PART I.I Weimar Germany 1918-23: Creation and Crises D Was the Wei,Nar Republic Doo,Nedfro,N Its Very Beginnings?
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The German North Sea Ports' Absorption Into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914
From Unification to Integration: The German North Sea Ports' absorption into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914 Henning Kuhlmann Submitted for the award of Master of Philosophy in History Cardiff University 2016 Summary This thesis concentrates on the economic integration of three principal German North Sea ports – Emden, Bremen and Hamburg – into the Bismarckian nation- state. Prior to the outbreak of the First World War, Emden, Hamburg and Bremen handled a major share of the German Empire’s total overseas trade. However, at the time of the foundation of the Kaiserreich, the cities’ roles within the Empire and the new German nation-state were not yet fully defined. Initially, Hamburg and Bremen insisted upon their traditional role as independent city-states and remained outside the Empire’s customs union. Emden, meanwhile, had welcomed outright annexation by Prussia in 1866. After centuries of economic stagnation, the city had great difficulties competing with Hamburg and Bremen and was hoping for Prussian support. This thesis examines how it was possible to integrate these port cities on an economic and on an underlying level of civic mentalities and local identities. Existing studies have often overlooked the importance that Bismarck attributed to the cultural or indeed the ideological re-alignment of Hamburg and Bremen. Therefore, this study will look at the way the people of Hamburg and Bremen traditionally defined their (liberal) identity and the way this changed during the 1870s and 1880s. It will also investigate the role of the acquisition of colonies during the process of Hamburg and Bremen’s accession. In Hamburg in particular, the agreement to join the customs union had a significant impact on the merchants’ stance on colonialism. -
Singapore, July 2006
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Singapore, July 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: SINGAPORE July 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Republic of Singapore (English-language name). Also, in other official languages: Republik Singapura (Malay), Xinjiapo Gongheguo― 新加坡共和国 (Chinese), and Cingkappãr Kudiyarasu (Tamil) சி க யரச. Short Form: Singapore. Click to Enlarge Image Term for Citizen(s): Singaporean(s). Capital: Singapore. Major Cities: Singapore is a city-state. The city of Singapore is located on the south-central coast of the island of Singapore, but urbanization has taken over most of the territory of the island. Date of Independence: August 31, 1963, from Britain; August 9, 1965, from the Federation of Malaysia. National Public Holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1); Lunar New Year (movable date in January or February); Hari Raya Haji (Feast of the Sacrifice, movable date in February); Good Friday (movable date in March or April); Labour Day (May 1); Vesak Day (June 2); National Day or Independence Day (August 9); Deepavali (movable date in November); Hari Raya Puasa (end of Ramadan, movable date according to the Islamic lunar calendar); and Christmas (December 25). Flag: Two equal horizontal bands of red (top) and white; a vertical white crescent (closed portion toward the hoist side), partially enclosing five white-point stars arranged in a circle, positioned near the hoist side of the red band. The red band symbolizes universal brotherhood and the equality of men; the white band, purity and virtue. The crescent moon represents Click to Enlarge Image a young nation on the rise, while the five stars stand for the ideals of democracy, peace, progress, justice, and equality. -
REFORM in UKRAINE: Decentralisation Are the Most Widely Known Reforms Launched Since the Revolution of Dignity
INTRODUCTION Ò There is demand for systemic reform in Ukrainian society. The majority of citizens believe that these changes must be initiated by the country’s leadership, primarily by the president. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS Ò Healthcare reform, police reform and REFORM IN UKRAINE: decentralisation are the most widely known reforms launched since the Revolution of Dignity. Some 82.9%, CHANGE FOR THE BETTER 72.2% and 61.8% of the population have heard about them. However, only 15.3%, 20.6% and 32.6%, respective- OR AN IMITATION ly have had a positive experience with OF PROGRESS? the results of these reforms Ò Most citizens consider compromise for Svitlana Balyuk, Nataliya Klauning, the sake of peace and the settlement Lyudmyla Chetvertukhina, Maria Koval-Honchar of the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine unacceptable. Citizens are of the April 2020 opinion that the most undesirable de- velopments for Ukraine would include the recognition of Crimea as Russian territory, the transfer of control of Ukraine’s gas transportation to Russia and a full amnesty for militants in the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics (DPR and LPR). 1 DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS REFORM IN UKRAINE: CHANGE FOR THE BETTER OR AN IMITATION OF PROGRESS? Contents 1 INTRODUCTION 3 2 METHODOLOGY 4 3 KEY FINDINGS 5 3.1. UKRAINIAN PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE SITUATION IN THE COUNTRY ....................................5 3.2. WHAT UKRAINIANS UNDERSTAND BY THE NOTION OF »REFORM« ..................................................6 3.3. CONDITIONS FOR IMPLEMENTING EFFECTIVE REFORMS AND THE DRIVING FORCES OF CHANGE .....6 3.4. REFORMS AND THE POPULATION’S STANDARD OF LIVING .............................................................11 3.5. -
