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The Routledge Handbook of Spanish in the Global City

Andrew Lynch

The mass mediation of Spanish in Miami

Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315716350-4 Marelys Valencia, Andrew Lynch Published online on: 25 Jul 2019

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Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 scales in the mass media. and (re)produced Language usage as constructed a in the media offers tion ofgloballinguisticphenomena andtheirperception, aslinguisticrepertoires travel across by thestate(Heller&Duchêne,not completelydetermined 2012). to globalization(Appadurai, 1996), that is intoanother dimension of legitimacy language enters increasing intensity and disjunction of mediatic, ethnic, financial, flows and ideological intrinsic forms, promoting thehomogeneity required forthemaintenanceofstate. Yet, inview ofthe orinstitutionsthatunifysocial tion ofnationalstandard languages andoneoftheauthorities a novel phenomenon, sincethemassmediahave always constitutedavehicle-site- oflegitima tion ofborders, communities, andselves. the What we term “mass mediation” oflanguageis not andlinguisticusagetravelideologies through those images, creating “scripts”- fortheconstruc could becomeprolegomena tothedesire foracquisitionandmovement” (pp. 35–36). Language edented. of These imagescreate thescripts lives,”“imagined ofmetaphors intheform “that are not a new dimension, yet reach and intensity of media flows the contemporary isunprec- production studios),” and “the images of the world created by these media” (p. 35). Mediascapes (newspapers,to produce and disseminate information magazines, television stations, and film- globalization,characterize mediascapesconstitute oftheelectronic “the distribution capabilities Spanish-language “mediascape.” Coined by Appadurai (1996) asone of various “scapes” that firm’sprestigious 2018report. Global CitiesIndexsince2012, toitspresent rankas30thamongtheworld’s globalcitiesinthe US, Caribbean, andCentralSouth America, Miamihasclimbed6spotsinthe A.T. Kearney example ofthisprocess. As ahubofcommercial, financial, flows between andmigratory the in anew global order,the localparticipate through exclusion. not necessarily Miamiisaprime not most, (Sassen, are locatedinnationalterritories” 2005, p. 32). The global, thenational, and izes by necessity in specific places, and institutional arrangements, a good number of which, if outsideofit.capacities doesnotmeanthattheglobalmaterializes Infact, - “the globalmaterial which national sovereignty is diminished. However, of nation-state regulatory the shrinking other hand, represent era, the emergence of transnational urban systems in the postmodern in For Sassen (2005), world cities are entangled in the clashes of modernity; global cities, on the We- suggestinthischapterthat mediascapesprovide specialinsightintotheterritorializa Perhaps oneofMiami’s asaglobalcityisitsevolving mostmeaningfulcharacteristics THE MASSMEDIATION OF SPANISH INMIAMI Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch Introduction 3 73 The massmediationofSpanishinMiami Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 attracted South escapingpolitical andeconomicinstability.Americans Unlike other important in makingitafinancialcenter”factor (Beyer, 2015). The Cubanexilepopulationincreasingly “Wall Street ofLatin America” responds tothecity’s ethnicdiversity, which “has beenthebiggest as itstaxpolicies. The emergenceofMiami’s neighborhoodaswhathasbeencalledthe Brickell proximityits geographic andculturalconnectionstoLatin andtheCaribbean,America aswell among 350UScities. owedThe expansionofMiamiasaglobalbusiness centerisprincipally to ofMiami’scornerstones economy, ranked by WalletHub asthe18thmostdiversified economy Tourism, real estate development, banking, technology, digital andhealthcare constitutethe Miami asaglobalcity. areas, such asLos Angeles andNew York. Inthissection, we consider afew key features of more thaninothermetropolitan prominently intheglobalization ofurbanSouthFlorida cultural phenomenarelated to Spanishlanguage, migration, andmassmediahave figured what different thanthatofother UScitiesincludedinthepresent volume, inthesensethat language usegrew, andvice-versa. Perhaps forthisreason, Miami’s “global” characterissome- language useinallaspectsofthecity’s life, bothpublic andprivate. As Miamigrew, Spanish “Hispanicization” ofMiami(Boswell, 1994)was concomitantwiththeexpansionofSpanish (Pérez, 1999, p. 435). the1940s, Cityannually during Magic increasing the1950s tonearly50,000peryear during between Havana andMiamiwas highlyfluidanddynamic. Some40,000Cubansvisitedthe dent FulgencioBatista(Elfrink, 2010). UntilCastro’s takeover in1959, economicexchange fromand support theresident dissidentcommunity forhisoverthrow oftwo-time presi- refuge inMiami; indeed, FidelCastro inMiami1955toseekfunding spent90hours Throughout the20thcentury, wingstook Cubanpolitical exilesfrom boththeleftandright nations tothesouth: already ofCubaand other appeared politicallyandeconomicallyboundupwith thefate founding, astheSpanish–American War horizon, loomedominouslyonthesouthern Miami &Lynch, oftheUSSouth(Carter other regions 2018b). Sicius(1998)observed thatuponits Since its inception in the late 19th century, has evolved South Florida very differently than Miami’s growing pan-Hispanictelevision industry. and “glocal” identitiesinherent ina “neutral” Spanishformassmediapurposes, asevidenced in inSouthFlorida,and sociolinguisticvariation we explore thenotionsofmobility, indexicality, Miami’sdescribing ofSpanishlanguageuse situationasaglobalcityandthemore localpatterns window intohow globalcitiessuchasMiamibecomekey ofglobalprocesses. articulators After From theearly1960sandthrough the1990s, the “Cubanization” andsubsequent to Cuba. ence, hadalready realized proximity thesignificanceofitsemotionalandgeographic merchants checkingintoitshotels,streets andarms Miami, year initsfirst ofexist- With foreign [Spanish]agentsoffitscoast, contrabandinitsharbors, refugees onits Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch Miami as a global city Miami asaglobal Finance 74 (Sicius, 1998, p. 11) Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 80 airlines flytoapproximately 150destinationsaround theglobe. embarked atMIA, while23milliondomestictravelers useditsservices. From theairport, over (miami-airport.com). In2017, almost22millionforeigneitherembarked passengers ordis- freight, ininternational passengers,US airports third ininternational intotalcargo andfourth industry. andtourism airport among international (MIA)isfirst MiamiInternational Airport continue toincreaseers inlightofthedepreciation ofthe Yuan (Ariyakula, 2016). economic slowdowns intheUSandChina(Ariyakula, 2016). Similar totheRussians, Chinesebuy- also betaken intoaccount. Indeed, thereal estatemarket hasbeenfavored like by the globalfactors Miami, yet theweakness oftheUSdollarover thelastdecade following the2008recession should (Frank, 2012). Instability in Russia and Ukraine have to this capital and human flow contributed to onwaterfrontof millionsdollars properties inrecent years, makingMiamithe “Russian Riviera” place nationallyforitsratioofforeign sales(Frank, 2012). Russians, forexample, have spenthundreds are unknown,estate inFlorida oneinfourhomesare soldtooverseas buyers, situatingthecityinfirst European nationalsare alsoimportant. capitalinvestment concerning While exactnumbers inreal 160 firms. commercial bankswith$140billioninassetsandagrowing private sectorwithmore than Venezuela move theircapitalintoBrickell’s banksandreal estate. Inthisarea, there are 141 forbusiness,matters somethingthatseemsnaturalasinvestors from Argentina, Colombia, and intheUSwhereurban centers Spanishisspoken, Miamihasbecomeaplacewhere Spanish produce telenovelas tobeconsumedaround theglobe, towhich we later inthischapter. return Latino andGems, whileLatin transnationalcompanieshaveAmerican built mega-studiosto Both Sony Discosand WEA Latinaare basedinMiami aswell ascable channelssuchasMTV language television networks intheUS, Univision and Telemundo, are inthecity. headquartered extent that the city has been dubbed the “Hollywood of Latin America.” The largest Spanish- boomofrecent decades, inMiamiwiththeimmigration Media becameatopindustry tothe freedom” (Libbey, 2017). spectacle of “beauty andmoney, highculture andlow, statusconsciousnessandanarchic rigid qualifies theannual Baselas Art “one ofthe biggestevents world,” art inthecontemporary a area, the Design District, and Midtown have attracted almost 9% of visitors. underwaymall—is currently inthecity, ataninitialcostof$4billion. top 10(Lieberman, 2016). of Construction Dream”—the nation’s“American largestindoor remains visitors. afavoriteactivity ofinternational Miami’s isamongthenation’s mallindustry beach.com, in2016, theweather andbeachesare thetopfeatures ofthecity, whileshopping followed by Europeans (20%)andCanadians(9%). - According by toareport partners.miami (partners.miamibeach.com).industry Latin travelers (68%),American constitute the majority business andconventions represented 6.6%in2016, and5.0%were attractedby thecruise forleisure—around 85%ofthevisitormarket—whereasBeach andGreater Miamiprimarily visitMiamieveryIt isestimatedthatmore year. than15milliontourists They travel toSouth Besides Miami’s financialinstitutionsandreal estatesurge, thecityisknown globallyforits Even thoughLatin money accountsfor70%ofthebuying market,American Russiansand Miami isalsobecomingadestinationformerchants ofglobalart. inthe Galleries Wynwood 1  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation Mass mediaindustry Tourism 75 h New YorkTimes The Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 node inmedia flows. network’s inMexicoand Colombia, otherstudiofacilities global Miamiemergesasa strategic ofproduction.images incirculation andconsumptionbut alsointerms Intandem withthe society. ofthe interms isnotonlyunderstood The transnationaldimension ofthisenterprise the nationallevel, advancing theplaceofSpanishlanguage andtheimageofLatinosinUS shape thenetwork’s imageasaleadingglobalmediaconglomerate, isfeltat whileitsimprint about Hispanicsinthiscountry,” addedGil. Indeed, is designedto headquarters thefuturistic “media company of the future” involves “throw[ing] out your perception of what you thought vice-president ofNBCUniversal Telemundo Enterprises, toTheMiamiHerald. Creating the want tocreate asenseofcommunity here, andexternally,” internally saidMonicaGil, executive inmediacareers.cational program forhigh-schoolstudentstogainhands-onexperience “We benefits tothecommunity (Rodríguez, 2018). Telemundo alsolaunchedamultimedia edu- ment programs funded construction, other economic and social creating jobs and bringing restaurant industries, andlocalstatecityadministrations. Several localincentive andabate- companiestotransnational bankersnational real andbrokers, estateandconstruction retail and tosome1,200 catering Telemundo employees. involvesThe enterprise ofactors, anarray from feet ofstores, restaurants, gyms, predicted andothercommercial tomove services tothesite, the US, Latin America, andbeyond (Rodríguez, 2018). The complexcontains495,000square rate andnews departments, creative arms, and13recording studiosthatproduce contentfor Telemundo Center, as characterized “futuristic” by the media, tohousethecompany’s- corpo evident inMiami. For instance, in2018 Telemundo ofthe$250million completedconstruction flows are cities” (p. 2). Convergent financial, commercial, media, andethnicflows are readily converge common spaces, incertain andthespacesthatmostfrequently actasconduitsforthese (2003) reminds usthat “while thefive …they do cultural flows are frequently deterritorialized media, andethnicflows fueleachotherand, eventually, converge intheglobalcity. Jeannotte flows, includinglanguage. “Flows begetflows,” thatistosay, financial, commercial, technological, other populations. within thecommunity andthesocialforces thatdifferentiate itfrom mainstream culture and threat andvilified” (p. 8), whilethe “culturalist” approach recognizes