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The Routledge Handbook of Spanish in the Global City the Mass This article was downloaded by: 10.3.98.104 On: 24 Sep 2021 Access details: subscription number Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: 5 Howick Place, London SW1P 1WG, UK The Routledge Handbook of Spanish in the Global City Andrew Lynch The mass mediation of Spanish in Miami Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315716350-4 Marelys Valencia, Andrew Lynch Published online on: 25 Jul 2019 How to cite :- Marelys Valencia, Andrew Lynch. 25 Jul 2019, The mass mediation of Spanish in Miami from: The Routledge Handbook of Spanish in the Global City Routledge Accessed on: 24 Sep 2021 https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315716350-4 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR DOCUMENT Full terms and conditions of use: https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/legal-notices/terms This Document PDF may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproductions, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The publisher shall not be liable for an loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch The mass mediation of Spanish in Miami 3 THE MASS MEDIATION OF SPANISH IN MIAMI Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch Introduction For Sassen (2005), world cities are entangled in the clashes of modernity; global cities, on the other hand, represent the emergence of transnational urban systems in the postmodern era, in which national sovereignty is diminished. However, the shrinking of nation-state regulatory capacities does not mean that the global materializes outside of it. In fact, “the global material- izes by necessity in specific places, and institutional arrangements, a good number of which, if not most, are located in national territories” (Sassen, 2005, p. 32). The global, the national, and the local participate in a new global order, not necessarily through exclusion. Miami is a prime example of this process. As a hub of commercial, financial, and migratory flows between the US, Caribbean, and Central and South America, Miami has climbed 6 spots in the A.T. Kearney Global Cities Index since 2012, to its present rank as 30th among the world’s global cities in the prestigious firm’s 2018 report. Perhaps one of Miami’s most meaningful characteristics as a global city is its evolving Spanish-language “mediascape.” Coined by Appadurai (1996) as one of various “scapes” that characterize globalization, mediascapes constitute “the distribution of the electronic capabilities to produce and disseminate information (newspapers, magazines, television stations, and film- production studios),” and “the images of the world created by these media” (p. 35). Mediascapes are not a new dimension, yet the contemporary reach and intensity of media flows is unprec- edented. These images create the scripts of “imagined lives,” in the form of metaphors “that could become prolegomena to the desire for acquisition and movement” (pp. 35–36). Language ideologies and linguistic usage travel through those images, creating “scripts” for the construc- tion of borders, communities, and selves. What we term the “mass mediation” of language is not a novel phenomenon, since the mass media have always constituted a vehicle-site of legitima- tion of national standard languages and one of the authorities or institutions that unify social forms, promoting the homogeneity required for the maintenance of the state. Yet, in view of the increasing intensity and disjunction of mediatic, ethnic, financial, and ideological flows intrinsic to globalization (Appadurai, 1996), language enters into another dimension of legitimacy that is not completely determined by the state (Heller & Duchêne, 2012). We suggest in this chapter that mediascapes provide special insight into the territorializa- tion of global linguistic phenomena and their perception, as linguistic repertoires travel across scales in the mass media. Language usage as constructed and (re)produced in the media offers a 73 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 Marelys Valencia and Andrew Lynch window into how global cities such as Miami become key articulators of global processes. After describing Miami’s situation as a global city and the more local patterns of Spanish language use and sociolinguistic variation in South Florida, we explore the notions of mobility, indexicality, and “glocal” identities inherent in a “neutral” Spanish for mass media purposes, as evidenced in Miami’s growing pan-Hispanic television industry. Miami as a global city Since its inception in the late 19th century, South Florida has evolved very differently than other regions of the US South (Carter & Lynch, 2018b). Sicius (1998) observed that upon its founding, as the Spanish–American War loomed ominously on the southern horizon, Miami already appeared politically and economically bound up with the fate of Cuba and other nations to the south: With foreign [Spanish] agents off its coast, contraband in its harbors, refugees on its streets and arms merchants checking into its hotels, Miami, in its first year of exist- ence, had already realized the significance of its emotional and geographic proximity to Cuba. (Sicius, 1998, p. 11) Throughout the 20th century, Cuban political exiles from both the left and right wings took refuge in Miami; indeed, Fidel Castro spent 90 hours in Miami in 1955 to seek funding and support from the resident dissident community for his overthrow of two-time presi- dent Fulgencio Batista (Elfrink, 2010). Until Castro’s takeover in 1959, economic exchange between Havana and Miami was highly fluid and dynamic. Some 40,000 Cubans visited the Magic City annually during the 1940s, increasing to nearly 50,000 per year during the 1950s (Pérez, 1999, p. 435). From the early 1960s and through the 1990s, the “Cubanization” and subsequent “Hispanicization” of Miami (Boswell, 1994) was concomitant with the expansion of Spanish language use in all aspects of the city’s life, both public and private. As Miami grew, Spanish language use grew, and vice-versa. Perhaps for this reason, Miami’s “global” character is some- what different than that of other US cities included in the present volume, in the sense that cultural phenomena related to Spanish language, migration, and mass media have figured more prominently in the globalization of urban South Florida than in other metropolitan areas, such as Los Angeles and New York. In this section, we consider a few key features of Miami as a global city. Finance Tourism, real estate development, banking, digital technology, and health care constitute the cornerstones of Miami’s economy, ranked by WalletHub as the 18th most diversified economy among 350 US cities. The expansion of Miami as a global business center is principally owed to its geographic proximity and cultural connections to Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as its tax policies. The emergence of Miami’s Brickell neighborhood as what has been called the “Wall Street of Latin America” responds to the city’s ethnic diversity, which “has been the biggest factor in making it a financial center” (Beyer, 2015). The Cuban exile population increasingly attracted South Americans escaping political and economic instability. Unlike other important 74 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 19:03 24 Sep 2021; For: 9781315716350, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315716350-4 The mass mediation of Spanish in Miami urban centers in the US where Spanish is spoken, Miami has become a place where Spanish matters for business, something that seems natural as investors from Argentina, Colombia, and Venezuela move their capital into Brickell’s banks and real estate. In this area, there are 141 commercial banks with $140 billion in assets and a growing private sector with more than 160 firms.1 Even though Latin American money accounts for 70% of the buying market, Russians and European nationals are also important. While exact numbers concerning capital investment in real estate in Florida are unknown, one in four homes are sold to overseas buyers, situating the city in first place nationally for its ratio of foreign sales (Frank, 2012). Russians, for example, have spent hundreds of millions of dollars on waterfront properties in recent years, making Miami the “Russian Riviera” (Frank, 2012). Instability in Russia and Ukraine have contributed to this capital and human flow to Miami, yet the weakness of the US dollar over the last decade following the 2008 recession should also be taken into account. Indeed, the real estate market has been favored by global factors like the economic slowdowns in the US and China (Ariyakula, 2016). Similar to the Russians, Chinese buy- ers continue to increase in light of the depreciation of the Yuan (Ariyakula, 2016). Besides Miami’s financial institutions and real estate surge, the city is known globally for its international airport and tourism industry. Miami International Airport (MIA) is first among US airports in international freight, third in international passengers, and fourth in total cargo (miami-airport.com). In 2017, almost 22 million foreign passengers either embarked or dis- embarked at MIA, while 23 million domestic travelers used its services. From the airport, over 80 airlines fly to approximately 150 destinations around the globe. Tourism It is estimated that more than 15 million tourists visit Miami every year. They travel to South Beach and Greater Miami primarily for leisure—around 85% of the visitor market—whereas business and conventions represented 6.6% in 2016, and 5.0% were attracted by the cruise industry (partners.miamibeach.com).
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