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Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB)

The Society for Ancient Greek Newsletter

12-1971

Aristotle's De and the Introduction of the Fifth Element

David E. Hahm The Ohio State University, [email protected]

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Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, and the History of Philosophy Commons

Recommended Citation Hahm, David E., "Aristotle's De Philosophia and the Introduction of the Fifth Element" (1971). The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter. 191. https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp/191

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ĭङۅ֙ࠦ ࣡ֈΤङ Ϛ࣑ङ Ʃآङ Żࣷङ ܺЋܤΌࠫӴࠬ˘ङ ̉ļۗԂҎ̊ऌۘङ ࣦ࣌̋ङ Đƀ؏ࢎࠃङ ࠄЁʉङ Κ׿Ǧ˗ۋ ङثō࡟ࡠ̹գࡡҤׄβङ ࠪ Ώङ ޻ϕɌङ ¬ȭङ ȝङڎӁङ Öηמם” b6† ³Țङ ƌݷ۹ƒगݸङ жէङ Ǒƞࠔ‡ङ ࠕЉʧࣹङ †νȲङ %WuAXvޢ ङܕïࣴܔ Ս̌࠾ҏՎ̍ݘङظङ ԰јնǩ<ङ ݗחގ Ց̑ࡀҒՒ̒ ݝङ ğܻܼѴΦ֊ܽङ Ţङ ȖࢺѲ։ѳࠗࣼङ࠿Ԅ̐ङ *ݜغ&ґݛۚ Υʬङ ׫ͤङ ߰Ϲɹङڴङ žɰїյΜङ Ьդङ ƟҼäBښ߬ϵɯ؂ †/>& oT" ङ Θǟ9ङܯʍӟͿङ Ѥܮѣࠈ ʶङ ޳ύɆङ۾ʴܿʵڹٳ έ࢜ӺĶ࠳˦ङ ťǒङ˥ۏ ĔÎऐࠊܰङ ߉ϟôߊङ ъߋङ ~ङٮ ङ тިङ ܎࢈ǐङכސ ӕǪङ ŭ^ǫङ Ģ݀݁ѷΧ֍݂ङڛࣖ؆ ङܙóࣵܘ # & ࡢُِKङ ӷӸҁ֥άEङ ŧǔङخێ ङͪ״ μȱङ &YwBZx† ű࣮ङ qU>2† ӂщհǠङޠ ͚ङט ࢿ˧Մ˨֧࠴ङدՃ ङܗˆ ङ ࣒ϝñ߆ङ܄ङ д֣ج࢛˟݌࠰Ҁڍ ࢒ơѵġөङڸङ Ν؄Ȓ\xङ ÜЍʰङ Ơ܈λȯङ ϸɶĀࣇշङ мޝ ߇Ϟò߈ङ †Q?—`a—qL— ΀?ङؔؓڥ٭ ङܖ& ߃ϛш Ӆ̟ݮՔńֹङ ٽङ ࢁɳङ ƕ϶њɴͰङ ݭܥङ љרङ ࣚ@ڦ]†ēʎΠʏ Ԫɔū߅ङ ųࣰङ ङ ࢏ܱ࢐ĖӠAङ ŨǕङ܅ङ еܟbङ ÛϪёکǭؖڨ0ङ œăɺӖќङ ĕںखݠԈĿࡄ̖ݡङ /ʷࠚЏʸ۝Gङ ࢢƸҕƹۜ̕ؽङ ࡃݍա˩֨࠵ذư ङܛङ ԫɕŬߎङ юܐङ фޱङ ߔϣ÷ߕङ ࣛí܆ङ i† ǖпङ࣍կɒङ иޘङ о͡צ ࡯ Үٛ׎ङڊNj۳ҭބ͐ ࡇЙङ þ ˜ыƓZङङ g† ࡾȩङ {‹|ۃþ ˭ӼˮՆ˯֫࠹Oङ 9zڔङ ɦࢀɧ͠ץ ࡏԋ̢ङy†“—لҚݰࡎ۠ e+fङ һթङڽʾΆʿڼ ίङۑˬङ ࣙSङ Ƒζङ ÒӻķݐƇפޗ ङے՟Յ҄࠸࢝ز֪ ࢮङ ¶ङYy„:ङ 015þ wङ ĤˀࠜАऑ‚۸ङڝɽ؇® ङݏऒرې˫͛ङ ¤҃Ʊי ङ —³æuÍÂÎvçN蘾´þܝąƖɻङ ߏϠяڜNE† )† ߲ ׭ङ l+,† õþޥ ࠶࠷҂֩ήHङ ~(† ࣝӉӊङ Źȶङ şӈȵङ˪ݎ ԉł۟Ԋऀङقҗαҿţङ ݩƻК۞ف ङܓङ ч߁שޚ ݨࡈŀࡉ̜Փ̝tࡊङ ƊŁƺӄङ it must be tested before it ca.n be accepted. Bernays, trying to establish that the references in the extant works of Aristotle to "exoterikoi logoi" and "enkyklia ehilosophemata« were really references to the lost dialogs, had to find identity of substance between the fragments attributed to the De Philosophia ( like the passage from Cicero) and the ex.tant works . Hence ! he had pol �cal reasons to welcome this intel"pretatidn of Cicero•s statemertt.. Moreover, Bernays ttrrote befo:re anyone came to suspect an evolutionary development in Aristotle's thought, and he would have shared the common tendency to synthesize and harmoni ze apparent discrepancies. Consequently, he was predisposed to see ce1.eli ardor as a reference to the fifth element of De Caeloe But this interpretation was not originated by Bernays. By 18.50 it was already entrenched amonc commer}ators on Cicero, as the influential co!1lil1entary of G .F. Schoenma.nn shows. · Commentators on Cicero both before a.t1d after Bernays followed the good philological principle that an at1thor sho uld be allowed to inte rpre t himself; and so looked to Cicero's discussions of Stoicism, where Cicero explicitly states that the ardor of the heavens is called aether (NatG D. t.37; 2.41; cf. 2.91 ... 92). F:t"om this t]ley reasoned 1) that ardor in 1.33 translates the Greek word sd B..f,,c and 2) that this Greek word refers to Aristotle1 s fifth element. Following these commentators Aristotelian scholars concluded that Aristotle promulgated the doctrine of the fifth element in the De Philosophia. Before we can accept this conclusion, however, we must a.sk whether the two premises a.re correct. There can be no doubt that the Stoics believed that the cosmos consists of only four elements and that the element of the celestial region is a subtle fiery substance which can be called by various names , including heat, fire, and aether.12 Thus when Cicero attributes to the Stoics the belief that both ardor and ae.ther are legitimate names for the element of the heavens, we