theculturaldistinctiveness doxically, themore Hispanicsunify, they thegreater canbe, andare likely tobe, perceived asa consumer” (Dávila, 2001). “Reactivist” denotes the (re)action of the mainstream culture: “para- Ricans attheforefront, label gave when the minority way andits aftermath to the “Hispanic the Civil Rights movementplified during in the 1960s and 1970s, with Chicanos and Puerto Hispanics demonstrated “agency inproducing andsustainingtheirunity” (Mahler, p. 6), exem- (2018) from threeframeworks: interrelated activist, reactivist, andculturalist. Through activism, in thecreation andexpansionoftheLatino/Hispanicmarket category, approached by Mahler (Dávila, 2001; Mora, 2014). The Univision missionstatementreminds usoftherole ofthemedia create group apan-ethnicmarket beyond ofeachnational-origin thedifferentiated histories in theUS, simultaneously profiting from ofareified community, theconstruction unifiedto the network itselfintoonethatrepresents hasfashioned theinterests anddreams ofHispanics their reach across atthelocallevel” multiple platforms (corporate.univision.com). Bydoingso, empower[ing] …ouraudienceswhileproviding 360solutionsforbrandslookingtoextend vides two local TV stationsandfourradiostations. networks cities with large Latino populations. emerged in various Nowadays, Univision pro- political,important economic, andculturalevents inLatin andtheCaribbean.America Of longtraditioninthecityare newspapersandradiostationsinSpanishtunedinto various Univision and Telemundo andglobal demonstratethe confluence ofmediainfrastructure Univision and Telemundo ofthelandscapeMiamiin1980s, becamepart whensuch Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch 76 2 Univision presents itselfascommitted “to Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 ural disasters, including the2010earthquake, have continued Haitian driving beenfactors of (Schulz&Batalova,Aristide 2017). Ongoingpoliticalinstability, extreme poverty, andnat- Duvalier’s regime. from in1991aftertheoverthrowAnother massemigration Haitioccurred (see only abouthalfisnow ofCuban origin Table 3.2laterinthechapter). Latino,” a figure that reached 95%insome areas ofthe city. Of the Spanish-speakingpopulation, day. Hugo Chávez andhissuccessorNicolásMaduro; continues tothepresent thismassmigration of the20thcentury, Venezuelans begantotake exileinMiami, of fleeingthesocialist regime forces,lence amongparamilitary the1990s. leftistguerrillas, during andthearmy Bythedawn war. in a state of perpetual country Colombians, on the other hand, fled the outbreak of vio- ing theSandinistarevolution of1979anditsaftermath, asthecounterrevolution maintainedthe Colombians, Peruvians, Dominicans, and Haitians. Nicaraguans fled the political violence dur- the1980sand1990s, groupsduring ofotherimmigrant including Nicaraguans,the arrival (Valencia,migrants 2018; Valencia &Lynch, 2016; Duany, 2011; Eckstein, 2009; Lynch,and otherdailypractices(includinglanguageusage)thatqualifythisgenerationastransnational 2009b). practices whichinvolve leftbehind, andfamilies contactwithfriends toCuba, frequent trips labelof tigious “economic immigrants” (Portes &Puhrmann, 2015). They engageineveryday Latino groups inthecity, generationsshare thenon-pres withwhomthelatterCubanmigrant - haveCuban immigrants entered thejobmarket underthesameconditionsasthoseofother ofpolitical,in terms economic, and socialstatus. totheirpredecessors, Contrary more recent become entrepreneurs themselves” (Portes &Puhrmann, 2015, p. 43). thathadallowed ofthenetworks ofsolidarity not beneficiaries earlierexilesto…eventually anticommunist political stance of theirpredecessors … the principled The later refugees were considered like them; those raisedundertherevolution ostensibly “lacked thework ethicand known arrivals as 125,000 Cubans)andpost-Mariel “balseros” inthe1990swere (rafters) not Puhrmann, 2015), for the earlier and better established exiles, “Marielitos” (1980 exodus of & Girard, 2008). As different have scholars demonstrated(O’ReillyHerrera, 2001; Portes & group, Miamiintoapoliticallyconservative transforming Cubanenclave (Grenier 2006; Grenier theexilespowerCubans intheUSandgranted previously unknown by any otherimmigrant waves in the1970s. This policy created the basisfor economic and political consolidation of character” (Portes &Puhrmann, 2015, p. withsuccessive co-ethnicsolidarity 43)andfacilitated loans,” whichgave fundssolelyonthebasisoftheirknown“entrepreneurs accesstostart-up political refugees notafforded toany othernationalforeign groupintheUS, like “character Report/Shaping-Florida-Effects-Immigration-19702020). The Cubansenjoyed as privileges inMiamiatthattime(https://cis.org/ ofallimmigrants of 107,445oraboutthree-quarters dle- andupper-classCubanslefttheislandforUS, anexodusthatby 1970reached atotal 2018; &Lynch, Carter 2015). oftheCubanRevolution,With thetriumph thousandsofmid- (Portes &Stepick, 1993). Sincethe1960s, tothecityhasbeencontinuous (Mahler, immigration of Spanish language use and the city’sfundamental importance intimate ties to Latin America Ramos’ Miami’s statementaffirms asan history “ethnic enclave economy,” whichestablished the the onlycityin where we’reAmerica nottreated assecond-classcitizens’” (Finnegan, 2015). “Miami hasbeenincredibly generous toLatinos… As oneofmy bosseshere first toldme, ‘It’s Renowned andlongtimeMiamiresident that UnivisionJorge journalist Ramosaffirmed Haitian immigration to South Florida beganenmasseinlate1979andearly1980 with toSouthFlorida Haitian immigration Miami was citiesinthenation tobecome one ofthefirst “minority-majority” with That said, MiamiCubansare ahighlyheterogeneous populationwithdifferentiated histories, 3 By2010, 64.5%ofresidents inMiami-DadeCounty identified themselves as “Hispanic or  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation Immigration 77 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 Russian, andMandarin, amongotherlanguages. are more than 20 publications in Spanish, Haitian Creole, French, news), English(Caribbean Miami, number oflanguages. ofethnicnewspapers andmagazines in anarray istherising There relevanceof current (Vianna, 2015). Miami “as aLatin hubforChineseinvestors”American itintoaglobalcircuit andincorporating Miami-China ties.” The goaltoincrease theChinesepresence responds totheaimofpromoting outreach committeesandlaunchingtrademissionsabroad, stronger allwiththeaimofsecuring toChina,nonstop flightservice promoting theEB-5 Visa investment program, settingup Asian Miami Today Newsannouncedrecently that “the countyandtheCityofMiamiare pushingfor Miami-Dade County’s population identified as Asian, according to the latest US Census data. and preferably inMiami, resonatedinterviewed withRussianmothers by NBC. About 1.7%of ”americantsy (McFadden, 2018). intheUS, by beingborn A globalstatusofcitizenshipgranted to have baby, aMiami-born andsocialmediaisfullofRussianwomen boastingoftheir little recently that, publishedAn article by NBCNEWSaffirmed forRussians, itis “a statussymbol across thecity, theirpresence. HaitianCreole affirms largest concentrationofHaitiansoutsideHaiti(Hebblethwaite, 2006, p. 52). (10%), perhaps suggesting that there are higher levels than inthe of bilingualism in South Florida English “very well” (44%)andthelowest percentage of exclusive English languageuseathome (see Table 3.1). In 2014, Miami had thehighestpercentage ofHispanicswhoclaimedto speak rather different thantheotherthree globalUSmetropolitan areas includedinthe present volume reveals that, profile ofthesociodemographic ofitsHispanic/Latinopopulation, interms Miamiis the world’s (Shammas, platform largestlanguage-learning 2017). US where onthepopularappDuolingo, Englishwas themostcommonlanguagebeinglearned that a recent marketing study revealedsurprise that Miami was the only major urban area in the recent Community SurveyAmerican estimates(USCensusBureau, 2015b). Itthusmay beno Miami-Dade’s populationclaimedthatthey spoke Englishlessthan “very well” in themost of Francophonespeakers indicatedthesame(US CensusBureau, 2015b). Inall, about35%of speaking population(49%). Onlyabout one-third oftheBrazilianpopulationandone-fifth and ChinesepopulationsindicatedspeakingEnglishlessthan “very well,” asdidtheSpanish- under 5,000 speakers each (US Census Bureau, 2015b). About half of Miami’s Haitian, Russian, speakers), andHebrew (6,000speakers); Italian, Tagalog, German, and Arabic alsoclaimedjust 15,000 speakers), French (about15,000 speakers), Chinese (9,000speakers), Russian(7,000 French Creole (more than106,000 speakers, mostlyHaitian), BrazilianPortuguese (about were Spanishspeakers (USCensusBureau, 2016). Othercommonlyspoken languageswere speakingalanguageotherthanEnglish(age5+)inMiami-Dade,people whoreported 88.2% speak alanguageotherthanEnglish(orinadditiontoEnglish). Ofthemore than1.8 ­ about 676,000indicatedspeakingonlyEnglish, meaning that73%ofpeopleinMiami-Dade Chicago. OfMiami-Dade County’s totalpopulation ofmore than2.5million(age5+), only Counties), compared to192inNew York, 185inLos Angeles, 168in Washington, and153in across Miamimetropolitan thegreater area (includingMiami-Dade, Broward, andPalm Beach According totheUSCensusBureau (2015a), 128different languageswere spoken inhouseholds inSouthFlorida. ­immigration Representative ofthediversity populationinFlorida, oftheimmigrant andparticularly, In recent years, Russiansand Asians have beguntoestablish presence agreater inMiami. A comparative glanceat2014 Community SurveyAmerican data(Pew Research Center, 2016) 4 Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch The area ofMiamiknown asLittleHaitiistheepicenterof Language use Language 78 5 Inpublic signage million Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 Source: Community SurveyAmerican 2014(Pew Research Center, 2016). Washington New York Miami Los Angeles Chicago City Table 3.1 as itiswithmiddle-class standingorpoverty & Lynch, inMiami(Carter 2015). tothenotionthatSpanishlanguageuseisasmuch associatedwithwealthseems tolendsupport noteworthy, sinceitisthemostaffluent neighborhood inMiami-DadeCountyandtherefore spoken inatleast80%ofhomes. The strong presence ofSpanishinKey Biscayne isparticularly ofeducationlevelsocioeconomic differences interms andincome, anon-English languageis Table 3.2). The situations ofHialeah, Doral, andKey Biscayne are illustrative; despitesignificant Spanish language usein Miami is prevalent across (see the entire socioeconomic spectrum Hialeah. Taking medianhouseholdincomeandeducationlevel intoaccount, itisevident that across thecity, from withpercentages ranging about58%inCoralGables toover 94%in Miami Beachfor Argentines. dubbed “Doralzuela”; Kendall forColombians, middle-class suburban area; afirmly andNorth Nicaraguans, alsoknown as “Little Managua”; Doral for Venezuelans, which hasbeenpopularly more Central thanCubans. immigrants American includeSweetwater Other focalcenters for known asCalleOchoor “Little Havana,” justsouthwest ofdowntown Miami, isnow hometo is now to South Florida. the focal center of Cuban immigration The previous Cuban enclave ing from about 53% in Miami Beach and Coral Gables to as much as 95% in Hialeah, which (see Table Hispanic, thatmostareas ofMiami-Dade Countyare majority 3.2)confirm rang- as Hispanic/Latino, andSpanishiswidelyspoken everywhere. Datafrom the2010USCensus Chicago, orLos ratesof36–42%).Angeles (whichhadforeign-born was foreign-born, yet the rateofhomeEnglish-onlyusewas higherthere thaninNew York, some doubtonthishypothesis: some53%oftheHispanic populationofthenation’s capitalmetro likely lendsitselfto lower rates of exclusive use of English at home, but data from Washington cast Hispanics(61%).age offoreign-born Onemightconjecture inMiami thatrecency ofimmigration 24% in Los Angeles). to bear in mind that Miami has by the highest percent It is also important - far have lessthanahighschooleducation(vs. 19%inChicagoandNew York, 21%in Washington, and (vs. 14%in Washington, 11%inNew York, andonly6–7%Los Angeles andChicago), and14% Hispanics in Miami also had the highest levels of education overall: 17% hold university degrees (11%). Despitehaving alower medianhouseholdincomethanintheother4cities($42,000), living inpoverty thatwas thesameasinChicago(19%)andmuch higherthanin Washington of HispanicswhoindicatedspeakingEnglishlessthan “very well” (40%)andarateofHispanics other majormetropolitan areas. At thesametime, however, Miamialsohadthehighestpercentage Language usedatareveal ofhomes thatanon-Englishlanguageisspoken inthemajority Different than in the other four global metropolitan areas, of residents identify the majority Income, education, andlanguageuseofHispanicpopulationinglobalUSmetropolitan areas income household Median $42,000 $66,000 $43,000 $45,700 $49,600 poverty Living in 19% 11% 23% 23% 19%  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation higher, age 25+) (Bachelor’s or University degree 17% 14% 11% 6% 7% 79 education high school Less than 14% 21% 19% 24% 19% “very well” English Speak 44% 37% 39% 41% 42% well” than “very English Speak 40% 30% 35% 32% 29% less

