or get sick. They have eaten it al1 their lives and are still alive. 3) Southwest North - Korup National Park Area Report
Researcà Question I
In answer to research question 1, Figure 7 presents the data on the participants,
and profiles and aspects of the bushmeat trade in this area. The Park project and a local
NGO work with participants in the trade, to structure some aspects of community
participation. Local hunters focus on anirnals that destroy crops, or rnay hunt in the forest
outside of the Park. Guns and traps are the most common method and are found inside
the Park as well. Hunters charge 2500-4000 fcfa for 15-30 large pieces of meat to the
women "bayarn sellams". Women are intermediaries who buy from hunters, resell to
women, or sel1 in markets or restaurants. A small piece of cooked meat costs 200fcfa in
the restaurant and lOOfcfa in the villages. This is a considerable mark up. The profile of
women varies, but dl had families and most more than five children. Many were
originally from the area, but not necessarily the same village in which they currently
reside. Local village wornen sel1 meat hunted by their husbands, or they purchase it f?om
a hunter once per week. The meat may be already smoked, but women prefer it fresh
because of the inability to tell if the meat was rotten before it was smoked. Restaurant
and market vendors select (or fight other women for it) meat fiom hunters who obtain
animais both inside and outside the park and buffer region. There are no persona1
relations with the hunters. Preferred species include porcupine, deer, pangolin, red
colobus and white nosed guenon. Chimpanzees were eaten once in an old village inside the Park. Figure 7: Research Questions 1
Who are the main Participants (and aspects) of the bushmeat trade Immigrant @ligerian and in the Southwest North Korup National Park Cameroonian) Region? Commercial Hunters
- -- 1 Korup National Park Project / Research Question II
The data for research question II contrasts organization and local participant information to allow for cornparison of information.
Refer to Figure 5 again for the presentation of fiameworks discussed in this section. Results explain the perspective of organizations, on the participation of locals in the bus hrneat trade, and perspectives from participants thernselves. Important areas to note are the "Bushmeat Trade Solutions" presented by the organizations, versus the
"Solutions" to work issues by the local community, as understood by the organizations.
Politics
Regulation of hunting, species protection and conservation is a highly politiczed process in this area due to the presence of the National Park. This project suggets that locals can no longer use resources in the Park. Policy is viewed as conservation of wildlife to the exclusion of indigenous peopIes- According to a local NGO, "this is forgefting ththe forest is rhe sztmival reme4 of the poplafion - it is nof easy fo stop hztnting-"
Village dynamics in the area reflect changes from the establishment and enforcement of Korup National Park. As such, there is awareness that the presence of tourists and the Park has changed villages; communities are no longer allowed to use the resources of the Park. Sorne villages claim they never relied on the Park for exploitation, so little has changed in this regard. Patterns ofAssociation with Wifdftye
Traditional conservation rneasures were thought to exist because otherwise
animals would already be extinct. The area has been sisnificantly affected by over
harvesting of wildlife however. Organizations thought rneasures might have included
seasonal hunting, rotation of exp Ioited forest areas, and respect for totem animals.
There was no real awareness of the bushmeat trade as a cnsis. The locaI pidgin
word for animal is "beef', and food is called "chop".
Economics
The trade is easy and quick money for participants. Selling foods in the market is
not secure as there is a limited nurnber of buyers in the region, and may not be the main
occupation of most women.
Cash is needed to buy other foods, or agncultural supplies. Participants
continuously purchased the same items: oil, salt, margarine, pepper, kerosene, soap,
clothes, alcohol and school fees. Up to 40% of income may be spent on alcohol. The
village in transition noted an exceptional amount of money for food items which are
normally grown. Full time bushmeat sellers purchased al1 items for subsistence and
business. Cash income is also sought for saving if possible.
Community Identity
Individual identity is tied to the local village. Many people have never left their
village or are% and do not comprehend why one would want to, 'khat are you Zooking for, what do yozr equect to see?" quoted an organization representative. Due to this
regionally focused view, they do not value the idea of extinction. Mundemba, as the largest centre in the area, is understood as "a collection of strongers for trading md worK7purposes. Other villages in and around the Park function as traditional villages. Ekundu kundu was recently relocated Eom inside to outside the
Park, naturally their identity is a large issue of focus for inhabitants. Comrnunity design was changed from linear to y-shaped, and inhabitants are now interacting with new neighbours and sharing more food. A comrnunity fmallows for communal foods to augment farnily fms. It is now easier to transport food to market, as the four-hour walk has been reduced to an hour, if a ride is not available. The former village had a much more diverse food base, with well-established crops and inlets to the forest. Inhabitants anticipate that the new village will provide more food in the long term, with less need for hunting.
Roles
A difficult tradition confronts wornen with the enorrnous tasks of prirnary agricultural worker, childcare and even srnaII income gatherer by selling bushmeat or other items in the market. The role of wornen as understood by organizations, is compnsed of their daily tasks.
Identity as a woman was tied closely to roles and tasks, and vaned according to the presence of a women's group for support. TabIe 9: Identity and Roles of Wornen I. Single Market Sellers !! Shared Tasks jr Women's Group Sellers li Wash children, clothes Cook Clean Take care of children Work in the fields Tend to animals Gather firewood Provide income Work in the markets g ii...... Own businesses E Visit sick relatives 1: j.------.------.--.--..-.--.------.------.-----.-- Go to church [ Conduct meetings fi Educate other women
The support of the women's group did not change their culture, but did change their homes because women can provide more. This process was identified as
"ernpowering", by the women7sgroup since they were able to pay school fees, and sponsor their husbands and children and therefore gained trust fiom the comrnunity.
Although women do not own land, the chief of one village identified the importance of women as a major constituent of the village. Women note however, that despite their newly gained independence "one camot go above yozrr head"
Work
A large knowledge gap for women and their work is compounded by cultural rules concerning the interaction between unmarried men and women. For example, a local NGO explained that agricultural technicians are often men who do not speak the local languages. Long hours, great distances to walk for bushrneat and water suggests that "women are geographicaIïy and social& Ïsdated." Most work in the area is related to food, with the exception being work related to the Park.
Refiarning the question &om the role of women to describe daily tasks and work, provided little new information fiom participants. More emphasis was placed on work relating to agriculture, perhaps because this is more officially considered work. They
"deal with grass", bringing in products nom the fmand buying items f?om markets.
Work Issues and Solutions
New methods of cooking rnay lesson the need for increased diversity of food products. Communities have been able to adjust to new food ideas in the past. Cooking for conse~ngnutrients may also assist populations. Some women's groups are trying to provide a support network to increase knowledge and skills.
