Donald Trump's Republican Party
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Trump: the Negative Uprise in Political Humor
i i i i DOI: 10.20287/ec.n27.v1.a13 Trump: the negative uprise in Political Humor Constantino Pereira Martins FCSH- Nova University of Lisbon/ IEF – University of Coimbra /FCT Foundation E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The 2016 campaign for the U.S. Presidency revea- sibility of covering all the contours of the problem at led, and confirmed, the new turn that the role of emo- hand we will focus on the Trump campaign, since it tions play in the present political landscape across was one of transgression, which made use of aggres- the globe. The big happening wasn’t so much the sive tactics regarding common sense ideas, political relation between emotions and politics but more correctness and taboo issues. Regarding Trump´s the scale and overwhelming strategic use of nega- campaign as one of management of the provocateur tive emotions in the political debate. Understanding factor, we will try to present the two main emotional emotions as underlying the rationality process, in- ingredients that supported a campaign established in volves cognitive and strategic consequences and, to an efficient use of timing, media and boredom. The the limit, their influence in decision-making. Politics first emotion in analysis will be fear. This implies always operated in this ambivalence and political exploiting one of the most powerful tools in the po- campaign strategists are particularly concerned with litical emotion pallet. The main derivatives could be the timing where these operators must be more effi- aggression, violence, hate and resentment. The se- ciently communicated. This has been a well-known cond emotion in focus will be contempt. -
The Russian Job
The Russian Job The rise to power of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation “We did not reject our past. We said honestly: The history of the Lubyanka in the twentieth century is our history…” ~ Nikolai Platonovich Patrushev, Director of the FSB Between August-September 1999, a series of explosions in Russia killed 293 people: - 1 person dead from a shopping centre explosion in Moscow (31 st August) - 62 people dead from an apartment bombing in Buynaksk (4 th September) - 94 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (9th September) - 119 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (13 th September) - 17 people dead from an apartment bombing in Volgodonsk (16 th September) The FSB (Federal Security Service) which, since the fall of Communism, replaced the defunct KGB (Committee for State Security) laid the blame on Chechen warlords for the blasts; namely on Ibn al-Khattab, Shamil Basayev and Achemez Gochiyaev. None of them has thus far claimed responsibility, nor has any evidence implicating them of any involvement been presented. Russian citizens even cast doubt on the accusations levelled at Chechnya, for various reasons: Not in living memory had Chechen militias pulled off such an elaborated string of bombings, causing so much carnage. A terrorist plot on such a scale would have necessitated several months of thorough planning and preparation to put through. Hence the reason why people suspected it had been carried out by professionals. More unusual was the motive, or lack of, for Chechens to attack Russia. Chechnya’s territorial dispute with Russia predates the Soviet Union to 1858. -
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Tow Center for Digital Journalism CONSERVATIVE A Tow/Knight Report NEWSWORK A Report on the Values and Practices of Online Journalists on the Right Anthony Nadler, A.J. Bauer, and Magda Konieczna Funded by the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation. Table of Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 7 Boundaries and Tensions Within the Online Conservative News Field 15 Training, Standards, and Practices 41 Columbia Journalism School Conservative Newswork 3 Executive Summary Through much of the 20th century, the U.S. news diet was dominated by journalism outlets that professed to operate according to principles of objectivity and nonpartisan balance. Today, news outlets that openly proclaim a political perspective — conservative, progressive, centrist, or otherwise — are more central to American life than at any time since the first journalism schools opened their doors. Conservative audiences, in particular, express far less trust in mainstream news media than do their liberal counterparts. These divides have contributed to concerns of a “post-truth” age and fanned fears that members of opposing parties no longer agree on basic facts, let alone how to report and interpret the news of the day in a credible fashion. Renewed popularity and commercial viability of openly partisan media in the United States can be traced back to the rise of conservative talk radio in the late 1980s, but the expansion of partisan news outlets has accelerated most rapidly online. This expansion has coincided with debates within many digital newsrooms. Should the ideals journalists adopted in the 20th century be preserved in a digital news landscape? Or must today’s news workers forge new relationships with their publics and find alternatives to traditional notions of journalistic objectivity, fairness, and balance? Despite the centrality of these questions to digital newsrooms, little research on “innovation in journalism” or the “future of news” has explicitly addressed how digital journalists and editors in partisan news organizations are rethinking norms. -
Hypersphere Anonymous