Bulletin of the GHI Washington
Bulletin of the GHI Washington Issue 36 Spring 2005 Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. ACCESS—PRESENTATION—MEMORY: THE AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARIES AND THE MEMORIAL FOUNDATIONS OF GERMAN POLITICIANS Conference at the GHI, September 8–11, 2004. Conveners: Astrid M. Eck- ert (GHI), Christof Mauch (GHI). Co-sponsored by the GHI and the Office of Presidential Libraries at the National Archives (College Park, Mary- land), the Stiftung Bundeskanzler-Adenauer-Haus (Rhöndorf), the Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung (Berlin), the Reichspräsident- Friedrich-Ebert-Gedenkstätte (Heidelberg), the Otto-von-Bismarck- Stiftung (Friedrichsruh), and the Stiftung Bundespräsident-Theodor- Heuss-Haus (Stuttgart). Participants: David E. Alsobrook (Clinton Presidential Library), Thomas S. Blanton (National Security Archive), John Brademas (New York Uni- versity), Frank G. Burke, Richard Claypoole (Office of Presidential -
Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6r33q03k Author Eaton, Nicole M. Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 By Nicole M. Eaton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Yuri Slezkine, chair Professor John Connelly Professor Victoria Bonnell Fall 2013 Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 © 2013 By Nicole M. Eaton 1 Abstract Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 by Nicole M. Eaton Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair “Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948,” looks at the history of one city in both Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Russia, follow- ing the transformation of Königsberg from an East Prussian city into a Nazi German city, its destruction in the war, and its postwar rebirth as the Soviet Russian city of Kaliningrad. The city is peculiar in the history of Europe as a double exclave, first separated from Germany by the Polish Corridor, later separated from the mainland of Soviet Russia. The dissertation analyzes the ways in which each regime tried to transform the city and its inhabitants, fo- cusing on Nazi and Soviet attempts to reconfigure urban space (the physical and symbolic landscape of the city, its public areas, markets, streets, and buildings); refashion the body (through work, leisure, nutrition, and healthcare); and reconstitute the mind (through vari- ous forms of education and propaganda). -
Freedom House
7/14/2020 Slovakia | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Slovakia 88 FREE /100 Political Rights 36 /40 Civil Liberties 52 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 88 /100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. TOP https://freedomhouse.org/country/slovakia/freedom-world/2020 1/15 7/14/2020 Slovakia | Freedom House Overview Slovakia’s parliamentary system features regular multiparty elections and peaceful transfers of power between rival parties. While civil liberties are generally protected, democratic institutions are hampered by political corruption, entrenched discrimination against Roma, and growing political hostility toward migrants and refugees. Key Developments in 2019 In March, controversial businessman Marian Kočner was charged with ordering the 2018 murder of investigative reporter Ján Kuciak and his fiancée. After phone records from Kočner’s cell phone were leaked by Slovak news outlet Aktuality.sk, an array of public officials, politicians, judges, and public prosecutors were implicated in corrupt dealings with Kočner. Also in March, environmental activist and lawyer Zuzana Čaputová of Progressive Slovakia, a newcomer to national politics, won the presidential election, defeating Smer–SD candidate Maroš Šefčovič. Čaputová is the first woman elected as president in the history of the country. Political Rights A. Electoral Process A1 0-4 pts Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 TOP Slovakia is a parliamentary republic whose prime minister leads the government. There is also a directly elected president with important but limited executive powers. In March 2018, an ultimatum from Direction–Social Democracy (Smer–SD), a https://freedomhouse.org/country/slovakia/freedom-world/2020 2/15 7/14/2020 Slovakia | Freedom House junior coalition partner, and center-right party Most-Híd, led to the resignation of former prime minister Robert Fico. -
Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia
Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia Graduate Policy Workshop January 2017 Authors Edward Atkinson, Nicholas Collins, Aparna Krishnamurthy, Mae Lindsey, Yanchuan Liu, David Logan, Ken Sofer, Aditya Sriraman, Francisco Varela Sandoval Advisor Jeff Fischer CONTENTS About the WWS Graduate Policy Workshop ........................................................................................iv Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Albania ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Background and Context .................................................................................................................. 2 Description of Electoral and Political Processes and Institutions ................................................... 3 Electoral and Political Issues ............................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Process Vulnerabilities .......................................................................................................................... 4 Political Process Vulnerabilities ........................................................................................................................... -
West German Heavy Industrialists and the Role of Honour and Honour Courts in the Adenauer Era Grunbacher, Armin
University of Birmingham 'Honourable Men' – West German heavy industrialists and the role of honour and honour courts in the Adenauer Era Grunbacher, Armin DOI: 10.1017/S0960777313000064 License: None: All rights reserved Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (Harvard): Grunbacher, A 2013, ''Honourable Men' – West German heavy industrialists and the role of honour and honour courts in the Adenauer Era', Contemporary European History, vol. 22, no. 2, pp. 232-252. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0960777313000064 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: © Cambridge University Press 2013 Eligibility for repository checked October 2014 General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. -
Conflict of Revolutionary Authority: Provisional Government Vs. Berlin Soviet, November-December 1918 1
HENRY EGON FRIEDLANDER CONFLICT OF REVOLUTIONARY AUTHORITY: PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT VS. BERLIN SOVIET, NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1918 1 The Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917 saw the first appearance of workers' and soldiers' councils, called Soviets. In 1917 the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, acting for all the Russian Soviets, became the chief competitor of Kerensky's Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks, employing the slogan "All Powers to the Soviets", used the Petrograd Soviet in their drive for power. In the October Revolution the Soviets, dominated by the Bolsheviks, replaced the Provisional Government as the government of Russia. In the German Revolution of November 1918 workers' and soldiers' councils, called Rate, were organized in imitation of the Russian Soviets.2 The German Revolution created, as had the Russian 1 This article is based on a paper presented at the European history section of the meeting of the (American) Southern Historical Association in Tulsa, Oklahoma, November i960. 2 "Ratewahlen," in Die Freiheit: Berliner Organ der Unabhangigen Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, November 16, 1918 (evening); A. Stein, "Rateorganisation und Revolution," in ibid., November 17, 1918 (morning); Vorwarts: Berliner Volksblatt, Zentralorgan der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, November 9, 1918 (ist, 3rd, and 5th Extraausgabe); November 10, 1918 (8th Extraausgabe); Leipziger Volkszeitung: Organ fiir die Interessen des gesamten werktatigen Volkes, November 5-9, 1918; "Wahl der Arbeiterrate," in Rote Fahne (Ehemaliger Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger), November 10, 1918. For further information on the German Revolution, the socialist parties, and the formation of the workers' and soldiers' councils, see Emil Barth, Aus der Werkstatt der deutschen Revolution (Berlin, 1919), pp. -
A History of German-Scandinavian Relations
A History of German – Scandinavian Relations A History of German-Scandinavian Relations By Raimund Wolfert A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Raimund Wolfert 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Table of contents 1. The Rise and Fall of the Hanseatic League.............................................................5 2. The Thirty Years’ War............................................................................................11 3. Prussia en route to becoming a Great Power........................................................15 4. After the Napoleonic Wars.....................................................................................18 5. The German Empire..............................................................................................23 6. The Interwar Period...............................................................................................29 7. The Aftermath of War............................................................................................33 First version 12/2006 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations This essay contemplates the history of German-Scandinavian relations from the Hanseatic period through to the present day, focussing upon the Berlin- Brandenburg region and the northeastern part of Germany that lies to the south of the Baltic Sea. A geographic area whose topography has been shaped by the great Scandinavian glacier of the Vistula ice age from 20000 BC to 13 000 BC will thus be reflected upon. According to the linguistic usage of the term -
The Social and Ecological Market Economy – a Model for Asian Development?