Problems identified include no time and no energy. '"Ever3/&y20 market is tiring anddzfficulr." Food is prepared in the mornings before market. SeIIing is done with sisters, mothers and daughters. For full time bushmeat sellers, problems with work included bad road conditions, which prevent the transport of market goods during the rainy season. This makes prepanng foods diff~cult.Seliers fiequently have to fight for meat fiorn hunters because there is not enough for al1 of them.
"ltis dzfficzdt to plant andgrow cocon yams, " or to clear the farm for up to eight hours per day. Technological assistance is limited to hand tools. Infertile land compounds the difficulty for growing reliable and diverse foods. Fishing requires walking forty-five minutes to the Stream, Favourite tasks include seIIing goods, rather than working on the fms. While
some women mentioned taking care of children as rewarding several indicated it is rnost
stressful because they do not believe that they have enough resources or security (hospital
and medical access) to do so properly.
When asked what they would Iike to change in their day, or how these tasks might
be made easier, one woman suggested that if she made more money she could hire
workers to tend the plantations. Unfortunately, she also believed this is impossible. Most
women indicated how they preferred to relax, rather than suggest solutions for alleviating
work issues. Relaxation was achieved by resting and drïnking.
Consensus of al1 participants indicates that "my fimefood is ivanted, if is tirne IO work." This highlights the link between work and food.
Food Eaten
Frequent mention of the lack of diversity of foods highlights the central role of
cassava and cocoa yarns. Other foods might include groundnuts, com, hfi, rice, bananas, plantain, fiuit, fish and bushmeat. Bushrneat includes porcupine, monkeys, antelope, pangolin, rats, water chevrotain and mitumbo (the latter two are endangered). Monkeys and rats are eaten rnost fiequently because they destroy crops. Most women preferred bushmeat, although one woman identified pig as her favourite meat because she knew how to prepare it well.
"MonkeyY'was used as a generic term for al1 the species. OnIy the white-nosed guenon is identified specifically, likely due to its distinct alarm call. One woman mentioned occasionally eating chimpanzees in the old village, but they are now dificult to see, and only found in the east of the park.
Food Issues
Bushmeat selling is attractive employment for food secunty for the household.
Secunty in the region is dubious however because of seasonal isolation due to poor road conditions, conflict with Nigeria over fishing waters and lack of diversity. Food scarcity is a new phenornenon for these populations.
In the newly relocated village, food problems focus on the immature crops and shortage of food. More rnoney is spent on foods because the crops are not ready. Several women were concerned about their children's health due to reliance on gari, which is difficult to digest. Eating one food continuousIy is also not favoured. Others mentioned the prevalence of rotten meat in Pepe soup. Construction noises in the new village are cited as the reason for animals being very far away from the village, which made bushmeat hunting more difficult- Solutions to food probIems included pig raising or helping other villages to form support groups to better resolve their own community issues. 4) Southwest South -Mount Cameroon Area Report
Information presented by participants in this area refiects the importance of the
Mount Cameroon Project (MCP) in reshaping the bushrneat trade- As such, this presents a unique situation, and it is necessary to both identi@ and briefly detail their programs which established wildlife unions.
One of the main tasks of the MCP is to test participatory biodiversity cofiservation approaches in the area that can be incorporated into the national policy. The process of testing has taken seven years, and was slow due to the fact that wildlife resource exploitation was done iilegally, with the regdation itself faciiitating it, and because the relationship bebveen the administration and the users has always been conflicting
(Pouakouyou et al. 1998). Recently the Iocal MDEF representative, MCP and the local cornrnunities in the area, have initiated a senes of actions, the first of which has been to bring together al1 the stakeholders involved in wildlife resource management. The interested parties were grouped as: hunters union, three village based wildlife management comrnittees, and Pepe soup women's union. The unions generally have the same goal, sustainable exploitation of wildlife in the area in order to raise living standards while perpetuating the resources for current and Iuture generations. In relation to this study, the practical aspects of these programs has been to regulate the hunting and selling of wildlife to include legal species, and require al1 hunters and sellers to be registered members of the union (See Pouakouyou & Nchidor 1996 for a report on the
Batoke Wildlife Management Cornmittee). Research Question 1
Results fiorn organizations and participant interviews are presented together to answer research question 1: who are the participants at each stage in the cycle of the bushmeat trade.
As shown in Figure 8, participants, process, and aspects of the bushmeat trade in this area is structured by local projects. This includes governrnent sponsored community farest management in conjunction with local organization's projects. This agreement took almost two years to formulate. Before this was five years of education, building trust and training seminars for foresters, police oEcials and local villagers.
Local village bushrneat selling, local hunting, immigrant large-scale hunters, and specialized elephant and chimpanzee hunters sel! their products to various clients. The infamous "Yaounde Hunters" are blamed for most of the commercial hunting in the area-
Commercial hunters trade their products to Douala, and may include chimpanzees, but most often elephants. Chimpanzee meat is relatively cheap because traditional cultures did not eat this species due to its sirnilarity to humans. Local hunters in the union se11 to
Pepe soup women, also in the union. Hunters are often full time CDC employees.
Methods of hunting include trapping and dane guns. A new agreement with MINEF allowed for the registration of dane guns in this area. Most men hunt in nearby forests or plantations, and catch is limited to the few animak left in these areas. Trips into the bush may be as infiequent as 2-3 times per month. The kill might be up to 3 animals. If trapping, hunters set approximately 18-3 0 per season. Figure 8: Research Question 1
Who are the main participant. ( and aspects) of the bushmeat trade in the Southwest Province, Mount Cameroon Area?
1 Large Scde Immigrant 1 HCommercial Hunters
Uhan eiite in Douala Pepe soup wornen sel1 bushmeat in local markets, and garnish most of the profits
in the trade in this area. Women buy approved anirnals fiom the registered hunters, many
have a "contract" with one specific hunter. They ofken give money, gifts, food and
materials to these hunters to retain this contract.
The price of bushmeat does not reflect the availability of animals, but rather the
control of the market by these women. In the past the price was constant, but now is
manipulated. Initially at lOOfcfa for a small piece, the price is now 300fcfa and the
president of the union has suggested raising it to 500fcfa. The union changed the animals
being hunted and sold. The ''Vthere is no plen& fhen leave" principle explains the
regdation. Traded species include htumbo, crocodiles, porcupine and rats, bush pig
duiker (some species are now illegal to hunt) and monkeys (identified as white nose, red
tail and black and white).