(age 5+) at home English Speak only 10% 23% 17% 18% 20% Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 sion (Carter, Dwyer, &Pontier, 2018). Despitebeingthelocationof “rebirth” ofbilingual city with the highest number of non-English-language households has prompted public discus- García, &Roca, 2000; Pascual yCabo, 2015; Porcel, 2006, amongothers). Lewis, 2002; Gutiérrez-Rivas, 2007; Hurtado, 2002; Lanier, 2014; Lynch, 2013, 2017;remarked &Lynch, Otheguy, studies(Carter uponin various 2015; Eilers, Kimbrough Oller, &Cobo- Spanish. The lackofgenerationalcontinuity ofSpanishinMiamihasbeendocumentedand generally prefer speakingEnglish witheachother, sometimestothe neartotalexclusionof in Miamiare invariably English-dominantbilingualswithlimitedliteracyskillsinSpanish, who Florida. Perhaps forthesereasons, second-andthird-generation speakers ofSpanish US-born ology ofEnglishas “the” prevails languageoftheUSandglobalculture certainly inSouth by popularvotebecame thesoleofficiallanguageofstateFlorida in1988), andtheide- placeininstitutionalandofficialdomains (infact,Spanish isrelegated toasecondary English Despite itsubiquityandunquestionable social, cultural, andeconomicvalue inSouth Florida, Joan Didion compared thesituationofSpanishinMiamitothatothermajorUScities: cultural imaginary, andinmassmediageneral. In1987, andculturalcritic prominent journalist within thecontextofUS, inpopularculturalandnationalistdiscourses, particularly inthe Table 3.2 Source: USCensus2010. Adapted from &Lynch Carter 2015, p. 372. Key Biscayne Coral Gables Doral Kendall Miami Beach Hialeah Miami (cityproper) Miami-Dade County The paucityof “English-plus” modelsofeducation inwhatisunquestionably themajor US Perhaps forthisreason, asexceptionally Miamihasoftenbeencharacterized “Spanish-speaking” bonds, andifhewere soinclined, attendgalastwiceaweek, inblack tie. who spoke noEnglishcouldstill, inMiami, buy, sell, negotiate, leverage assets, float declassed by languagein New York orLos Angeles thrived inMiami. An entrepreneur made, scale, onthesocioauditory aconsiderable difference. Exileswhofeltisolatedor In MiamiSpanishwas spoken by thepeoplewhoowned andthetrees, thecars which worked thetrees inthecarwash andcleared thetables andcametotrim inrestaurants. Anglo population, oftheambientnoise, part thelanguagespoken by thepeople who heard: in, say, Los Angeles, Spanishremained alanguageonlybarely registered by the about SpanishinMiamiwas notthatitwas sooftenspoken, but thatitwas sooften Angeles, andHouston, andeven inthecitiesofNortheast. What was unusual The soundofspoken Spanishwas commoninMiami, but itwas commoninLos Language useandsocioeconomicstatusinmetropolitan Miami Hispanic/Latino 61.6% 53.6% 79.5% 63.7% 94.7% 64.5% 53% 70% Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch (age 5+) language athome Speak anon-English 79.9% 57.5% 88.8% 69.5% 66.9% 94.2% 77.3% 71.9% 80 income Median household $104,554 $84,027 $69,300 $61,266 $43,538 $31,648 $29,621 $43,605 (Didion, 1987, p. 63) 74.7% higher, age25+) (Bachelor’s or University degree 63.7% 55.4% 41.5% 43.1% 13.5% 22.2% 26.2% Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 figured onperceptual grounds. As thelanguage becameenmeshed in themarketplace ideology ofaglobal(ized)economydiscourse attheendof20thcentury, Spanishwas spatiallyrecon- the1980s and1990s.impacted alloftheUSduring As Lynch (2018)explains, intheemergent of bilingualabilityinMiamiwere paradigmthat symptomaticofashiftlanguage ideological bilingual andduallanguageprograms across themetropolitan area. that theirstudiesreceived, theircallforaction clearlywent unheeded, given of thepresent dearth the1990s(seealsoFradd&Boswell,Fradd during ofmassmediaattention 1996)andtheflurry or inEnglish. Despitethecompelling, argumentsmadeby supported Boswell empirically and income)over ofannual personal terms beingmonolingual, thosewhoreported eitherinSpanish being Spanish–EnglishbilingualsontheUSCensusheldastatistically significantadvantage (in well-being. At thesametime, Boswell (2000)demonstratedthatMiamiHispanicswhoreported ing) thataSpanish–Englishbilingualworkforce was essentialtoMiami-Dade’s future economic tourism. Ofallthebusinesses includedinFradd’s survey, (with60% 95.7%agreed “strongly”- agree and global potential of the metropolitan regional of commerce, area in terms trade, finance, and Spanishproficiency amongyounglack offormal Miamibilingualsmay jeopardize thefuture economy was sointimately linked toLatin andtoSpanish-speaking (im)migration,America the and literacy skills in both languages. register formal Fradd pointed out that because South Florida’s if the future generation of Miami Hispanics were to meet demand for bilingual employees with Miami-Dade schoolsmust improve greatly accesstoeffective English-plusmodelsofeducation ago by Fradd(1996), inconjunctionwiththeGreater MiamiChamberofCommerce, urgedthat ofEducation, Department the test(Florida 2018). “mastery”, (24%)ofstudentsrendered whilenearlyaquarter an “inadequate” on performance (54%) scored atorabove “satisfactory” level for EnglishLanguage Arts; only10%achieved istered through level, the tenth-grade Miami-Dade students only about half of all tenth-grade instruction. Standards Instatewide standardized testing (Florida Assessments), which is admin- County Public Schools, 2018b)despitethesystem’s predominantly English-onlymedium of through thehigh-schoollevel lacked functionalacademicabilitiesinEnglish(Miami-Dade K–12,Languages) programs ingrades meaningthatabout20%ofthepublic schoolpopulation More than67,600Miami-Dadestudentswere enrolled inESOL(EnglishforSpeakers ofOther 1,495 Francophonestudents; Russian-speakingstudentsattheK–12levels. and1,069primarily inexistence.grams There were Portuguese; anadditional2,165studentswhospoke primarily language,3.6% hadHaitianCreole asaprimary forwhichthere were noduallanguagepro- was notEnglishinthatsameyear: 53.9%claimedtospeakmostlySpanishathome, andanother disproportionate totheoverall language percentage ofpublic schoolstudentswhoseprimary Chinese, orPortuguese (Miami-DadeCountyPublic Schools, 2018b). This percentage isclearly were enrolled inaduallanguageprogram, includingeitherSpanish, French, German, Italian, throughlevelsgarten fifth-grade (i.e. agesfive–ten), fewer thanoneoutoffive children (19.4%) language education(Miami-DadeCountyPublic Schools, 2018a). In2017–2018, atthekinder- separate language-specificblock oftime, i.e. atraditionalsubjectlabeledas “foreign” or “world” in theMiami-Dadepublic schoolsystemprovided educationinSpanishthatwent beyond a “international” schools, 16hadprograms inSpanish. Inotherwords, schools only8%ofprimary “international” the2017–2018schoolyear; modelofeducationduring ofthose20bilingualor ten through level) eighth-grade inMiami-DadeCounty, only20(or9.7%)offered abilingualor that provides bilingualorduallanguageeducation. schools(i.e. Outof194primary kindergar- Miami’s Coral Way Schoolistoday Elementary oneofamere handfulofschoolsacross thecity education programs intheUS1963(following theirnationaldemiseduring World War I), The efforts madebyThe efforts bothBoswell andFraddtoraiseawareness ofthe economic “necessity” A large-scalesurvey studyof245Miamibusinesses andcompaniesconductedover 20years  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 81 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 (1979, ofsecond-generationCuban that thelanguagepracticesof majority 1982)affirmed upon aquestionnaire studycompletedby schoolstudentsin1975, 268public secondary Solé County increased from a mere 4% in 1960 to more than 35% in 1980 (US Census). Based comment uponthesepointsin theremainder ofthissection. sions—on theconceptualization, perception, andusageofSpanishinpublic life. We briefly nomic spectrum; and4)consequencesofglobalization—initslocal, national, andglobaldimen- in Spanishthroughout thecity, given thelanguage’s widespread useacross thefullsocioeco- educationinSpanish;lack ofaccesstoformal ofvariation 3)socioeconomicclass-basedpatterns use, given thehighratesofactive ofthecity’s bilingualisminthemajority population andthe generations ofSpanishspeakers; and 2)theinfluenceofEnglishonSpanishlanguagestructure population anddrive theclearpreference forEnglishlanguageuseamongthesecondandthird research: andsocialforces 1)ideological thatconditionbilingualpracticesamongthe general perspectives &Lynch, (Carter 2015). We are presented withatleastfourcompellingareas of few sociolinguisticstudies, eitherfrom sociological, linguistic, anthropological, oreducational Miami isarguably themostbilingualcityofHispanicworld, yet ithasbeenthe focusofvery atthenationalandgloballevels.its consequencesforSpanishlanguagevariability Later, we ourfullattentiontothecity’s turn burgeoning and pan-Hispanictelevision industry sociolinguistic situationofMiamiandhighlightkey issuesofresearch onSpanishinthecity. lowing section, we synthesizethegeneralfindingsofsomemostrelevant studiesonthe institutional practice(e.g. thelegalsystem), and, forthemostpart, popularculture. Inthefol- national framework ofEnglishasthe hegemoniclanguageofschooling, childsocialization, state especially insocial, commercial, andfinancialdomains—seemsuncontestedwithinthebroader economic globalization emerged. Today, the “glocal” value ofSpanishinpublic life in Miami— less ofatalkingpointregarding of ethnicidentityandculturalassimilation asthediscourse state in1988. Inthe20years following thatlegislation, Spanish “versus” Englishclearlybecame a seemingparadox thatmadeEnglishthesoleofficiallanguageof vis-à-visthelegislation increasing useacross allspheres oflife—bothpublic andprivate—in SouthFlorida, presented up withinsufficientSpanish-languageskills” (19March 1996)(Lynch, 2018, pp. 14–16). marketplace couldbeinjeopardyinternational ifyoung Hispanic continue togrowAmericans skills aren’t at suitable level” (27 June 1999); “Dade County’s future economic growth as an huge assetinjobsearch” (7September1997); that[Spanish]language worry “Business leaders thatemphasizedthe economicvalueheadlines andstorylines ofSpanish, e.g. “Bilingualism a (from 1996to2000), intheMiamiHerald appeared, in24separatearticles thosesameterms with that includedtheterms “Spanish,” “bilingual,” “education,” and “economic.”most widelyread newspaper. Only10years later thatsametimeperiod, During thenewspaper published noarticles cles containingtheterms “Hispanic,” “English,” and “assimilation” were published by thecity’s intensified (asdidnumerous othersuchstate-level campaignsacross theUS),- more than30arti as thepoliticalcampaigntoestablish EnglishasthesoleofficiallanguageofstateFlorida are quiterevealing thistimeperiod in theMiamiHerald during (Lynch, 2018). Inthelate1980s, (seeDel of sorts Valle, 2007; Heller&Duchêne, 2012). addressing thesituationofSpanish Articles words, possessionandmore Spanish becamelessofapersonal nationalorglobalcommodity neighborhood) intheUSwas seeminglyovershadowed attimesby itsmarket value; inother of neoliberalism, ofethnicidentityandlocality(i.e. itssymbolic value interms specificplaceor Due to intense immigration fromDue tointenseimmigration Cuba, theHispanic/Latinopopulation ofMiami-Dade In sum, the growing perception of the economic value of Spanish, concomitant with its Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch Key issues 82 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 same divisions among Miami’s diverse Cubancommunities. ofexpression ofculturalstancetoward patterns discourse US–Cubarelations were related tothe in Miami(fromimmigration the 1960stothepresent). Lynch (2009b)suggestedthatdistinctive preference divisions toidentity-basedsocial andideological among distinctwaves ofCuban oramongmore grandparents recentamong theirimmigrant Cubanarrivals. this Heattributed and word-final realizations of/samongthird-generation “early exile” than Cuban-Americans frequency(2009a) analyzedgreater ofthesibilant (versus aspiration ordeletion)insyllable- the centralizationofunstressed vowels intheSpanishofMiamiCubanbilinguals, andLynch to converge toward English-languageintonationalpatterns. Alvord andRogers(2014)noted ence ofEnglishonMiamiCubanSpanish, bilinguals documentingthetendencyofMiami-born cultural anddiscursive influences. Alvord’s (2010a, influ- thephonological b)research confirmed by theirmalecounterparts,than thoseformulated to atendencythatsheattributed Anglophone ofindirectness inrequestsof strategies produced byfemales third-generation Cuban-American and third-generation MiamiCubans; shealsocommented(2011b)uponthehigherfrequency of negativeEnglish-based patterns politeness in the production of speech acts among second- generation inMiami. Ontheother hand, Gutiérrez-Rivas (2011a)observed thecalquingof ofthesecond language proficiency hadnosignificanteffectsontheSpanish-languagepatterns variable expression ofsubjectpronouns inthespeechofColombiansandfoundthatEnglish vis-à-visotherareas ofthecountry.language useinSouthFlorida (2001) studied Hurtado in Miami than in the other two cities. this finding to higher indices of Spanish He attributed but frequencyamong second-andthird-generation notedgreater oftheiroccurrence speakers (1994) amongMexicansinLos Angeles andZentella(1997) amongNew York Ricans Puerto inMiamiCubanspeechwereof theseverb forms similartothoseobserved by Silva-Corvalán acrosscourse three generationsofMiamiCubans. ofreduction thatthepatterns Lynch affirmed intheexpressionconditional verb dis- ofmoodandhypotheticality forms inoral and written simplification, toanalyzegrammatical the first focusingonthevariableuseofsubjunctive and gence, andcross-structural influenceare readily apparent inMiami. Lynch’s (1999)studywas second- andthird-generation bilinguals, oflinguisticsimplification, patterns reduction, conver- economic value inthelocalandnationalcontexts. ofSpanishandstress itsimportance the Hispanicandnon-Hispanic—generallyaffirm that young adultsinSouthFlorida—both (Lynch, ofglobalization(asnotedearlier)andculturalpostmodernity discourse 2018), meaning language use has changed somewhat since the time of Solé’s study, with the emergence of the Lynch &Klee, 2005; Pascual yCabo, 2015). Nonetheless, dimensionofSpanish theideological of Englishatboththeindividual andsocietallevels (e.g. &Lynch, Carter 2018a; Lanier, 2014; tive attitudestoward Spanish, thissegmentofthepopulationpresents considerable biasinfavor lege and university studentsinMiamihave consistently revealed that, parallel with overtly posi- haveand thatallimmigrants anduseit. aresponsibility tolearn Studiesconductedamongcol- young intheconviction adultsappeartoremain thatEnglishis firm “the languageoftheUS” Boswell, 1996; Lynch, 2000; LópezMorales, 2003; &Lynch, Carter 2015). At the sametime, in Miamihascontinuously increased sincethetimeofSolé’s study(seeRoca, 1991; Fradd& contexts,use in formal value and the instrumental of Spanish in most aspects of everyday life in thesensethatno “deliberate maintenanceefforts” have ofschoolingor beenmade interms Solé’s fourdecadeslater, languagepracticesholdstrue conclusionregarding Cuban-American elaborations” or ideological deliberate maintenance efforts (1982, p. 267). Generally speaking, ceed in[Miami]DadeCounty, they willprobably respond needsthanto more toinstrumental Spanish. At thattime, Soléconcludedthat, “if languageloyalty andlanguagemaintenancesuc- ­bilinguals inMiamireflected ashifttoEnglish, despitehighlypositive overt attitudestoward Due tohighlevels educationinSpanishamong ofEnglishdominanceandlackformal  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 83 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 (e.g. tained English-basedlexicalinnovations: There were simpleborrowings 112non-integrated anddomains.range ofservices Inthe601textsincludedinanalysis, justover 30%con- words across distributed 18distinctsemanticfields, reflecting Spanishlexiconrelated toawide bolic culturallevel. taken from Inhiscorpus 29municipalities, hecounted1,941different Rodríguez documentedampleuseofSpanishinsignageacross thecity, well beyond thesym- “linguistic landscape” (seePaffey regarding LondoninChapter7ofthisvolume), Franco- borrowings (e.g., afterschool be interpreted as the translocation of indexical values of particular phonological variants variants as thetranslocation of indexical values phonological be interpreted of particular ing stopconsonant, asin[ya-máp-pa-trá ø alsoexaggeratedthetendencytogeminatefinal /r Others “presupuestos”; < designateddrivers; comercialesCentral America); across Latin America, e.g. Cone); (Southern choripán paisa(Colombia); and guineos(Caribbean lexicalitemsfromtic landscapeofMiamistudydocumentedthevisibilityregional all lengthier discussionofthelatter). tion, “glocal” languageideologies, andculturalpoliticalstances(seeLynch 2009a, bfor become enmeshedinthebroader contextofEnglishlanguageuse, socioeconomicstratifica- (i.e. consistently attributed amuch higher probabilityconsistently attributed ofholding awhite-collarjob(i.e. beinga of Spanish. The results revealed asignificantbias: The voice ofthemalefrom Barcelona was 96) identifiedasnon-Latino/a; being 52%(n=152)ofthesamplereported “native speakers” via anonlinesurvey platform, 67%(n=195)identifiedasHispanicorLatino/a, and33%(n= signal itself(i.e. thevoice they were hearing). whocompletedthestudy Of292participants labelonthelistener perceptions ofthespeechto evaluate theinfluence ofthenationalorigin label)was given.national-origin them argued thatthismanipulationpermitted The authors parents camefrom Spain, etc. Onotheroccasions, (i.e. nospeaker backgroundinformation no mismatched, i.e. heard thevoice theparticipant oftheCubanspeaker but was toldthathis of origin, while in other cases,actual country and voices were the background information parents’ oforigin. country The parents’ labelsometimesmatchedthespeaker’s national-origin pants were aboutthespeaker given they backgroundinformation were hearing, includingthe personality, language use, employment, income, background. andfamily Insomecases,- partici Havana, suchas andanotherfrom characteristics ofpersonal Bogotá—according toaseries voices ofthree young professional malesliving inMiami—onefrom Barcelona, onefrom UniversityInternational (SouthFlorida’s largestpublic university) toraterecordings ofthe (2018) implicitperception experiment. andCallesanoasked Carter studentsatFlorida the language—was alsorevealed in Alfaraz’s (2014)survey andCallesano’s studiesandCarter thehighestprestige totheSpanishofSpain—overHispanics toattribute of allothervarieties and Argentina asthemost “correct” and “pleasant” (pp. 222–223). The tendencyofMiami Overall, of his study regarded theparticipants of Spain, the varieties Colombia, Venezuela, study demonstratedaclearnegative biastoward varieties, Caribbean includingCubanSpanish. a scaleof “correctness” and “pleasantness,” Parera’s ofFernández the129participants (2017) ceived tohave” Parera, (Fernández 2017, p. 224). suggested that “Cuban culture in Miami might not enjoy the hegemonic status that it is per- the relevance ofCubanSpanishandculture inthecity, theoverall results ofhisstudy ofCubanSpanish.particularities The authornotedthatalthoughrespondents largelyaffirmed andcake,the Caribbean) non-Cubans, ingeneral, demonstratedlittleknowledge ofthelexical Yet, limited. itsinfluenceappears guagua(heard throughoutWith theexceptionofterms Cubans, but by and, mixed-ethnicity Cuban-Americans tosomeextent, non-Cubansaswell. toandusedbyhe foundthatCubanSpanishlexiconisnotonlyfamiliar second-generation questionnaires,from written oralinterviews, task(image-naming), andalexicalfamiliarity bomba, Reflective ofMiami’s Spanish-speakingsuperdiversity, Franco-Rodríguez’s (2007)linguis- Asked to rate diverse national-origin varieties ofSpanishspoken varieties Asked inMiamiaccording toratediverse national-origin gemination ofliquidsandlenitionfinal/s jimaguas)mightbeadoptedby ofSpanish. speakers ofothervarieties Basedupondata (Puerto Rico);mapos andmopas(Puerto trusas(Cuba); andarangeofwords related  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 85 /) from CubatoMiami, where thesevalues cake, fruta Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 character insociolinguisticterms. superdiverse Miami, tocomprehend thecomplexityofcity’s onebegins globaland “­ varieties, (lexical, variants particular phonological, morphosyntactic, anddiscursive) ofSpanishin Following thisreasoning regarding and, theindexicalvalue varieties ofparticular withinthose that support that support ‘purist’ languageideologies” (pp. 84–85). that, affirmed They further workingsand theideological oftheReal Academia delaLenguaEspañolaandotherinstitutions pervasive ideologies, Eurocentric , Spain as lamadrepatria thatconstruct colonialistideologies least likelihood ofbeingthataprofessional. were consistentlylower. Indeed, a theCubanvoice bearing “Cuba” labelwasthe attributed “Spain” label, ratingsofallvoices were consistently higher; whenassigneda “Cuba” label, they between thelabelandspeaker’s voice. Itisnonethelessnoteworthy thatwhenassigneda label.the given parent-origin Intheirstatisticalanalysis, there were nosignificantinteractions combined white-collarprofessions andCallesano’s inCarter studyaccording tothevoice and Cuban andColombianvoices (pp. 78–79). Figure 3.1reflects theperceptual ratingsforthe ing in a coffeeshop or acellphonestore, jobs whichwere more to the frequently attributed marketing executive onthegiven oranattorney scale)andamuch lower probability ofwork - Source: &Callesano, Carter 2018, p. 80. Figure 3.1 Carter andCallesano(2018)concluded that their findings wereCarter in light of “unsurprising lematize multilingualism whilecentralizingtheassumptionofEnglishmonolingualism. the presence of US-basedlanguage policies, politics, that limit and prob and ideologies - becauseof questions oflanguageare already sofraughtwithsignificationinSouthFlorida fromand thelanguageideologies SpainandLatin thatattendit,America but alsobecause Dade notonlybecauseofthepresence ofthecounty’s immenseSpanishdialectdiversity cally overdetermined. We believe thisisespeciallythecaseinSpanish-speakingMiami everyday andinteraction, discourse perceptions ofindividuals basedonspeechare practi- indexical linkistendedtosocarefully by languageacademies, educationalsystems, andin actindexicallyforothersocialmeanings,Because languagevarieties andbecausethis parent-origin labels according to probable (five-pointparent-origin profession in South Florida Likert scale). Miami public university students’ ratingsofColombian, Spanish, andCubanvoices with Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch 86 (Carter &Callesano,(Carter 2018, p. 86) glocal” Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 Spanish-language television industry. withinthecontext—orconfines—ofMiami’sfor massmediapurposes burgeoning global ofthemattera ustothecrux configurationbrings language ideological “neutral” Spanish cal value suchasColombianSpanishsomewhere ofvarieties between thesetwo extremes. This highest level ofprestige (seeMoreno-FernándezinChapter2ofthisvolume), withtheindexi- Cuban Spanishofmore leastofall—andPeninsular recent the arrivals are varieties attributed images that impact the configuration of communities and elicit new forms ofcitizenshipimages thatimpacttheconfiguration ofcommunities andelicitnew forms (p. ofnormativity different patterns 37). speakers andtextsmove across scales, they alsomove through ordersofindexicalitythatimply