Hypersphere Anonymous This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. ISBN 978-1-329-78152-8 First edition: December 2015 Fourth edition Part 1 Slice of Life Adventures in The Hypersphere 2 The Hypersphere is a big fucking place, kid. Imagine the biggest pile of dung you can take and then double-- no, triple that shit and you s t i l l h a v e n ’ t c o m e c l o s e t o o n e octingentillionth of a Hypersphere cornerstone. Hell, you probably don’t even know what the Hypersphere is, you goddamn fucking idiot kid. I bet you don’t know the first goddamn thing about the Hypersphere. If you were paying attention, you would have gathered that it’s a big fucking 3 place, but one thing I bet you didn’t know about the Hypersphere is that it is filled with fucked up freaks. There are normal people too, but they just aren’t as interesting as the freaks. Are you a freak, kid? Some sort of fucking Hypersphere psycho? What the fuck are you even doing here? Get the fuck out of my face you fucking deviant. So there I was, chilling out in the Hypersphere. I’d spent the vast majority of my life there, in fact. It did contain everything in my observable universe, so it was pretty hard to leave, honestly. At the time, I was stressing the fuck out about a fight I had gotten in earlier. I’d been shooting some hoops when some no-good shithouses had waltzed up to me and tried to make a scene. -
S:\FULLCO~1\HEARIN~1\Committee Print 2018\Henry\Jan. 9 Report
Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. 1 115TH CONGRESS " ! S. PRT. 2d Session COMMITTEE PRINT 115–21 PUTIN’S ASYMMETRIC ASSAULT ON DEMOCRACY IN RUSSIA AND EUROPE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY A MINORITY STAFF REPORT PREPARED FOR THE USE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JANUARY 10, 2018 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations Available via World Wide Web: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/index.html U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–110 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5012 Sfmt 5012 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. 9 REPORT FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER seneagle Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JEFF FLAKE, Arizona CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware CORY GARDNER, Colorado TOM UDALL, New Mexico TODD YOUNG, Indiana CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts ROB PORTMAN, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon RAND PAUL, Kentucky CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey TODD WOMACK, Staff Director JESSICA LEWIS, Democratic Staff Director JOHN DUTTON, Chief Clerk (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. -
Donald Trump Is Not Always an Easy Man to Take Seriously. It's Difficult To
1 Donald Trump is not always an easy man to take seriously. It’s difficult to imagine the host of a reality TV show making an inaugural address or meeting with Pope Francis. It also isn’t always easy for some Americans to imagine the people who are voting for Donald Trump. When the image of Trump is paired with some of his comments that have an eerie resemblance to a history of racial demagoguery in this country, for some Americans picturing Trump supporters involves images of hateful people promoting ideas such as xenophobia and white supremacy. While it’s been revealed that some of the people who support Trump do in fact think that way, it would be unfair and inaccurate to attribute that ideology to all supporters. As Donald Trump wins more and more states in the primaries and other Republican candidates continue to drop out, it’s becoming increasingly more important to recognize and listen to voices of those voting for Trump. Their opinions speak to very real feelings among an increasing segment of the United States population. In the following case study, a group of Trump supporters express their reasons for voting Trump. Throughout the interviews many common themes appeared time after time in every interview. The themes are broken down into the following chapters: Trump’s position as an outsider and businessman, his public personality, the role of nationalism in the 2016 election, and the role of race and racism within what some believe to be a “postracial” United States. While I’ve included some analysis using other scholarly works in order to better understand particular viewpoints, the majority of this study is Trump supporters expressing their own reasons for voting for Trump. -
Commander in Cheat : How Golf Explains Trump
Copyright The contents in this book and/or of its promotional materials, including but not limited to its website and articles related to or derived there from, (collectively and/or separately, as context requires, “the Contents”) are provided for informational purposes only, and do not, and should not, be construed as legal advice on any matter. Those in need of legal advice should consult their own attorney. Copyright © 2019 by Rick Reilly Jacket design by Carlos Esparza Jacket photograph © Ian MacNicol/Getty Images Jacket copyright © 2019 by Hachette Book Group, Inc. Hachette Book Group supports the right to free expression and the value of copyright. The purpose of copyright is to encourage writers and artists to produce the creative works that enrich our culture. The scanning, uploading, and distribution of this book without permission is a theft of the author’s intellectual property. If you would like permission to use material from the book (other than for review purposes), please contact [email protected]. Thank you for your support of the author’s rights. Hachette Books Hachette Book Group 1290 Avenue of the Americas New York, NY 10104 hachettebookgroup.com twitter.com/hachettebooks First Edition: April 2019 Hachette Books is a division of Hachette Book Group, Inc. The Hachette Books name and logo are trademarks of Hachette Book Group, Inc. The publisher is not responsible for websites (or their content) that are not owned by the publisher. The Hachette Speakers Bureau provides a wide range of authors for speaking events. To find out more, go to www.hachettespeakersbureau.com or call (866) 376-6591. -
Russia's Looming Crisis
FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE Russia’s Looming Crisis By David Satter Russia’s Looming Crisis By David Satter March 2012 About FPRI - - - Founded in 1955 by Ambassador Robert Strausz Hupé, FPRI is a non partisan,- non profit organization devoted to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the development of policies that advance U.S. national interests. In the tradition of Strausz Hupé, FPRI embraces history and geography to illuminate foreign policy challenges facing the United States. In 1990, FPRI established the Wachman Center to foster civic and international literacy in the community and in the classroom. FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE 19102-3684 Tel. 215-732- -732-4401 1528 Walnut Street, Suite 610 • Philadelphia, PA 3774 • Fax 215 Email [email protected] • Website: www.fpri.org Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1 1. The Political Situation ........................................................................................................ 3 The Control of the Election Process ............................................................................................ 4 The Economic Key to Putin’s Political Success ....................................................................... 5 A Political Charade ............................................................................................................................ 6 An Election Fraud ............................................................................................................................. -
Sergei Kovalev
Sergei Kovalev From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Young Sergei Kovalev Sergei Adamovich Kovalev (also spelt as Sergey Kovalyov; Russian: Сергей Адамович Ковалёв; born March 2, 1930) is a Russian human rights activist and politician and a former Soviet dissident and political prisoner. Early career and arrest Kovalev was born in the town of Seredina-Buda in Ukraine, near Sumy. In 1932, his family moved to Podlipki village near Moscow. In 1954 he graduated from Moscow State University. As a biophysicist, Kovalev authored more than 60 scientific publications. From mid-1950s, he opposed Trofim Lysenko's theories favored by the ruling Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In 1969, he founded the first Soviet human rights association, the Initiative Group for the Defense of Human Rights in the USSR, and later became the principal link to the dissident movement in Lithuania. Kovalev actively participated in publication of samizdat periodicals such as Moscow-based Chronicle of Current Events and The Chronicle of the Catholic Church in Lithuania. He was arrested on December 8, 1974, and tried in Vilnius, charged with "anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda" (Article 70 of the RSFSR Penal Code) and served seven years in labor camps in Perm region and Chistopol prison, and later three years in internal exile at Kolyma. Upon his return, he settled in Kalinin (now Tver). During perestroika During perestroika initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev, Kovalev was allowed to return to Moscow (in 1986). In that period, he continued his activism and participated in the founding of several key humanitarian organizations and initiatives: The human rights society Memorial, dedicated to the memory and rehabilitation of victims of political repression in the USSR. -
Is Eric Bolling Divorced
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Nostalgia for the Soviet Past in the Post-Soviet Countries
1 Nostalgia for the Soviet Past in the Post-Soviet Countries By Tatsiana Amosava Introduction Maurice Halbwachs made collective memory an object of sociological research (1992). For the last half of a century it has become a prolific field of study with collective trauma as a principal concern. However, another modality of the collective memory has attracted a lot of researchers’ attention: nostalgia which eliminates any pain related to the past and presents it in harmonious, non-shady version. Initially introduced in the end of the 17th century as a form of psychological disorder (as a disease) found in Swiss mercenaries who carried their services abroad, nostalgia was perceived differently by the representatives of different epochs. It became a fashion in the 19th century, and even now it is closely associated with fashion. Nowadays nostalgia is seen as a psychological mecanism of maintaining the identity continuity (Fred Davis) and a mechanism which helps sustaining the wholeness of personality. Nostalgia relates to life cycles. There are identifiable groups of population who are inclined to nostalgia. There are certain age groups: people in their late twenties are nostalgic of their late teen years, and the group of middle-aged people who are around their forty (till recently it 2 was possible to argue that it is an empty nest phase in the life cycle of women). Also, very old persons show the acute signs of longing for the past. In addition, there is a gender distinction: it is more typical of men to experience nostalgia than of women. Fred Davis (1979) believes that it is a result of more complicated life trajectories in men who worked in different places, served in the army, migrated more actively than women, while the surroundings of women were rather stable, non-changeable, and women’s identities did not require a lot of adaptation to new circumstances. -
The Curse of Russian "Exceptionalism"
October 2013 THE CURSE OF RUSSIAN “EXCEPTIONALISM” By David Satter David Satter is an FPRI senior fellow and is also affiliated with the Hudson Institute and the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). His latest book, It Was a Long Time Ago and It Never Happened Anyway: Russia and the Communist Past, is out in paperback from Yale. In his recent op-ed in The New York Times, Russian president Vladimir Putin’s objected to the idea of American “exceptionalism.” This is ironic because the nation whose state tradition is based on a claim to exceptionalism is not the U.S. but Russia. In his speech calling for a military strike against Syria, President Obama said that America was exceptional because it is not indifferent to human suffering. This is quite different from making a claim to inherent superiority. Under both tsars and communists, however, Russia insisted that it had a right to remake the world because of the monopoly on truth contained in its ruling doctrine. In the post-communist era, Russia no longer has an ideology. But it glorifies its past and frequently acts as if the rights of others do not exist. The key to Russia’s sense of exceptionalism is a belief in the quasi-divine status of the Russian state. It is this notion that is responsible for the absence of the rule of law in Russia and the low value that is attached to human life. The deification of the state in Russia has deep roots. The dominant religion in Russia is Orthodox Christianity.