The wildlife centre serves to confiscate and house orphan chimpanzees and
gorillas and to educate citizens. Govemment confkcation of illegal ape pets is not rare,
and involvement of the police commissioner has been transformed fiom smuggIer or trafficker of wildlife, to policing of illegal activities (persona1 communication). The
number of orphans received at this centre has decreased in the last few years, likely due to shortage of these animals in the area. The centre has been at capacity for some time.
Research Question II
For research question II: what are the fiameworks for understanding the bushrneat trade as delineated by participants, results fiom the organizations and participant interviews are contrzsted to exhibit the different perspectives. Data f?om organizations and interviews with hunters and buyers and seIlers
reflects the correlation in Figure 5, and is discussed in detail below.
Politics
Two forest resenres in the area augment comunity managed forests. The
involvement of MINEF with MCP and LWC has increased political awareness of the
area. Officiais are still being educated about regulations involving bushrneat and wildlife;
the former laws were not practical and ignored.
Patterns of Association with wildlife
Traditionally chiefs protected village forests. Ail animals are meant for food, and
consenration programs are viewed as underhanded efforts to control the population. The
fust impression of oEciaIs of the wildlife centre was that it was a waste of bushmeat.
Comrnunities now recognize the reduction of animal populations in the area, and
education programs are being accepted.
The acceptance of MCP programs transformed not only trade dynamics, but also
altered larger concepts of nature. By knowing what animais are legal and illegal, Pepe
soup women greatly increased their knowledge of animals and the forest. With
knowiedge came appreciation of forces larger than economics and food secunty, Past
hunting practices of chimpanzees reflected a different appreciation, as chimpanzees were very special when killed and the meat was shared in the village.
Economics
Suffering is tied to a decrease in economic potential. The MCP unions now regulate this potential. Increase in economic independence has allowed women fieedom fiom stmggling with their husbands for money: "get maIl money ... able to give money, to buy thingsfor inside own house ... before stmgg1e to find 200fcfa to buy food, now rzo simggle for chop with family7. While selling is a!l for cash income, hunting cm be for both food and cash income. The extra meat is sold to Pepe soup women or in other villages.
Roles
The establishment of unions has altered perceptions of male and female roles.
Pepe soup women effectively control the trade (due to informal ties to customers and supply and demand role) and are now aware of this position.
By obtaining more economic independence, women participants have altered the community, but more profoundly have altered the household roles. They do not rely on men as much, and can share the money in their household. Women can also devote money to ease their responsibilities. They can pay transport for relatives to visit, buy
"maII clothes" and gifts; "give somefhzng to your man. rhat man, he be glad'. The union assisted in changing responsibilities for women, they are doing something organized,
"women don change, do plenty now".
Description of tasks of the Pepe soup women's days includes the following activities which are done before going to the market to sell: arrange house, clean, take care of children, wash, smoke fish, maybe km, process palm oil and wine. Work Issues
Work issues reflect the obstacles for local organizations. Several comrnunities refuse to participate in programs with MCP- LWC educational programs have met resistance f?om teachers and schools.
Work issues Vary with hunters and sellers. SeIIers indicate a reliance on hunters, and recognize that they cannot act alone in the trade- Work revolves around the union now. Fines are collected for missed union meetings, and registration is Iimited to certain times and achieved via payment. Whereas work problems focused on harassrnent ftom gendarme and police while transporting meat because "they didn 't know for which
(species) to hold 'em and which to let 'em",they now focus on enforcing desof union.
Benefits of the union also include a reserve fiind for problems, gifts for births, and end of year bonuses. The group effectively charged how bushmeat is sold. The wornen rotate workdays with the option of trading if their hunter had no meat or was il[. They want to expand their organization to include other products such as fish, snails or produce, so they do not rely solely on bushrneat. Although Pepe soup women indicate that rneat is always available for purchase, there are not enough people with cash to purchase their products.
Hunters complain of lack of time, as most are full time CDC employees also.
Most of the trappers used to hunt with guns before "they done spoileù" (were wrecked).
One man expressed difficulty in hunting because he was older. Food Issues
The main crop is cassava. Because of heavy rains, growing rnany things is possible, but heavy winds often destroy crops such as bananas, and plantains. Corn is harvested three times per season because of the plentifil rains and soi1 conditions. It too is easily spoiled. Complaints of food include lack of fkesh vegetables, reliance on cassava and not enough animais in the bush.
Bushmeat Trade Solutions
Organization solutions may lie in increasing the number of villages participating in projects of the nature of MCP cornmunity forest responsibility. Education targeting school children may increase awareness. With the satisfaction of community and family needs, programs altering behaviours may be better received. Aiternatives such as pig raising and snail farming have been suggested by organizations. Political involvement to maintain an isolated hunting fiee zone in the Etinde Reserve has also been suggested.
The union women recognize that the bushmeat supply has decreased, and despite their regulations, may not be reliable- They want to establish a large cIean market area to sel1 fish, produce and sweet drinks, so when "rime corne for no reZy on hnting cmsel1 other, have more ideas for incorne". They can buy other meat such as poultry and pigs to make Pepe soup. They want to learn how to raise cutting grass (they already attended a seminar), pigs, and snails, farm more and own srnall capital.
With the union their future outlook has expanded to include the future of the town. It was evident that both the hunters' group and the Pepe soup women had difficulty taking about the past and practices in the past, they are now focused on the present and the f3ture. 8 Regional Cornparison
Introduction
The last decade in Atnca has witnessed a gradua1 attitudinal shift in how governrnent agencies and conservationists view resource utilization by local people.
During the colonial period, Europeans had little respect for or understanding of indigenous resource utilization and management systems. Hunting was controlled using
European methodology - open and closed seasons, hunting bans, protected species, and population regulation (Martin 199 1). Independent Afkican countnes both inherited and perpetuated these systerns of management. Today as human populations expand and pressure increases on the natural environment, there is growing recognition that the systems of the past are not suited for the Afii can realities of today. People are acknowledging that their livelihoods still rernain inextricably tied to thek surrounding environment. Yet the fact that wildlife utilization and forest product gathering (snails for example) are still rated as being of minor importance is related to the unilateral export orientation of national economies. Government agencies and international conservationists are attempting new management strategies due to a new understanding of the importance of permitting indigenous people to legally harvest flora and fauna
(Steel 1994).
If effective conservation policy is to be realized in this region, it clearly must incorporate at the very least, an understanding of local community needs, gendered realities, authonty relationships and resource management systems, including perceptions of land ownership and associated use. Equally such policies must include the perspectives of national and local government agencies, international development and conservation
support organizations, commercial logging, and mining companies, indigenous NGOs
and stakeholders. Each of these user groups has a role in the exploitation of products fiom these forests and muçt be incorporated into decision-making.