upon mentalspaces(socialconventions, knowledge, personal and background). Therefore, as away’” (2010, p. 6). Languageuseendows speakers withspecificsocialmeaningsand roles based throughtory different stratified, controlled andmonitored spacesinwhichlanguage ‘gives you occur (p. 33). that affirms Blommaert “Mobility, sociolinguisticallyspeaking, istherefore atrajec- ity within(con)textswhere “retrieval ofavailable meanings, and theproduction ofnew ones” ownership andsoon” (Blommaert, 2010, p. 32), whilemoving through ordersofindexical- contexts willendow ofidentity. herwithdifferent socialroles or grids small town in ofthe globe, to a distant receptor inanother part Africa suchmeaningsdiffer; new upper-middle classstatus, education, urbansetting, etc. Butwhen “traveling” across scalesfrom a inanEnglishthatmightconveysent himaletterwritten ofsocialmeaningslocally, anarray e.g. to global spaces. (2010) uses as an example the case of a young Blommaert who girl African diverse scalesinwhichcommunication takes place, from micro tomacro contexts, from locales sociolinguistic level. Linguisticrepertoires shiftsocialmeaningsand values asthey move across like local, national, andtransnationalborders, exposinginequalitiesandpower dynamicsatthe language (suchasregisters, varieties, genres, andsoon), but through geopoliticalconsiderations tations (p. 32). not onlythrough Herefersto a mobilitythatoccurs the coded instancesof movement through vertical spaces that are coded, normativized, and hence, filled with expec- (2010),According toBlommaert thenotion ofscalesfrom asociolinguisticperspective implies their languagepractices. presumably mediaconstruct convergenttransnational corporate ofcommunity through forms upon theways inwhich, inaneraofpost-hegemony, i.e. thedeclineofnation-statehegemony, as well analysisofUnivision nationalandlocal(Miami)news asdiscourse shows, we comment oflanguageuse? vary interms Through withtelevision interviews producers andjournalists, linguistic identities? How do the different scales in which Univision disseminates its messages ofpassage, oflocalityanditsrites withdiversestruction totransnationalactors whilecatering usage? How doesamajorHispanictelevision network tothecon- suchasUnivision contribute What istherole inthecreation ofsuchideologies ofanethnic citizenship by meansoflanguage “neutral Spanish” operateintheHispanicmediascapeofUSandMiamiasaglobalcity. usishow behindtheconceptualizationofa The questionthatconcerns languageideologies In sum, of Spanish appear to be the least well varieties regarded Caribbean in Miami—the Television, arelevant component ofglobal, regional, andlocalmediascapes, produces In otherwords, inthecontextofglobalization, linguisticresources “change value, function, Mass media and Spanish language variation: The case of Miami Thecaseof Mass andSpanishlanguage media variation: Mediascapes, indexicality, andglobalization  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 87 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 ment pertains toitsmission:ment pertains countries, invarious capital participation includingtheUS(Miami). The following state- and Univision but alsotheCisneros Group, a Venezuelan conglomeratewithproperty and becomes aneconomicresource formediacompanies, notonlyinthecaseof Telemundo from the US and directeding principally toward Latin America. Inthisregard, language community,of animagined unitedby acommonlanguage, ensures afluidmarket emanat- make thisthecenter oftheHispanicworld” (Villafañe, 2018). Turning viewers intocitizens that Conde affirmed “Telemundo Centerwas really based ontheaspirationthatwe hadto per year, includingnews, sports, daytime, programming (Rodríguez, andscripted 2018). recently openeda “Global Center” that willgenerateanaverage ofcontent of3,000hours network. Bothnetworks findtheir home inMiami. As previously stated, Telemundo Telemundo secondonlytoUnivision iscurrently asthelargest US-basedSpanish-language NBCUniversal Telemundo that, Enterprises, recently affirmed than thatofFranceortheUnitedKingdom(Rodríguez, 2018). CésarConde, of chairman uct of $2.13 trillion, more than the GDP of India, Italy, Brazil, or Canada and only slightly less boom ofSpanish-languagemassmedia. By2015, USLatinosproduced agrossdomesticprod- the1980sand1990s was concomitantwitha intheUSduring The increase ofimmigration that, Mora Jiménez(2003)affirmed by thesamenetwork. of Latin out the US and parts America, and Noticias 23, Miami’s local news show produced (hosted by Jorge Ramos)thatisproduced andbroadcast from inMiamithrough facilities - section, we commentontwo cases: particular Noticiero Univision, anationalnews show duction andreinforcement ofidentitymarkers, exclusionsaswell asinclusions. Inthis television disseminatesspecificlanguageusage, involved indexicalofideologies inthepro- (García Canclini, 1995; Miller, 1998, 2007; Cunningham, 2001; Coleman, 2007). Equally, 100 countries and20 languages. 100 countries of programming, and 30,000 hours the industry today we content in over distribute worldwide.tainment contentacross platforms With over 60years attheforefront of Cisneros Mediaisadivision committedtocreating, producingenter - anddistributing look atthefuture in anoptimisticway. community hasexplodedfrom theperspective ofitspurchasing power. That makes us aboutsizetobeinganeconomicstory.has gonefrom story beingademographic This We have thisincredible tsunamithat’s intheUS. occurring The USLatinopopulation highly encouragedby the process ofglobalization. not asculturallyorlinguisticallyclose. This dependentmodelofmediadevelopment is either foreign companiesthatare culturallyandlinguisticallyclose, orUScompanies, Hispanic television mediamarkets, intheUSisextremely dependentuponexternal The pan-Hispanic market and pan-Hispanic market The “neutral” Spanish Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch 88 (Rodríguez, 2018) (Cisneros Media) (p. 15) Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 in Florida andin in Florida Texas, madeasimilarobservation: Liz Evora, whoworked aCubanimmigrant asanews anchor forbothUnivision and Telemundo news editorandmediaconsultant, thelinguisticgoalofnetwork asfollows: described supposedly identify. withus, interview Inapersonal Alejandro Alvarado, Univision aformer a socially engineer “neutral” languagewithwhichallSpanishspeakers intheUSandbeyond of contractsforthecirculation ofproducts intheregion. by bidirectionalto atransnationaldimensioncharacterized televisual flows, given thediversity existing between Latin andUScompanies (Gómez,American Miller, &Dorcé, 2014). We refer ofcollaborationandownership These separationsbecomelesstimelyinlightofthemany forms (2014) observe, tural, racial, (e.g. andpoliticaltrajectory Oboler, 1995; Dávila, 2001). As DávilaandRivero a commonlanguage, legacyandeconomic, differences ofhistorical important ignoring cul- itselfattempttohomogenizenews highlydiverse industry groupsofpeopleonthebasis Hispanic” substantialcriticisms, audiencehasgarnered namelythatthemarket labelandthe programming intheUS. Profits notwithstanding, themarket-based conceptofa “pan- Cisneros thelargestindependentproducer Studiosiscurrently ofSpanish-language “Pan-Hispanic” massmediacompaniessuchasCisneros Media, Telemundo, andUnivision yo conlaaudiencia comunicarte sientoquealmenos enlosEstadosUnidostú logras tiene unacentodemasiadofuerte; yo nosélo quedice.’ que Entonceslaúnicaforma … Hay que me han dicho:acento también es importante personas ‘Ay, ese presentador en algunospaíses, sonunaofensay, porejemplo, paramiculturanosignifican nada. El Tienes quetenermucho cuidadoconelvocabulario que usas, porque hay palabras que, everyone.] Your accenthastobeadjustedsothatitnoidentityyet allows you toidentifywith you speakyou don’t have you ofinflectiontypicaltheregion any sort comefrom. achieve aneutralaccent. Itmeansthatyou shouldn’t hangonthewords, sothatwhen is eithervery Cubanorvery Argentine orvery Peruvian oreven very Mexican, to (where) you gothrough afilter(…)sothatyou donothave amarked accentthat [Linguistic homogenization, but overall, news programs are linguisticlaboratories, contodos. identificarte dad pero quetepermite dedonde vienes.región Hay queajustarloparaseaunacentonotengaidenti- momento quenotengasesetipodeinflexionescuandohablas quesonpropias dela inclusive, un acento neutral. paralograr Implicaquenocuelgueslaspalabras, de marcado queseaomuy cubanoomuy omuy argentinoomuy mexicano peruano delingüística,ratorios (donde)pasasporunfiltro […]paraquenotengas unacento Homogeneización en el plano lingüístico, pero sobre todo los noticieros sonlabo - atthelevelAmerica ofproduction, circulation, andconsumption. in ways thattendedtodownplay connectionsbetween LatinoandLatin theintricate in their analyses, clearly separating the two and populations in their studies regions Traditionally, have scholars tendedtosplitLatinoandLatin mediaindustries American  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 89 (cited in Valencia &Lynch, 2016, p. 177) (p. 2) (p. ­ Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 regional exportability.regional pronunciation, anda “standard” lexiconwere indexicalofqualityandseriousness, andhenceof considered aneutralaccentkeythe secondhalfof20thcentury tosuccess: “clear” diction, Valencia &Lynch, 2016). Latin dubbingcompaniescompetingforprevalence American during aimedatSpanishspeakersbefore intheUS(Jarvinen, theexistenceofamedia industry 2012; of production and circulation ofaneutralSpanishgenerateddebatesinLatin well America oforigin” (Melia,to countries 2005). Spanish intheUSsuggests, forsome, ofanationalethnicidentitythatisnolongertied thebirth configuration ofanethnicidentitywithinthenationalterritory: “The emergenceof aneutral language intheHispanicmediaproclaims aswell communication asitsmainpurpose the US Hispanicnetwork wastoproduce trying “a neutral television.” The ideology ofstandard Telemundo President James McNamara (1999–2005)explainedinapress statementthatthe Colombia and Telemundo, basedinMiami. At thattime, itwas statedthat, Argentine accentbefore filmingthetelenovela Te voy, aenseñaramar produced by RTI of (see Woolard, 2008). For example, Argentine actor MichelBrown was trainedtoeliminatehis mobilizesan enterprise “anonymous” voice, ofplaceornation allegedlyunidentifiable interms andspeakers from inMiami’sThe coincidenceofactors different countries transnationalmedia Leticia ElHalliObeid: somethingthatis,ing familiar inessence, alien, necessarily asemphasizedby the Argentine artist and identitiesattheperceptualcharacter thatwould level, transcendnationalboundaries mak- The “neutral accent” isnotaninvention oftheUSHispanicmedia, however. The topic US Hispanicmarket, where there are asmany accentsasSpanishfrom different countries. Spanish-language television channel that seeks to increase the audience in the lucrative Brown’s todisguisehis careful effort ofanew policyofthe Argentine toneispart have toaskyou where you’re from becausethey can’t managetoidentifyyour accent.] recommend thatyou toreduce your try accent, have goodpronunciation, sothatpeople youthey trust andbelieve thatyou’re knowledgeable. Butforthenew generation, they communicate withyour audience withaheavy accent, atleastintheUnitedStates, isif an accent; Idon’t know what(s)he’s saying.’ Sotheonlyway thatIthinkyou’re able to … important There are peoplewhohave toldme: ‘Oh, hastoostrong thatreporter of are offensive,in somecountries but in my culture don’t mean anything. Accent is also [You have tobevery careful withthevocabulary you use, becausethere are words that porque distinguirdedóndeestuacento. nologran buena pronunciación, te tengan que preguntar y que las personas de dónde tu eres para las nuevas generaciones, te recomiendan tratar de disminuir tu acento, tener una es si ellos confían en ti y creen que con tú un tienesconocimiento.acento fuerte Pero otherness andhowotherness itispossible tobecomeacquaintedwiththeunknown. ceptual trick, andifwe pay we attentiontothat artifice candiscover how we relate to Neutral iswhatwe cannotdistinguish becauseitistoofamiliar. Itistherefore aper- 6 An attemptwas orlocal madetoforgealanguage without aregional Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch 90 (Artman, 2015) (Melia, 2005) (2012) Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 linked toprofitability. 