Sector Network Sustainable Economic Development Asia Division 41 Economic Development and Employment The Social and Ecological Market Economy – A Model for Asian Development? The Social and Ecological Market Economy – A Model for Asian Development? Published by Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH Postfach 5180 65726 Eschborn T + 49 61 96 79 – 0 Internet: www.gtz.de Executive Editors: Corinna Küsel Dr. Ulrike Maenner Ricarda Meissner Contact: Corinna Küsel Head of Section Economic Policy and Private Sector Development GTZ Eschborn [email protected] Dr. Ulrike Maenner Chief Technical Advisor Macroeconomic Reform Program GTZ in Vietnam [email protected] Ricarda Meissner Chief Advisor of the EU-Vietnam Private Sector Support Program [email protected] Text Editor: Dr. Marianne Scholte Coordinator: Katja Röckel Cover Design and Layout: Kuhrt Kommunikation GmbH, Düsseldorf Printed by KlarmannDruck GmbH, 65799 Kelkheim May 2008 Contents Foreword .......7 Notes on the Contributors .......9 Part 1 Overall Perspectives .....22 Social and Ecological Market Economy – A General Overview .....23 Dieter W. Benecke Contributing to Asian Development – German Technical ......53 Cooperation and the Relevance of the Social and Ecological Market Economy Cornelia Richter Part 2 Academic Perspectives ....70 German Economic Policy at a Crossroads .....71 Eckhard Hein and Achim Truger Social Market Economy 2.0 – An Appraisal in the Light of Current .....83 Reforms Carolin Welzel and Robert Vehrkamp Pro-poor Growth in -
Das Reich Der Seele Walther Rathenau’S Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma
Das Reich der Seele Walther Rathenau’s Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma 16 juli 2020 Master Geschiedenis – Duitslandstudies, 11053259 First supervisor: dhr. dr. A.K. (Ansgar) Mohnkern Second supervisor: dhr. dr. H.J. (Hanco) Jürgens Abstract Every year the Rathenau Stiftung awards the Walther Rathenau-Preis to international politicians to spread Rathenau’s ideas of ‘democratic values, international understanding and tolerance’. This incorrect perception of Rathenau as a democrat and a liberal is likely to have originated from the historiography. Many historians have described Rathenau as ‘contradictory’, claiming that there was a clear and problematic distinction between Rathenau’s intellectual theories and ideas and his political and business career. Upon closer inspection, however, this interpretation of Rathenau’s persona seems to be fundamentally incorrect. This thesis reassesses Walther Rathenau’s legacy profoundly by defending the central argument: Walther Rathenau’s life and motivations can first and foremost be explained by his cultural pessimism and Prussian nationalism. The first part of the thesis discusses Rathenau’s intellectual ideas through an in-depth analysis of his intellectual work and the historiography on his work. Motivated by racial theory, Rathenau dreamed of a technocratic utopian German empire led by a carefully selected Prussian elite. He did not believe in the ‘power of a common Europe’, but in the power of a common German Europe. The second part of the thesis explicates how Rathenau’s career is not contradictory to, but actually very consistent with, his cultural pessimism and Prussian nationalism. Firstly, Rathenau saw the First World War as a chance to transform the economy and to make his Volksstaat a reality.