Trade dynamics and participants - regional comparisons
As an attempt to indicate that the value of alternative perspectives of participants is integral to comprehensive conservation strategies, the following discussion presents a cross regional cornparison of the process and participants in the commercial bushmeat trade in order to highlight the importance of the roles of various stakeholders.
Process of the Trade
Aithough the results are separated into four geographic regions to illustrate any regional distinction, as far as the process or dynamics of the trade is concerned, the similarities are striking and outweigh the differences. Essentially the same hunting structure exists, the same hunting methods and tools are used, there are wildlife buyers and sellers in each area, and even the species traded are similar.
However, subsistence hunting (breaching commercial hunting) retains a more integral role in the southeast due to the abundance of garne. Accordingly, the processes that reduced the animal populations to virtual extinction in Mount Carneroon are already engaged in the southeast (Sikod et al. 1998). Despite the success of the MCP and current wildlife protective measures, this area generally represents what will happen in the southeast in several decades. Participants
While each participant plays an integral role in foming this dynamic trade process, one group stands out as key stakeholders which have not received due conservation or development attention. Aithough representing various degree of participation, women buyers and sellers occupy a powerfbl position within the circuit.
In each region the roIe of women buyers and sellers was placed at different locations in the circuit, and their role was aiso described with different tems and denotation. Organizations in Yaounde described the role of women as the end of the chain, whereas in the southeast women were described as fiiIl or part time buyers and sellers with influence if not control of species sold and sorne effect on prices. In Komp area, women were fùll or part time regional or village level market seHers or restaurateurs. Women in the villages along the West Coast north of Limbe, participate in a
Mount Canieroon Project, which established unions to regulate the trade. Is this region especially, women regulate the trade, controlling species sold and established fixed prices.
Discussion of Frarneworks
Based on the suggestions by Oates (1999) that serious flaws exist in the theory that wildlife can be conserved through promoting human economic development; and that community based conservation is easier to achieve in theory than in practice, there is but one conclusion for alleviating pressure on the species at risk from commercial bushmeat hunting. Enature is worthy of protection for any reason, be it economic value for sustained Iocal livelihoods or intrinsic value, then how is this information best communicated to the communities which will Iose in the short term fiom embracing such an ideology. The conclusion lies in programs that provide relevant education for the communities. Before such projects may be undertaken however, serious consideration must be given to theories which structure the phenomenon of commercial bushrneat hunting, and are judged important to the involved cornmunities. Initially, one may suggest fiameworks such as economics and politics, cultural custom and food procurement. The bais however may lie in a deeper philosophy of humanity. While most organizations in Cameroon focuses on the role of politics and econornics, women participants discuss issues that are more central to their daily lives and struggles.
This section compares the main fiameworks as suggested by organizations and local participants in the trade. The discussion focuses on information provided by women buyers and sellers throughout the tropical forest region of southern Cameroon. Each earnework addresses research inquiry m, the application of data to determine within which of these fiameworks conservation plans may focus attention. An overall sumrnary completes the discussion of this aspect of the application of research data.
Politics
Patterns of association with wildlife are reflected in the political fkamework as each focus on resource exploitation. Attention has also focussed upon the corruption of govenunent officiais, police and military, in countries such as Cameroon, to suggest that unless these issues can also be rectified, any program with communities will fail. Economics
Economics is an important fi-arnework from al1 results. At a national level
economics represents the importance of the economy to the country and its inhabitants,
and at a local level it represents the only source or option for incorne for rnany villagers
in remote areas. Villagers have also discussed economics as the need for certain items
that could only be obtained with cash. Therefore, an economic focus is a given in this
trade, but attention to this eamework has not provided any successful solution. It is
necessary to look beyond this fiamework to the secondary reasons for participaticn, or
the factors that facilitate participation
A fundamental issue that will require hrther analysis concerns the role of wornen
in the cash economy. Because women have traditionally operated in the subsistence
sector, it is tempting to design projects to assist them only in their traditional roies. When
in fact, it may be more productive to brïng women into the cash economy at a more
intense level such as the women buyers and sellers in the bushmeat trade8. As rnany
women in this study refer to their husband as social and economic oppressors, Kabeer
(1994) suggests that their distance from the capitaiist market has not dlowed them to
realize that it was their dass, rather than their husbands which debilitated their survival.
A woman's oppression may be linked directly to their distance fiorn the capitalist
economy. As shown by women involved in the unions, successfiil regdation of their
Conversely, Stearman (2000) suggests tllat participation by indigenous peoples in a cash economy is a major threat to the preservation of tropical forests and species. participation in the cash economy does in fact provide social and econornic f?eedorn fiom their husbands and their otherwise "subordinate" position in the community.
Alternative Perspectives - Gendered Issues
By examining the biocultural interactions between cultures and their environrnents, a greater sense of that culture emerges. Dominant themes and fiameworks for understanding a culture emerge fkom participants and represent their own understanding of these interactions. While such themes or fkameworks may not be considered directly responsible, they represent the key factors in comrnunities participating in the bushmeat trade (as opposed to large political involvement which represents a different level of participation).
These secondq or underlying reasons differ with each participant. A focus on women buyers and sellers presents information on appropriate work for women, and food security and procurement. As there is iittle reflection on daily life, tasks revolve around survival, which in turn revolves around food. While an obvious answer to the trade is food security, it appears more cornplex than this and ernbodies cultural concepts of nature, community identity and is intricately Iinked with the role of women. These fiameworks are discussed below.
Community Mentity
While the markets in the large urban centres of Yaounde and Douala are inaccessible for research, women buyers and sellers in the southeast and southwest tropical forest areas indicate that their roIe as market vendors, knowledge of species and ecology, and identity as a woman practising appropriate skills, has comprised their community identity.
Many women began selling bushmeat at a time of transition in their lives, when they were leaving their family or natal village, getting divorced or economically separating themselves fkom their families. The market presents an appropriate place of work for women and used skills relevant to a woman's identity. However a new identity is formed as a market vendor and this may have also replaced any kind of ecological identity they had with their former village, since women often moved toward more populous areas. Schoiars such as Bohannan (1965) and Hodder and Ukwu (1969) have addressed the non-economic functions of marketplaces as "nodes in the network of communication, and undoubtedly one of the most important points for the dissemination of information, and that dissemination can take place either on an informal.. .or a forma1 basis" (Bohannan, 19). Socially, markets are ideal places for exchange of new ideas.