2012). Legitimacy, assuch, andsocioculturalprestige underscoresaspecificityofhistorical ininequalitiesconnectedtothe marketplaceingrained (seeDávila, 2001; Lippi-Green, tity that, asportrayed by theHispanictelevision networks, displays amobilityofresources entails exclusions.a variety Media conglomerates use it to convey an ethnolinguistic iden- withrespectone variety toothers. Inotherwords, anonymous, althoughpurportedly such linked toevaluations ofanidealaudience, impliesovervaluation aprocess thatnecessarily of The perception ofasupposedlyneutralSpanishthatmust prevail intelevision products is tive andnormative innature dictatedby themarketplace (Woolard, 2007; Del Valle, 2007). apparatusofrepresentation,ideological we candiscover several processes- thatare prescrip presents itselfasananonymousandtherefore voice devoid withoutadefinable origin ofan variety. dimensions of the market, the prevalence scrutinizing of a standard Mexican (or Mexican-like) linguistic resources that are ofthenational, indexical of theintersection transnational, andglobal In whatfollows, we willexplore theconnectionbetween “neutral Spanish” andthemobilityof “­pan-Hispanic”: inthemarket meantthatthetelevision standard ofMexicobecame ucts ofMexicanorigin the accentofthatcountry, asdidthetelenovelas madethere. The consolidationoftheseprod- El HalliObeid’s observation regards thatchildren’s thefact animated filmsinMexicoretained thought thatMexicanissues dominated nationalnews shows; non-CubanMiamiLatinos tion intelevision news programs, (non-Mexican) Hughes (2018)foundthatmostparticipants interests ofthediverse USLatinopopulation. Inextensive focus-groupstudies ofrepresenta- financed,enterprises produced, tothe primarily andmadeby LatinosintheUSandoriented resulted presence inanegligible ofreal ethnictelevision, by whichwe meanlocalHispanic themselvescompanies toinsert inthiscompetitive endeavor ledby has transnationalactors audience remained Mexican—there andintheUS. media The limitedcapacityofmigrant the1980sand1990sresulted inanextendedmarket,to theUSduring whiletheprimary The potential for expansion found in the increased flow from of immigrants Latin America Mexican networks, Televisa and Azteca México, gave toHispanictelevision intheUS. birth relevance ofotherconglomerates). (althoughcontestedby therise Indeed, themostpowerful Mexican television products throughoutin Latin the20thcentury anditscurrent America atthenationallevel;ponderance ofspeakers ofMexicanorigin and(2)thepreeminence of Sociolinguistic prestige inUS Hispanic mediaisrelated factors: totwo material 1)thepre- Although neutral Spanish tries toassumetherole ofalinguafranca,Although neutralSpanishtries whichostensibly ing appearanceofprivate cable. thatwere North series broadcastAmerican onnetwork television, before thedevastat- 8, whichhadimmensepopularity, but alsothankstodubbinginthemovies andthe Mexican accentandvocabulary notonlythankstothetelenovelas andElChavo del throughout thecontinent.Spanish becamethenorm We grew accustomedtothe the USAandSpanish-speaking America, withsomuch preeminence thatMexican between theproductionMexico becamethebridge offilmandtelevision madein The apparent Mexican natureThe Spanish neutral of  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 91 (El HalliObeid, 2012) Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 Cabrera explainedtousthat, guistically homogenize theseproducts ordoestheproduction not pay attentiontothisaspect? ofSpanishispresented tolin- variety insoapoperasandotherproducts? Isthere any criterion such asRoxanna, aired by Univision andUniMás(owned by Univision Communications): What the Mexicanmediastandard. We posedthefollowing questionstoCabrera, aproducer ofshows thatlikely variety indexesof theSpanishlanguageimpliescommodificationaparticular in Miami’s pan-Hispanictelevision industry, tousthatthetransnational mobility alsoaffirmed is notaproblem] (citedin Valencia & Lynch, 2016, p. 181). Alain Cabrera, aveteran professional channels obviously the predominant market is Mexican, so in that sense the Mexican intonation mexicana noesunproblema” [Itisnotthatthey erasetheiridentity, especiallyonthenational obviamente elmercado predominante esmexicano, entoncesenesesentidosílaentonación responded that, suidentidad,“No esqueestéborrando ysobre todoenloscanales nacionales asked himhow Mexicantelevision professionals adjusttheiraccentintheMiamiindustry, he works hire dictioncoaches, freelancers, whoare andactors usuallyfrom Mexico. When we based inthereality oftheUSHispanicmediascape. Herecognized thatnationalHispanicnet- is supposedly “pan-Hispanic” (Fridmann, 2015). readers demonstratedtheresistance totheimpositionofatelevision anddiscursive modelthat SantosatUniMáswereand Enrique canceled, ofcomments madeby HuffingtonPost aseries public.disagreement For example, whentheshows ofZuleyka Rivera, Roxanna Castellanos, have statedthesame (Artman,of Mexicanorigin 2015). Audiences alsosometimesmake this againstduetoaccentandethnicity(América discriminated TeVé Miami, 2015), andsomeactors In Miami’s globalsoap-operaindustry, complainaboutbeing Cubanartists recently arrived Hughes statedthat, tended tothinkthatlocalshows inMiamiwere toofocusedonCubaandUS–Cubarelations. Indeed, Alvarado’s previously citedclaimof “neutral homogeneity” mightnotactually be the typeof ‘talent’ tobeused. programs, imposedby thenetwork, isacriterion ordersregarding whichsendsstrict equally censored. This criterion, although decided by casting directors or producers of opera. Even theColombianaccent, whichis much ‘smoother’ andmore correct, is like theDominican, RicanorCubancannotappear onthescreen inasoap Puerto impose oreven propose touseanaccentthatisnotMexican. More tropical accents of LatinosintheUnitedStatesisfrom Mexico. to Itiscompletelyforbiddentotry accusation ofracismordiscrimination. The reasons are thatthelargestpopulation a Mexicanaccent. The euphemismof ‘neutral’ isusedtoeliminateany possibilityof andinviolably ofSpanish thatismandatorily demandedisSpanishwith The variant perceived innews. exclusionordenigration inperceptionswide variation andsometimesresentments regarding groups’ particular culturally distantnews representations may divide Latino/as. This research suggests of Latino/anews,of audienceinterpretations but participants’ dialogues suggestthat nationally embeddedsocialhierarchies. There hasbeenlittleresearch intotheeffects US Spanish-languagenews according totheirsubjective positioninginlocallyand relate to immigrants population…[F]irst-generation ity withinaLatino/amajority status,with nationalorigin, immigration class, race, andgender, inflectedby local- In Miami, news representations can elicit strong differences aligned in interpretation Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch 92 7 (2018, pp. 60–61) Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 specific registers, varieties, genres” (p. 47). (p. 47). Hence, inequality, arguesBlommaert, isnotorganized “around languagesingeneralbut guage resources, andpeople’s repertoires ofresources, play withinthisshifting, uneven world” globalization’s tounderstanding seems crucial sociolinguisticinequalities; “the roles thatlan- to consolidateanddominatemarkets. (2010) terms What Blommaert “mobility ofresources” bothin thenationalandlocalmediascapes, astelevisionics re-territorialize networks attempt of Spanish from variants Univisionexclusion ofparticular reflects how global economic dynam- ically traceableisreassessed linguisticvariants alongideological, political, andculturallines. The cially thosedesignedandintendedas “pan-Hispanic,” theindexical value- oflocalandgeograph carefully neutral—pan-Latino, notnoticeably Mexican” (Finnegan, 2015). remarked that, “His Englishisfluent, ifstrongly accented. HisSpanish, on-air, particularly is of theNew Yorker who named Ramos article “The manwhowould notsitdown” [to Trump], of Univision thattargetsUSEnglish-speakingLatinos. Interestingly, the Anglophone author mid-1980s. Inlate2013, RamoslaunchedanEnglish-languageshow onFusion TV, anoffspring news, produced andbroadcast from inMiami, itsmainfacilities where Ramoshaslived sincethe issuesconcerning Current Trump’s policiescontinue togeneratemuch ofUnivision’s national New Yorker that, article presidential candidateDonald Trump forposingaquestionoutofturn, ina Ramosaffirmed lead anchor. Following hisphysical removal from an August 2015press conference withthen- dent initscoverage and, inparticular, intheopenpoliticalstanceofRamos, itshighlycelebrated areas afteranearthquake to save lives; itwas usedbythe1985disaster. first theMexicanpress during watch?v=Dfx1rRMXsgA). “Topo” isthenamegiven torescuersthatpenetratethemostinaccessible when realizing thattheterm “topo” may by notbeunderstood allviewers (www.youtube.com/ are watching thisoutsideMexico, thosewhodon’t know whatoneis, you are a ‘mole’], heasked los quenosabenquéesuno, túeres untopo” [The ‘moles’, whatdothey do?—forthosewho using theirdialect, “Los ‘topos’, ¿quéhacen?—paralosqueestoestállegandofueradeMéxico, para those of Mexico City, his birthplace. of rescuers in the streets, Ramos interviewed brigades various of Ramos’ of linguistic identification in terms emerged as a form accent and lexical choices, i.e. physically asitplacedthenews staffonthesceneofnaturaldisaster. withthevictims Solidarity ofthenetwork’sfaces withMexicans. solidarity Univision’s identificationwithMexicowas shown City. onthetragedyinsitufrom Reporting Mexico, RamosandSalinas, incasualattire, were the coverage Mexicanaccentduring oftheSeptember2017earthquake inMexico characteristically (who recently left Univision after 36 years) is recognizably of Mexican origin. Ramos intensified his The SpanishusageoflongtimeNoticiero UnivisionJorge anchors RamosandMaríaElenaSalinas national, andlocaltelevisual spaces. Thus far, we have approached two the first dimensions. The controversial “neutral accent” isreassessed through itsapplication inthetransnational, In sum, within the context of cross-border mobility of Spanish language mediascapes, espe- In general, Univision’s andcross-border withLatino(im)migrants politicsisevi- solidarity sented politically, thatrole foruswillrecede. immigrant. That’s ouraudience, andpeopledependonus. When we are betterrepre- on immigration, healthcare, anything. ButatUnivision it’s different. We are pro-­ You wouldn’t expect ABC, orany ofthemainstream networks, totake aposition The UnivisionThe Miami mediascape  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 93 (Finnegan, 2015) Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 ment they target incitiessuchasNew York, Phoenix, Houston, Los Angeles, etc. modify—and are expectedtomodify—theirown Spanishinaccordance withthemarket seg- respond realities tothedemographic ofamore immediatemarket. actively Localreporters In effect, Evora pointsoutthatinlocalnews productions, network “neutral” Spanishmust into thegoalofastandard Spanish. Evora recalled that, a localUnivision affiliatein Texas, where shewas required Mexicanlexicalvariants tointegrate ity withMexicanSpanish. Evora whileworking recounted asananchorfor thesameexperience requests posedby- herextentofexposure thechiefnewswas toandfamiliar editors todescribe Phoenix and applying for jobs at the local stations of Univision and Telemundo, one of the first of thepresent author(Valencia, ofCubanorigin), whoworked asajournalist. While living in andwriters, but outwithjournalists alsofrom theprofessional experience carried interviews withMexicanvariants. requirejournalists familiarity This observation comesnotonlyfrom speakers.of Hispanicorigins, led by Incitieslike CubansandotherCaribbean-origin Phoenix, population ofDallas, andPhoenixhasjustover 40%, adiverse mosaic whileMiamicomprises news ofSpanish. inasimilarvariety For instance, Mexicans constitute47%oftheHispanic population imposesasecondchallenge, asonegoesabout conceptualizingatargetaudience. production and is the voice ofinstitutionalspokespersons. The diversity of the Spanish-speaking ifthey areguage mastery tosucceedintheindustry, asEnglishconstitutesthe languageofdailynews Evora intheUSare pointsoutthatSpanish-languagenews obliged reporters tohave Englishlan- andraisedinCuba,born explained, local Univision news program. In what follows, we of a neutral Spanish in will Noticias explore23, the pertinence Miami’s Local Univision channels in cities of large Hispanic populations do not consistently deliver Asked whileworking aboutherown forUnivision experience in Texas, LizEvora, whowas chose tosay, ‘ice cream orwhatsome know assnow’]. ing ‘snow,’ andI said tomyself, ‘I cannot say snow becauseice cream is not snow.’ So I So, Iwas abouttalkingsomethingthathad very concerned ‘ice cream,’ andsay - [For Mexicansicecream, whatIcallicecream, they callit ‘snow.’ Butsnow issnow. nieve.’ Entoncesyo decía, ‘helado olo que algunosconocencomonieve’. ‘helado’, ydecir ‘nieve’, yyo (me)decía, ‘no puedodecirnieve porque heladonoes nieve essnow. Entonces, amímepreocupaba mucho hablar deunanoticia quetuviera Para losmexicanos elhelado, loqueyo llamohelado, ellosledicen ‘nieve’. Pero esque ing itintoSpanishyou have tobearinmindwhoyour audienceis]. youbecause first have tohave agoodcommandofEnglish, but thenwhenyou’re translat- so that’s challenge. thefirst You have totake itfrom EnglishtoSpanish, secondchallenge, Spanish, is a challenge. When you’re in theUS the news is generated in English, a journalist que tenerencuentaquiénestuaudiencia. intheUS, [Beingajournalist especiallyin buen control, dominio del inglés, pero después cuando estás llevándolo al español tienes Tienes quellevarlo delinglésalespañol, segundoreto, porque tienesquetener primero dista enEstadosUnidoslasnoticiassongeneradasinglés, reto. entonceseseeselprimer enlosEstadosUnidos,Ser periodista sobre todoenespañol, esunreto.- Cuandoeres perio Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch 94 (Artman, 2015) (Artman, 2015) Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 because it does not correspond totherealitybecause itdoesnotcorrespond ofspaceswithmobilecontents” (2012, p. 5). standard ofalanguage, (whichisonlyavariety even ahigherstatus)losesmeaning ifgranted tion ofastandard thatimposesitselfasamodelofprestige. That istosay, “the ideaofauniform therecogni thatthecoincidenceof multiple ofalanguageincityspacehinders varieties siders - finance” ofglobalizationasisinternational large citiesisasmuch apart (1996, p. 206). processes through whichglobalizationexistsandtoarguethatmuch ofthemulticulturalism in role of major cities, thatthisconcept Sassen affirmed “allows usto recover theconcrete, localized it”? Inherconsiderationofwhy “place” oftheglobalizing isfundamentaltoanunderstanding to respond toSassen’s (1996)provocative toglobalization: questionpertaining “Whose cityis How do the linguistic features of the local mediascape generated by Univision in Miami appear does thelocalaffiliateaccommodateapopulationfrom allover theSpanish-speakingworld? context of migration andlocal Spanish-languagesuperdiversity.context ofmigration Parera,Fernández 2017), andaheightenedmetalinguisticconsciousness conditionedby the when contrastedwithotherLatin inthecity(cf. varieties &Callesano,American Carter 2018; profession. Evora’s evaluation perception ofherown bothaself-critical infers Cubanvariety more “pan-Hispanic” or “neutral” Spanish, helpinghertoachieve desired mobilitywithin the ting tobecomeaSpanish-language journalist, accommodationtoa inthatthecityfacilitates ing] (Artman, 2015). For thisreason, Evora isconvinced thatMiamiconstitutes theidealset- that exist, onefindsher/hisown andmodifiesher/hisway identityinthiscountry ofspeak- en quehabla”modifica laforma to notice the different accents and begins [whenone arrives diferentes acentosque hay, entoncesuno encuentra su propia identidaddentro de este país y fromlocutors CentralandSouth America, cuentadelos “cuando unollegayempiezaadarse and inter - byexplained that she accommodates her Spanish so as to be understood friends mass mediainLos Angeles hasadoptedMexicanSpanishasthestandard (pp. 221–222). totheUS,migrants proximity geographical toMexico, thattheSpanish-language andthefact in Miami). Sheexplainsthatsuchconvergence isaresult ofthecontinuous flow ofMexican regard toborrowings from Englishandfrom MexicanSpanish(cf. Lynch, 2017amongCubans addressed the coincidence between monolingual and bilingual speakers in Los Angeles with a predominantly Mexicanpopulationhasunquestionably leftitsimprint. Parodi (2011)also acquire indailyinteractionsaspecificLos immigrants ofSpanishonwhich Angeles variety Hondurans, etc.) accommodatetheirspeechtoLAVS beyond the homesetting. That istosay, characteristics. Sheobserved (e.g. thatLatin totheregion immigrants American Salvadorans, LAVS MexicanSpanishdialectsbut withitsown onrural isakoiné unique basedprincipally (or LAVS), thatasimilarsituationdoesnotexistinMiami. we canaffirm Parodi arguedthat out by Parodi (2004)hasproposed theexistenceofaparticular “Los Angeles Vernacular Spanish” Los Angeles (seeRaymond inChapter14ofthisvolume) are illustrative. While research carried volume) andNew York (see Varra inChapter4ofthisvolume), aswell asCentral in Americans (seeMoreno-Fernández inChapter2ofthis The casesofLatin inMadrid immigrants American speakers’immigrant accommodationtowhatthey perceive ofMiamiSpanish. asalocalvariety ofSpanish—aswellwithinthosedifferent leadto varieties variants varieties—might asparticular city. Following Caravedo’s (2010, 2012)logic, linguisticawareness duetocontactwithother and theglobal, flows from migratory andtoward whichexpresses itselfinthepermanent the we observe alocalmediascapethatishighlyindexicalofthecomplexentanglement multiple interactandreverberate variants indailylife, affectingeachother. Caravedo’s conclusionsare highlyrelevant tothelinguisticreality ofMiami, aspaceinwhich Conceptualizing urban immigrant settings in terms of settingsinterms Conceptualizing urbanimmigrant “mental space,” Caravedo (2012)con- Univision news inMiami?How Spanishbestcharacterize varieties—of What variety—or Nevertheless, inMiami, acitywhere CubansconstituteabouthalfofSpanishspeakers, Evora  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 95 10

9 InSouthFlorida, 8

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 the latterbeing themostfrequent. field, aperceptible Rican, hence rendering Puerto Dominican, Venezuelan, orCubanidentity, by theseanchors. isobserved inthe amongUnivision Noticias23 reporters A similar pattern improvised monologue, ordialogue thaninscripted commentary i.e. are read whennews stories speech. ofnormative Caribbean be characteristic We notethatthis feature ismore frequent in /s shouldbeimperceptible (or speaker to sinceaspirationappears “neutral”) totheCaribbean For both Terrell (1979)andLafford (1986), aspiration(but notdeletion)ofsyllable- orword-final Mayo Azze remarked thefollowing (we noteinstancesof/s Azze, bothof Cuban background, conversed about the Las Vegas massacre oftheprevious night. 2, edition, 2017afternoon thelocalUnivision 23anchors and Ambrosio Hernández Alina Mayo events. current commentspontaneouslyonparticular when anchors For example, ontheOctober (Terrell, 1979; Lafford, 1986; Lynch, 2009a). ofSpanish varieties tendencyisnormativeThis phonological inCubanandotherCaribbean ofSpanish, variety standard Caribbean e.g. withfrequent aspirationbut littledeletionoffinal/s ard, are thoseofadecidedly ofmany and reporters localanchors characteristics thephonological local Univision 23(like local Telemundo 51)evidentlyaSpanishlexical pursues “neutral” stand- news shows (whichwe watched systematicallyforthepresent purpose), even ifnuanced. Although prosody andaccent, atleast Caribbean—or prevail“Caribbean-like”—variants inUnivision local expanded multicultural(cf. market incontentterms Hughes, 2018). Yet, oflanguage interms events awidervisionofcurrent integrate inLatin andtheCaribbean, toan America catering 2003) inmulticultural citiesintensifiestheaffective Hispanicgroups. vacuum amongminority in Miami. The limitedpresence ofSpanishethnicmedia(inthesenseexplainedby MoraJiménez, interests andhomelandculturalnorms” (p. 301); thisgeneralfinding Hughes(2018)reconfirmed tural codesandnews topicsembeddedinUSSpanish-languagetelevision andtheirinformational displacementwhenwatching becauseofthedifferencesexperienced between thedominantcul- Sabogal (2014)concludedthat, whowere“Spanish-speaking immigrants notfrom CubaorMexico mediascape, astudyonmediaasaffective co-presence inMiamiundertaken by Aranda, Hughes, and linguistic dimension(Valencia, 2018). Regarding thisseeminglyCubanpreeminence inthelocal 1990s onward) Cubaconstitutesameaningfuldailylifereferent, forwhomcurrent includingthe generations(from que Yes the thelatestCubanmigratory tunighttargetprincipally andEstanoche and producers whomaintainstrong tiestotheisland, in Miami. arrive Late-nightshows like Seguro mediascape flows locallyandtranslocallyaslaterCubanémigrés, are experienced includingartists on theMiamistations América TeVé andMega TV. how They Spanish languagetelevisual describe have commented upon the of Cuban Spanishon local late-night talk shows“re-territorialization” ofSpanishlanguageuseinthelocalMiamimassmedia.the particularities Valencia andLynch (2016) language usageonlocaltelevision programs. To date, there isvery littleresearch on orcommentary In search ofinclusiveness, localUnivision and Telemundo news programs inMiamitendto This leadsustothematterofhow thisglobalphenomenonoflocalscopemanifestsitselfin the peopleIsaw walking alongthestreets were atthisconcert]. Friday, andIwas impressed whenIwoke andrealized thatmany upthismorning of [Well, Ambrosio, Iwas onvacation lastweek. Iwas inLas Vegas on Thursday and eran ene[h]teconcierto. queyopensar quemucha[h] dela[h]personas vicaminandoh]callese[ porla[h]tuvi- e[h Bueno Ambrosio, y e[h ]taba enLa[h ] Vegas e[h]tamañanasaberoquizá[h] eimpresionante cuandodesperté ]tando devacaciones la semanapasada, eljueve[h Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch 11 This feature discourse, ismore evident inoff-script 96 / aspirationwith[h h ] yvierne[ ]): ] yo yo ] /. /. Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 in a personal interview thatthelocalstationdoesnotemphasizeneutralizationofaccents: interview in apersonal (localanchors),the Caribbean respectively. ofMexico(nationalnews and anchors) nunciation andcadencespecifictotheeducatednorm Univision nationalandlocalnews, ofthepro- characteristic there emergesatraceable pattern significantlyfromdiffers thatwhichisheard ineducatedspeech]. We notethatwithregard to habla culta” (p. 75) [the pronunciation of media professionals, according to the statistical data, alosdatosestadísticos,conforme difiere demanerasignificativa delaqueseescuchaenel standard.Spanish written Yet, Ávila (2003) concludes that “la pronunciación de los medios, media.language international According tothisauthor, mediatendtofollow international the likely related notonlytoaccent but also tootherlexical, syntactic, anddiscursive features. observed insomelocalUnivision news reports. Hence, is the perceptual matterofconcern (see Lynch, 2017). Suchisalsothecaseof “aplicar” (>Englishtoapply,“solicitar”), whichwe intogeneralSpanish useacross MiamiduetosocietalcontactwithEnglishincorporated that someofthewords mentionedby ourinterviewee (e.g. “accesar,” “oficial”) have been suchasabsenceofdefinitearticles.and English-influencedsyntactic patterns Itisnoteworthy to access, “acceder”), calquessuchas “oficial” (>Englishofficial, “agente oefectivo policial”), there]. Inhisopinion, thissituationconditionsuseofborrowings like “accesar” (>English air. Even insidethestationEnglishisheard more thanSpanishamongthepeoplewhowork trabaja allí” [it’s bettertospeakperfectEnglishthangoodSpanish, especiallyifyou’re onthe aire. Inclusodentro delcanalseescuchahablar másinglésqueespañolentre lagenteque Miami, “vale másquetengasunperfectoinglésbuen español, sobre todosisalesal frequent, asinEnglishlanguagesyntax. Inourinterviewee’s perception, forlocalUnivision reports; before nouns, theabsenceofarticles ofasentence, atthebeginning particularly was errors, errors, agreement …]. misuseofarticles We thisobservation insomenews confirmed …”los artículos [it’s notthatthey don’t speakSpanish fluently, ratherthere isalack, basic con fluidez, sinoquehay carencias, errores básicos, errores deconcordancia, demaluso theirlanguageabitmore,asked todescribe heobserved that, “no es que nohablen elespañol application: mechanical, apparently devoid ofinflection, rhythm, cadence, tone, etc. When camera appearancestheirvoices soundsimilartothecomputer-generated voice ofaGPS whoare second-generationSpanishspeakers,of somereporters meaningthatintheiron- numberthe greatest ofSpanish-speakingcountries. Healsoremarked uponthe “GPS accent” and always oftheRealAcademia, consultsthedictionary lookingforwords thatresonate in Nevertheless, thatasanews ourinterviewee writer, affirmed heuses “a standard Spanish” A writer forlocalUnivision Noticias23(whoaskedA writer toremain anonymous) commentedtous converge Spanish Our findingspartially by Ávila(2003)concerning withthosedescribed accent. Those whohave beenhere longercomplaintoeachother]. (from whohaven’t inside)sometimescomplainaboutrecent arrivals letgooftheir given tothequalityoflanguage, toaccent, tomaintaininganeutralaccent…People it’s minimal, thatitshouldbe. andnotofthesort Lately, notmuch attentionhasbeen from[The stationhires reporters everywhere. Iwould say thatifthey receive training, acento. Losquellevan mástiemposequejananivel personal. dentro) sequejanaveces delagenterecién llegadaquenosehandesprendido desu del usolenguaje, delacentocomotal, demantenerlobastanteneutro …(Desde es mínimoynoelquedeberíaser. Enlosúltimostiempossehadescuidadolacalidad El canalcontratalocutores detodosloslugares. Yo diríaquesireciben entrenamiento  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 97 12