Women in the southeast generally sel1 bushrneat in markets with other women but really lack any support network or group identity with other market sellers. In this region women do not reflect much on their daily lives and generally have accepted their role as women and the associated struggle. Women in both areas in the southwest clearly present the opposing position. Their identity is linked to support groups of buyers and sellers.
Resulting from this group is increased knowledge of species and ecological factors relevant to concepts such as sustainable harvesting and conservation, and increased dissemination of information on money management, and alternative economic activities, so that if necessary, they need not rely solely on bushmeat. They have achieved econornic independence nom their husbands and families and this has served to elevate their natus
in the cornmunity and household. This dynarnic has ako been documented in the Indian
Beedi industry, where outside eaniings appear to have strengthened women's role in
household decision making and their daims on household resources (Kabeer 1994).
Additionally, women's participation in gainhl employment outside the household
improves their bargaining power within the household and is therefore associated with
greater gender equality in the distribution of household resources.
A basis for linking community with ecological identity is the key to foster greater
ecological responsibility and sustainable ecological practices. For example, women fish
sellers in the Congo display a large knowledge base on the fish tradition. As their primary
community, fish sellers display three major distinguishing features: physical marginality,
cultural marginality and identity, and homogeneity of values and traditions (Ngole 1986).
While these factors have not been deterrnined for bushmeat sellers, these women do
consider the market their primary community, and it is intertwined with family and village identity. AIthough these women do not exhibit a high degree of knowledge of bushmeat, the areas with support groups displayed the highest level of knowledge-
Additionally, fish sellers embody spiritual meaning akin to the revered and dreaded catfish, symbolizing their power over men. Because the commercialization of the bushmeat industry is not based on traditional spiritual values, bushmeat vendors symbolize no such values, but can occupy a very powerful position as the regulators and enforcers of legal bushmeat trading. Roles of Women
Genera!ly a woman's rcle in Cameroon is not conceptualized beyond her daily
tasks or work. Across al1 the research areas women described the same tasks, work and
roles for women, but in areas with the market support groups there are additional options.
Women cm be economic providers, businesswomen; women can conduct meetings,
educate other women and visit their relatives. These roles augmented the standard
al10 tment of "wornen care for children, clean and take care of the home, work in the plantations", etc.
Evidence of the importance of the cornrnunity roles of women is prevalent within
the interview data. When women are asked about their needs, they replied with the needs
of their family (income, schools, hospitds etc.) and with practical gender needs such as
easier access to clean water. These women generaily do not express the expected gender
needs such as freedom, human rights or safety. The needs described, would of course be
practical for the better hlfillment of their present roles as women. However, these needs
are more than practical, for if many achieved substantial incomes, it might change what it
is to be a women, but that is rarely the objective expressed (Townsend 1995). Practical
interests are usually a response to Zmmediate perceived need, and they do not generally entai1 a strategic goal such as women's emancipation or gender equality. Thus by virtue of their responsibility for family welfare within the domestic division of labour, women may be seen to have a practical gender interest in the provision of resources that meet basic welfare needs. Embedded within this distinction between the practical and the strategic is a distinction between policies that address the concrete conditions of women's daily lives, which are imposed by existing divisions and resources and responsibilities, and those which seek to transform women's position within a structurally unequal set of social relations. The structurai inequalities of gender in different contexts define both how men and women perceive their day to day practical needs as well as giving them differing and possibly conficting stakes in the longer-run transformation of these inequalities. (Kabeer 2 994).
MaIe dominance is a near cultural universal. It is clear that women have Iittie forma1 power, but the significance is unclear. Women united in a cornmunity of market sellers may, in fact, adjust their position within the household and comxnunity when they participate in the collection and distribution of bushmeat. The fact that meat is so highly valued even when it composes a small part of the diet is powerful testimony to its value as social currency (Stanford 1999). Women have spheres of influence that may simply differ from the arenas in which men rule. Nonetheless, these women provide evidence of the correlation between greater self-reliance and healt hy cornmunities.
The different degrees of power are shown by the regional distinction of buyers and sellers. In the southeast, women sel1 as individuals and Iack a cornmunity for advancing know!edge and education regarding species, cooking preparation, pricing and the cash economy. Conversely however, therz exist several villages where the market
Pepe Soup Women have forrned a union and regulate the bushmeat trade, not only enforcing legal hunting and selling but monitoring quotas, and earning the largest portion of econornic revenue within the trade. These women may have adjusted their prescribed roles as women, by several of the methods suggested, including, economic independence and the establishment of community support groups.
Wurk Issu es
As suggested in the previous framework, the routine assignrnent of wornen and men to specific tasks becomes intimately bound up with what it means to be a man or a woman in specific cultural contexts. Thus the concept of a job, while gender neutral, already contains the gender-based division of labour and the separation between work within the family and work in the public sphere (Kabeer 1994).
Women's work issues generally focused on the arduous daiIy tasks and issues with food. Today rural women have inherited a situation where their rights and access to cultivable land have decreased and the open forest, woodlands and bush fiom which they gather such vital necessities as fodder, fuel wood and water have grown scarce or have disappeared (Sontheirner 199 1). These have not been considered problems, but rather aspects of their lives which must be dealt with or overcome- While women do not believe there is a problem with food scarcity, it often has variable availability and a lack of diversity. The few solutions presented suggested increasing food diversity, less time spent working in the plantations or reducing the long Iist of daily chores.
The key is diversity of activities, both seasonally and overall, to decrease the dependency on one method of gaining revenue. Only women selling bushmeat in the areas with support groups suggested this diversity of economic activities. Some of their ideas included the collection and selling snails, breeding bushmeat, selling other food items, and establishing legal bushmeat restaurants. Food
As indicated, "Food" as a fiamework is tied to the division of labour, as
production and preparation constitutes a large proportion of the role of women. Food
security and diversity is a concern for both men and women in remote villages, however.
An analysis of this fiamework and the associated social dynamics provides for a more
compiex understanding of an otherwise indirect reason for participation.
A culture's "feeding strategy" is a concept embedded in its socio-cultural matrix.
Most cultures discussed here employ a "plural-strategy" combining activities such as
hunting, fishing, gathering, cultivation and trade. Even for populations that combine
horticuIture with hunting, wild animals provide most of the protein in the diet of
raidorest populations (HIadik et al 1993). Densities of plants and animals resuit, at one
and the same time fiom naturai selection as well as social preferences in these
populations. Hunting is practiced selectiveIy, and plants are preferentially gathered and
tended. The perception of different food types depends on the merging of biological
responses, mostly taste, with cultural attitudes. Other factors that may influence food
choice include ranty, prestige, danger, sin, tradition, and identity (de Garine et al 1993).
Therefore for slistainable manzgement, the biocultural roles of plants and animals must
be determined. Some insight may be provided by understanding local patterns of
association with wildlife.
Cultural ideas and social arrangements are always changing; groups and individuals meet new challenges and seize new opportunities in dynamic ways. Culture and food choice therefore are linked to the wider economic, social, political and ideological contexi in which choice, preferences and strategies operate (de Garine et al
1993).
Summary
It became very explicit that women buyers and sellers in the markets (excluding
Yaounde and Douala) throughout Cameroon are available for consultation and open to plans which may assist in securing their livelihoods and increase their independence, both economically and socially. The potential for hamessing the power of women market sellers to regulate the trade by controlling supply and demand is extremely high, as can be seen in the "West Coast villages". For example, the women in these unions buy only legal bushmeat animals fkom registered hunters. They are interested in learning about the animals they are selling. There was a definite correlation between markets cornposed of organized vendor groups and the highest level of species identification, and knowledge of ecology and forest dynamics. Natural history remains important for increasing knowledge of hurnan wildlife interactions, "and it provides the basis for elucidating the biological patterns and pnnciples upon which consentation must depend" (Robinson & Bennett
2000 p. xv). These groups are also the most open to ideas of conservation and sustainable harvest rates. Their outlook has changed f?om daily to concern for the fùture of their livelihood and community identity, which is now firmly rooted in buying and selling bushmeat. Byproducts of this regdation include increased responsibility for forest and wildlife management, and a decrease in immigrant hunters within their comrnunity forests, thereby reducing unsustainable harvest rates and the rallying of community support behind the union. Women in this region speak about fieedom and independence and portray a culture of resistanceYto factors that may decrease their economic gain and social support.
ConverseIy wornen in the southeast of Cameroon, where support groups do not regulate trading, speak of powerlessness, dependence and a need for emancipation f?om their lives. They portray a culture of acceptance" and eequently rationalize their daily life. The iast remaining tracts of undisturbed forest are vanishing in this region, it is a key situation in which to provide wornen with support groups and networks for increasing their ecological knowledge, increasing their independence and transforming their social stig'na. It is by addressing cornmunity development issues suggested by these women, such as food diversity and the increasing number of tasks and responsibilities for women's work, that conservation of endangered animals threatened by the bushmeat trade rnight be more accepted.
As Figure 6 presented the relationship between the dominant frameworks, the oval represents the importance to cornmunities and outside the oval represents the importance to organizations. These fiameworks indicate that development issues are important to communities involved in the bushmeat trade, and that the trade is much more than a conservation problem. Women's participation in the trade means more than economic gair, and any conservation plan which suggests alternative means for economic revenue must also address and provide for community support and the increased value of women's work, independence and a venue for increasing their knowledge of species and forest dynamics. For program planning, an important distinction lies in the placement of
Adapted fiom marino (1997) "work and food solutions" presented by participants, and "bushmeat trade solutions"
presented by conservation organizations. This is one area that may provide some success
at a comrnunity level of comprehensive conservation.
------10 adapted frorn marino (1997). 9 Conclusion
An ecological approach allows us to see environmental management, resource
use, and technologica1 change as a dynamic interactive process, rather than one of
incremental and unilinear movement to subsume "natureyyunder economic progress and
political control. An emphasis on "politicsy' recognizes the social and political context in
which the national and international governments and development agencies, operating at
al1 levels, make policy. Linking gender, conservation and development allows us to focus
on the uneven distribution of resource access and control by gender. An understanding of
this complex interaction is the key to providing new perspectives to focus bushrneat
action programs. The information presented in this research project provides insight from
key stakeholders whose voices are othenvise unheard, and whose perspectives are
otherwise devalued. Conservation attention on the women buyers and sellers may in tum
be more productive than documenting additional biological factors of species extinction
and habitat destruction via economic development, because they can provide access to
regulating a very important node in the circuit. For those conservationists who value a
comprehensive community-based approach to rnanaging the bushmeat trade, this process wil1 be invaluable. Those conservationists who are determined to continue focus on the political and economic facets of the trade, may also acknowledge that political will and alternative economic activities do not address a11 the reasons that participants continue to trade bushmeat, or al1 the ways their life has been positively affected by their participation. Program Opportunities
Extensive work on the biological aspects of the bushmeat trade, some of which is
outlined in previous sections, suggests that although probiematic (See Robinson and
Bennett 2000), hunting rates are unsustainable for most if not dl species hunted for bushmeat (Noss 2000). Couple this information with increasing attention to the human factor in this conservation issue and a more complete picture of the dynamic trade may emerge-
Women have important roles to play in al1 phases of a conservation or development project, either as a separate group or as part of the community. Projects specifically for women, as well as joint male-female projects are justifiable, depending on the circumstances. There are however, some circumstances in which projects designed specifically and exclusively to benefit women appear justified. In the case of the bushrneat trade, these rnight include: when there are strong taboos against unrelated males and fernales together; where women specialize in tasks that could be made more productive with outside help, and where women request a measure of self-reliance to avoid conflict or cornpetition with men (in this case, based on economic independence).
In order to begin addressing gender blind program problems, there are several steps to restore the balance. In developing comprehensive conservation policy, attention should be paid to the following planning initiatives (FA0 1991): 1. Investigate the customs taboos, and time constraints for women
2. Promote the role that women do and can play in bushrneat conservation activities
at each level, and analyse the ways in which projects either include or exclude
them.
3. Support women's groups and encourage the formation of new ones that help
women gain access to decision-making and the political process, and strengthen
women's support for one another.
4. Consult with women before introducing new programs, ensuring that women's
needs have been considered, and the impact on women's lives have been
evaluated.
The following section presents some program opportunity ideas, which emerged fiom interviews with women buyers and sellers during this project. These are not solutions to the bushmeat trade crisis per se, but rather an attempt to fùrther complete the complex of participants and action needed at each level, while embracing the potential role of women market sellers in the broader regulatory process. The following steps illustrate the potential chah of positive results fkom harnessing the powerful position of women buyers and setlers.
1. Programs may begin by organizing market women into support
groups. Amidst ecological destruction, logging and unsustainable
hunting, women may provide the Iink in the chah of the trade to
impose regulations and increase community sustainability due to
their strategic placement circumventing supply, demand, species and prices. Organization would target cornmunity level participation in
the regulation of the bushmeat trade. This may include both village
and regional level markets, and instances where the market itself
presents a separate community.
This may then lead to an increase in the value of the role of women
as regulators of the trade and acknowledgement that they represent
an important aspect of cornmunity wildlife management schemes.