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 (cf. rather ­ local and national contexts within the frameworkterizing of modernity, but they are castina perception tothefore. We would emphasizethattheseprocesses are thesameasthosecharac- languagesconverge—brings processes ofminoritized ers oflanguagevariation, change, and object. ena inwhichlanguage, aswe mentioned, asbothanactorand simultaneously participates The impactofglobalforces withinlocalcommunities andsettingsproduces “glocal” phenom- speakers towork intheSpanish-languagetelevision industry. second-orthird-generationOur interviewee ultimatelyquestionedthepracticeofhiring and globalimaginaries. wielded by themassmediatocaterspecificaudiences, which vary according tolocal, national, 2007). Inthisregard, Spanishlanguageconstitutesasociocultural, political, andeconomicforce voice, we (Woolard, observe practices in the mass media industry prescriptivist 2007; Del Valle, attempts toassumetherole oflinguafranca, whichostensibly presents itselfasananonymous (im)possibility ofahomogeneous pan-Hispaniccommunity. Although “neutral” Spanish ofSpanish usedatdifferentThe varieties scalesonthesametelevision network forefront the a pan-ethnicpopulationandfordifferentiation groups. amongitsdistinctive national-origin cal purposes). Spanishhasbecomebothaunifyingfeature/vehicle of fortheconformation ofcommunity,in theconstruction identity, (eitherforpoliticalorpracti- andboundaries resources are assesseddifferently by massmediaprofessionals inamulticultural city. scale, itsimpactonSpanishtelevision, andits mediascapes. Italsoshedslightonhow linguistic of evaluation. Ourinterviewee’s perception indexes languageanddialectcontactonthelocal tion; ratherthanuncanny andnottobeanobject mightexpecttosoundfamiliar thereporter - intonationrelated inthecontextofmigra tolanguagevariability is notindexicalofaparticular contextofSpanish-speakingMiami(cf.migratory Woolard, 2007). Consequently, suchanaccent jects the “GPS accent,” ofvoice thissort mightjustsound “neutral” withinthehighlydynamic comparable totheworld ofcomputer-generatedcommunication. Yet, whopro forthereporter - for Univision),a news writer sounds uncanny, the accent of the second-generation journalist ently: Spanishspeaker forthefirst-generation (e.g. ouranonymous interviewee whoworks as for unexpectedsociolinguisticeffects” (Blommaert, pp. 4–5). are evaluated Suchpatterns differ- are complementedby “translocal” languageuse, and “the combinationofbothoftenaccounts (Bloomaert, 2010)and, hence, oforders ofindexicality. “Sedentary” oflanguageuse patterns how the mobility ofpeople “also involves the mobility oflinguisticandsociolinguisticresources” “others” (Caravedo, 2010, 2012), including second-generationspeakers, leadustounderstand 2 1 Lynch, 2018). This sort of phenomenon—typical ofthe global city where differentThis sort generations of speak- Analysis oftelevision advances language ideologies therelevance of language useinmedia language TV networks Univision and Telemundo sparfortopratingswith ABC, CBS, FOX andNBC” NewYorkTimes recently recognized how in The “an English-speakingsuperpower, theSpanish- is indeclineaccording toanalystsduethenew regulations anddisclosure laws forforeign clients. in Florida’s financialandinsuranceindustries. of Miamifinance,The cornerstone traditionalbanking bankshave inthestate,Eighteen international headquarters andmore than351,000professionals work different light, ofindexicality, interms particularly orglobalera thepostmodern during 14 Considerationsofinnovative language usage and concomitantevaluation from/toward Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch Synthesis andconclusions Notes 98 13

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 up speakingtwo languages, andIhave lived inothercities, intheU.S., South America, andEurope. 2015). Inanon-airstatementregarding thecontroversy, that, sheaffirmed “I was luckyenoughtogrow Spanish speakers and natives say ‘Mess-uh,’” the station’s news director explained (Santos & Hauser, of thePhoenixsuburb Mesa, thethird largestcityin Arizona. “Locals pronounce it ‘May-suh,’ but many who was questionedby somelocalviewers for “rolling herRs” andforherSpanish-like pronunciation happen. The caseconcerned Vanessa Ruiz, ananchorforthelocalPhoenixNBCaffiliate12News, demonstrates how would marked socially and ideologically thelatterlinguisticpattern be, were itto names,nology whenpronouncing Spanish-origin etc. A recent controversy inPhoenix, Arizona, language news broadcasters incitiessuchasMiamiorLos Angeles donotuseSpanish-based pho- namesofpeopleandproductpronunciation brands, ofEnglish-origin etc., we notethatEnglish- inthe While Spanish-languageUnivision broadcasters generallyobserve norms Englishphonological Mexican-American, inLos born Angeles. national Noticiero Univision news alongwithJorge Ramosforthree decades, isasecond-generation We MaríaElenaSalinas, notethathighlycelebratedon-airpersonality whowas co-anchorof the have different stylesandnorms]. (network) forthegeneralmarket. …Ididtrainingwiththemon how towrite There they didindeed a cadaespacio. yestilosdiferentes”Ahí síteníannormas [Atthesametime, Itookatestforthenational parapasarlanacional…hiceunentrenamiento conellosparaescribir,hice unaprueba pero adecuado According toourinterviewee, tothelocal channel, contrary thenationalrequires training, “A suvez, for third-generation “early exile” groups. CubansinMiamivis-à-vis laterCubanimmigrant these speakers” (1982, p. 52). Lynch (2009a)explainedhow thisfeature takes significance onparticular tions … The mentalconnectionbetween andaspirationinspeechisstrong asibilantinorthography for tion” (p. 601). Inanotherstudy, Terrell observed that thisfeature appears “even speech situa- informal ofword-phonetic norm andsyllable-finalofaspira- /s/foreducatedmiddle-classspeakers issomesort Terrell (1979)concludedthatinCubanSpanish, Spanish, ofCaribbean asinothervarieties “clearly the in SouthFlorida, neitheronsocialnorlinguisticgrounds. the conceptofa “Latino/a” identitylabels identityhasnotdisplacedthepreference fornational-origin orheritage, oforigin i.e.with theircountries Colombian, Cuban, Nicaraguan, etc. Inourobservations, However, incontacthasnotaffectedspeakers’ suchinteractionoflinguisticvarieties self-identification the speaker endsupbeingadecisive elementinthedirection that(linguistic)changestake] (p. 1). tothemaccordingtification ofspeakers andthestatusconferred tothenew space, i.e. theconceptionof ción quetomanloscambios(lingüísticos)” [Theindividual’s plays afundamentalrole intheiden- origin nuevo espacioo, másbien, siendounelementodecisivo laconcepcióndelhablante termina enladirec- juega unpapelfundamentalenlaidentificacióndeloshablantes y el estado que se les otorga segúnel In thecontextofLatin urbanspaces,American Caravedo (2012)indicatesthat, delindividuo “El origen Our translationoftheSpanishoriginal. in Chileor Argentina, by Chileansandby Argentines” (Artman, 2015). Usually, they appeartohave beenmadeinMexico, but they are not. Currently, mostofthemare made neutral accentwhenwe hear, forexample, Discovery Channel documentaries. ChannelorHistory lutely different. The neutralaccenthasa musicality thatisalmostundetermined. We canidentifythe television produced actors there, that, affirms “The neutralaccent and the Mexican accent are abso- Barraza,Adriana aMexicanactress whonow works forpan-Hispanic inMiamiasanaccentinstructor dubbingcenter.ICAIC becameatemporary (González, 2014). With ateamthatbecame iconicofCubandubbing, ledby FrankGonzález, the suchasJapanese animemovies, series international whichcirculated globallyinthe1970sand1980s in the region. The ICAIC searched whose diction approximated for actors a “neutral accent” to dub itself inthedubbingmarketto insert despitethe preeminent positionof Venezuelans andMexicans For instance, theInstitutoCubanodel (ICAIC) Cinematográficos inHavana eIndustria tried Arte Some 213,000Haitiansreside Lauderdale-West intheMiami-Fort Palm Beachmetropolitan area. earthquake, but byhadfullyresumed (Semple, 2016deportation 2016). ofHaitiansintheUSwakeThe Obamaadministrationsuspendedthedeportation ofthe2010 decades. ofSouth numbers from Americans Argentina andPeru, forexample, have over alsoarrived thelasttwo Latin But thecurrent presence inMiamigoesbeyondAmerican immigrants, ideological aslarge the useofSpanishinUSbut alsoitsglobalreach inmassmedia. main causes, from thenewspaper mentionedimmigration Latin America, whichhasnotonlyexpanded (Romero, 2017www.nytimes.com/2017/08/23/us/spanish-language-united-states.h  The mass mediation of Spanish of inMiamiThe massmediation 99 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 Boswell, T.(1994). Beyer, S. (2015). Welcome toBrickell, Miami’s “Wall Street South”.Blommaert, J. Forbes, May 7, (2010). 2015. Thesociolinguisticsofglobalization. Retrieved Cambridge, from www. UK: University Press. Cambridge Ávila, R. (2003). Lapronunciación delespañol: Mediosdedifusiónmasiva culta. ynorma Nueva Revistade Artman, H. (2015). The mexicanizationof Walter Cronkite Spanish. University ofMiami. Retrieved from Ariyakula, S. (2016). Miami: A globalcity. HotelOnline, December28, 2016. Retrieved from www.hotel- Aranda, E. M., Hughes, S., &Sabogal, E. (2014). Makingalifeinmultiethnic Miami. of Immigration andtherise Appadurai, A.(1996). América TeVé. (2015). en medios hispanos. Susana Pérez discriminada Alvord, S., &Rogers, B. (2014). MiamiCubanSpanishvowels in contact. SociolinguisticStudies, Alvord, S. (2010b). MiamiCubanSpanishdeclarative intonation. StudiesinHispanicandLusophoneLinguistics, Alvord, S. (2010a). Variation inMiamiCubanSpanishinterrogative intonation. Hispania,93 234–252. 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Iactu- that changecanbedifficult, but it’s andover normal timeIknow thateverything intoplace.” falls She So yes, I dolike topronounce thingstheway certain they are meanttobepronounced. And Iknow The cubanizationandhispanicizationofmetropolitanMiami. Miami, FL: Cuban American Modernity atlarge:Modernity Cultural dimensionsofglobalization. Minneapolis, MN: University of Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch Variable perceptions of Spanish and English in Miami: guise A matched References 100 mrc eé Miami, TeVéAmérica July 16, 2015. 8, 139–170.

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