By increasing the responsibility of their role, women will increase their knowledge of species and ecological relationships, which may lead to an increasing understanding and acceptance of extinction possibiIities and sustainable resource exploitation for these women.
Therefore conservation initiatives may begin with providing the structure and organization of support groups, and lead to a series of projects or final steps to fiuther regulate wildlife usage rates, quotas and endangered species.
And finally, increasing the value of the role of women in the trade may Iead to an increase in the value of women in the community and the household, and overall value of wornen's work. This rzpresents an important step for the women interviewed in this project who discussed their participation in the trade to suggest that it is a community development issue as well as an international conservation issue. A case study on the role of women as the main distributors and controllers of meat in the commercial bushrneat trade in Cameroon presents interesting insights for healthy comrnunities comprised of both economically and socially self-reliant women with supportive networks. An examination of these women provides insight into potential alterations of this dynamic to better conserve wildlife and address community developrnent needs-
An integration of steps for more inclusive gender based program planning and focus on the contribution of women in the regulatory process of the bushmeat trade, the following conclusions emerge fiom this research.
1. Participation as buyers and sellers in the trade alters the identity of
women.
2. Organizing women into support groups provides an additional identity as a
member of the bushrneat selling comrnunity, and increases the outlook for
roles of women.
3. Presence of support groups increases the profile of sellers in the
community and acknowledges and makes use of their powerfùl role in the
trade.
4. lncreasing the profi!e of buyers and sellers, increases the value of
women's work and therefore increases their status in community and
household.
5. Participation in the trade allows women to be economically independent
and this has enormous effects on quality of life. Future Research
The fiameworks presented by the women buyers and se!!ers echoed the
multidisciplinary n2t~1reof this issue and presents insight into potentiai fields that could
aid conservation theory in embracing such a perspective. Perhaps this is an indication that
our definition and goals of conservation need to be expanded or reformed, and that not
only do traditional conservation practices fail to address the root issues of environmental
problems, but Our current conception of conservation does not inciude the perspectives of
half the key stakeholders in resource exploitation. The women buyers and sellers formed
the fiameworks that emerged in this study; they discussed information that was important to their community and their role as women in that cornmunity. A mode1 based on key insights gained fkom this case study may be an initial step to CO-optideas fiom fields such as political ecology, which embrace a focus on subtle cultural nuances and alternative perspectives, into the conservation paradigm. Additionally it is a potential marner in which to fiame future research based from this preliminary assessment of the importance of the role of women, but also the importance of their contributions to conservation and developrnent programs. References
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Chimpanzee Pan troglodytes Bonobo Pan paniscus Goda Gorilla gorilla Red colobus spp. Pilioco lob us badius, preussi. pennan tii Black colobus Colobus Satanas Geofiey's pied colobus C- vellerosus Drill MandnlIus leucophaeus Mandrill M sphinx Preuss' monkey Cercopithecuspreussi Sun tailed guenon C. solatm Owl fàced monkey C. hamlyni Sclater's monkey C. sclateri Diana monkey C- diana Red-eared monkey C. erythroris White-throated monkey C. erythrogaster Mona Monkey C. mona Greater white-nosed monkey C- nictitcrns Grey Mangabey Lophocebus albigena ColIared Mangabey Cercocebus torquatus Olive baboon Papio anztb is Giant pangolin Manis gigantea Forest elephant Loxodonta afnana Zebra duiker Cephalophus zebra Blue duiker C. mon ticola Bay's duiker C. dorsalis OgiIbyysduiker C. ogiibyi Black duiker C. niger Jentinkysduiker C. jentinki Yellow-backed duiker C- syiviculter White-bellied duiker C. ieucogaster Leopard Panthera pardus Golden cat Profelis aurata Bush pig Potamonchoem porcus Cornmon pangolin M fricuspis Tree hyra.~ Dendrohyrax dorsalis Afncan brush-tailed porcupine Atherums afnCanus Emin giant rat Cricetomys emini Cane rat (grasscutter) Thrionomys swinderianzrs Afncan Dwarf Crocodile Osteolaemus tetraspis Afr-ican Python Python sebae Monitor Lizard Varanus ni10 îicus Afncan civet viverra civetta S itatunga Tragelrrphus spekei Appendix 2: Status of Species in Cameroon
African Convention Class A
t CITESAppendixl
t mm . FamiIy Lorisidae Subfarnily Lorisinae Arctocebus cdabarensis (Angwant ibo) Arc focebus aureus Perodictims potto (Potto)
Subfamily Galaginae Galago alleni (Allen's bushbaby) Galago senegaIems (Lesser bushbaby) Galago demidovii (Dwarf bushbaby) Gulago thornasi (Thomas' s Ga1 ago) Galago elegantulus (Needle-clawed bushbaby) Galago pallidus
Farnily Cercopithecinae Subfamily Cercopithecinae Cercocebus forquatus (White-colIared mangabey) Cercoceb us galeritus (crested mangabey) Lophocebus albigena (gray-cheeked mangabey) Mm&lius sphinx (Mmdnll) X Mandrillus lez(cophaeus @ri1 1) X Papio anubis (Olive baboon) Cercopithecus neglectus (De Brazza's monkey) Cercopithecus preussi (Preuss' s Guenon) * Cercopithems nictitans (or pet aurista) (spot-nosed guenon) Cercopithecus erythrotis (Red-eared rnonkey) * Cercopithecus cephus (moustac hed guenon) Cercopirhecus mona (mona monkey) Cercopithecus pogonins (crowned guenon) Cercopithears aethiops (vervet monkey) Miopithecus sp. (Talâpoin monkeys) Allenopithenrs nigrovirigis (Allen's swamp mo nkey) Erythrocebus patas (Pat as ma nke y) Subfamily Colobinae Procolobus badius (red colobus) X X Colobus guereza (black and white colobus) Colobus safmzrs (bIack colobus) Jk Family Pongidae Pan ïroglodytes (chi m panzee) Gurlla goda (go rilla)
* - Endangered primates that shou!d be considered for inclusion in protective legislation E - Taxa in danger of extinction and whose survival is unlikely if the causal factors continue to operate. V - Taxa believed likely to move into the endangered category in the near future should the causal factors continue to operate. K - insufficiently known, but thought to belong to V or E. nt - not threatened
The African Convention was signed by 28 nations and signed but not ratified by 14 others in 1969 and restricts the icilling, capture and trade in African primate species. This agreement undertakes the signatories to adopt measures necessary to ensure conservation, utilization and development, and to accord special protection to those animal and plant species that are threatened with extinction, and to the habitats necessary for their survival. Protected species are designated in CIws A and may be hunted, killed or captured only on the authorization of the highest authonty. Al1 other primates except the common Baboon are considered under Class B of the convention and may be hunted, killed, captured or collected only under special authorization.
The 1973 Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) lists species threatened with extinction in Appendix 1. Trade in these species is strictly regulated by ratified nations and trade for commercial purposes in banned. Appendix 2 lists species that could become endangered is trade is not controlled- Species that are difficult to distinguish fiom listed species are also included on Appendix 2 to prevent illegal trade through misidentification- Appendix 3: Interview Template
Interview questions / chasseur (Hunter)
Ou aviez-v~usete elever? Ou etes-vous ne? Qu'est-ce que les activites principal dans cet communaute / vos parents..? Comment est-ce que vous avez appris a faire chasser? Est-ce que vous pouvez decriver votre travail? A qui vous vendez la viande de brusse? Combien des temps est-ce que vous chassez.. ..? Vous preferez a chasser Ie gorille / pourquoi? Quel ature animaux? Mangez-vous le chimpanze, le gorille?
Interview questions / vendeurs (Buyers and Sellers)
Ou aviez-vous ete elever? Ou etes-vous nee? Pourquoi est-ce que vous commencer vendre la viande de brousse? Vous achetez de chasseur directment? C'est toujours le meme chasseur? Qu'est-ce qu'est votre relation avec le chasseur? Qu'est-ce qu'ils ont chasse? Combien des temps est-ce que vous vendez la viande de brousse? Qu'est-ce que vous vendez essentiellement? Qu'est-ce que vous preferez vendre / pourquoi? Mangez-vous votre viande? Si vous pouvez changer une aspect de votre travail, Qu'est-ce que vous changer? Qu'est-ce qu'ils fait (les autres gens dans votre communaute?) quel type / lieu de travail? Vous vendez votre viande dans votre communaute aussi? Ou echanger pour autres ressources? Qu'est-ce que vous faites un autre type de travail pour pfus de revenue? Qu'est-ce que sont les lois pour chasse? - type des animaux etc. Combien de chimpanze et gorille vous vendez par semaine / mois? Appendix 4: Market Survey
-- LES PRATIQUES ALIMENTAIRES DES COMMUNAUTEES ChristLia Ehs / Faculty ofEnvironmenta1 Studes / York University / Canada L
PAGE DE COUVERTURE
INTRODUCTION :a notre projet etc.
1 INFORMATION GENERALES PAGE DE COUVERTURE CODE NO. 1.1 Date de I'entretien [ / / 1 1.2 Jour (lundi,. ..) 1.3 Heure
Ville [ 1 1.4 Vie Qu- M 1.5 ]Le quartier Marché [ 1 1.G Le marché
2 INFORMATION DU MARCHE
2.1 Combien de vendeurs/euses vendent Ia viande de sauvage? 2.2 Combien de Vendeurs? 2.3 Combien de Vendeuses? 2.4 Combien de vendeurs/euses des singes? 2.5 Combien de Vendeurs? 2.6 Combien de Vendeuses? 2.7 Combien de Vendeuses de la "Pepé soup"?
Choisis un étal (étaiage) NO.
3 OUESTIONNAIRE
Questionnaire / Etai No. du page de couverture No.
3.1 Location des articles (en plein air, ét4 3.2 Ont-ils les autres éds? 3.3 Combien 3.4 Reçoivent- ils d'argents d'autres vendeurs/euses? Pourquoi? 3.5 Combien des personnes/étal? 3.9 Qu'est-ce qu'ils ont comme rôles dans le marché? 1) 2) 3) 3.10 Qu'est-ce qu'ils ont comme relations?
--
Choisis une vendeuse pour toutes les autres questions - si possible
4 VENDEUR/EUSE
Nom et prénoms du vendeur/euse Sexe du Vendeur/euse M F Où habitez- vous main tenant? Où aviez-vous été élevé?
- -- Quel est le genre de communauté (ethnique)?
et le commerce p~cipai?
de ta famille? Pourquoi avez-vous commencer à vende la viande de brousse?
Qu'est-ce que votre famille ou votre conimunauté faisaient avant Ie commerce de la viande de brousse?
Pourquoi avez-vous changer?
Depuis combien de temps vendez- vous la viande de brousse? ~u'est-ceque vous vendez principalement?
Que préfériez-vous vendre? Pourquoi?
Qui attrape souvent ces animaus?
De où? la terre appartient qui?
Vendez-vous de la viande de brousse en dehors du marché (commande individuelle, au bord de la route, restaurant?) Les noms des restaurants
En dehors du commerce de Ia viande avez-vous d'autres sources de revenue?
Quel est le pourcentage de votre revenue dans la viande de brousse?
Mangez-vous de Ia viande aue vous vendez?
Avez-vous lamas mangé un chunpanzé ou un gorille? Avez-vous jamais vendu un chimpanzé ou un gode?
Quels sont les lois de la chasse (type d'animaux, emplacement, manière)?
Quand est-ce que vous allez arrêter de vendre/chasser?
Qu'est-ce que vous faites avec l'argent de ventes de la viande de chasse?
Si vous pouvez changer un aspect de votre travaille, que voudriez vous changer? Appendix 5: Project Planning meetings
.*..*.--*---_.__*__..-~-..------.-.------...---*..--...--.*-.-**--*------*-.
IUCN - World Conservation Union -. Fund $4 ------..----..------..------..-----....-*----.---*-..------World Wide for Nature InternationaI- environment Living Earth NGO - environmental education $ 1 {i E.ppeann ~----.--.-*--*--.----..-.~~.~~~.~---.-.--~--*--*------*.--*----...--.--.------.-*---- APFT - Avenir du Peuple des Forets ,------.-.-.---.--.---.*-...------...... *---.-.*----*------.--.--.*.--.-----.------Tropicales CIFOR/ ITTA - International Tropical Timber Association ------..__.---.____-___..._._-.~.-....-.-.___.._-.._*-.--.______------..___--.--.-*-*------..*..1: 8: Cameroon Environmenta1 Watch NGU- Yaounde Zoo ]$ 1 Q NG~-community sustainable 1
US Embassy International 1 Ji SNV Komp National Park (WWF, ODA International -Protected Area (British Overseas Development AgeaGTZ) Women in Econornic and NGO - Women and Credit [ Environmental Deveio~mentWED)
~ i MOU~~Cameroon Pro-ect National - wildlife ii~.. '..'...-.--.*.-..---.-..-..-...... -...... -...... -.*....-----..------..(81--^------..: 'f Limbe Wildlife Centre a:- a:- .-.....-....-...... ---.--. :-