accept this as a correct statement of Stoic doctrine. But can we infer from Cicero's statement of Stoic doctrine that it is a peculiarity of Cicero's Latinity to translate the Greek word 1J1. � t;.;,I' by the La.tin word ardor? The evidence of De Natura Deorum suggests that we ca.nnoto In Na.to D. 2.91 Cicero tells us that aether, like aer, was originally a Greek word, but has been t!'l.ken over by Latin andis now used as a. La.tin word. He quotes a line from Pacuvius, in which Pacuvius provides his audience with a. translation, which is perhaps a sign that the word was unfamiliar to them. But the word ha.d also been used by Ennius in his Euhemerus ( apud La.ct. 1.1:!.63) and Anna.las (line 472). And in the century since Ennius and Pacuvius it must have become increasingly more common, at least in Latin poetry, so that Lucretius could use it ab�dantly without any reservations to describe the celestial region . If Cicero admits the Greek word can be simply transliterated to form a Latin word aether, why should he translate it with a misleading word like ardor, a word so closely associated with heat and burning? Hence it is extremely difficult to maintain with ' '£L/ J aeger thAt ardor must be Cicero s usual translation for o11 CT n I'. We might try to escape this conclusion. by suggesting that Cicero was so imbued with the lang uage of Stoicism that it made little difference to him whether he e ement ardor or a.ether. But if his , called the celestial l translation is so free, how can we say he is more likely translating aei &�I' than 91.,.-/-'D.,.. ""s or ""'iiJ6. 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His method was approximately as follows: If a later writer attributes to Aristotle any doctrine which cannot be found in the extant works, this writer ha.s either misunderstood the extant Aristotle or has derived the doctrine from one of his lost works.. Now it is obvious that as the pl"obabili ty of misunderstanding decreases, the probability increases that a given doxographical item. goes back to the lost Aristotle. Since we can measure the probability of misunderstanding by an evaluation of the reliability of the do:xographer and his sources a.nd by the extent of consensus among witnesses, we can add somewhat to our know·ledge of' the lost Aristotle. l'o be sure, the doxographic approach initiated by Heitz is subjective and at best produces probability; but it has been widely accepted because it has achieved d1•amatic res1J.lts. This approach is used extensively for the De Philosophia Book III, where the general content ( cosmolog;yr and theology) is establlshedp but �pecific references are few, Let us look specifically a.t the application of this approach to the fifth element. There are a large number of references a a ., "' (pt,.unrovr� (j't:J,u"'-) v in later lit�)rature to 11fifth bodv11 ' or �11bod1r moving in a circle11 ("'"""°·J.c¢fJ,OJt.:Dv or rcu.Kl\c¢0,al'1111<0v i>1vrwat)g A number of these are assigned to Aristotle, but not to any spec:i.fic work; and a few say explicitly that Aristotle called this element the 11fifth body" (llio L7.J2; 2 ..30.6). Our first thought, of course, will be that all such references a.re derived fr,om the De Caelo. But closer exam.i.nation shows that in the De Ca.elo Aristotle �ever speaks of a fifth body and never uses the adjecttves 1<-v>'-/,0¢"'."1IK.�" or 1£!N"-AO�·t:1,.onr1� 6 v • Hence sorne scholars conc:lude that these doxogrfmhies must derive from some lost diBcussion which did use these terms.� 6 !foreover, Cicero and the Clementine R.ecoP-nitions say that Aristotle added to the traditional four elements a 011iifth n:1ure11 Or' Uclass11 (��I'<}_l _auint,�£.,GnUs) which constitutes the heaven.ly bodies and human souls lfr. 27 = Cic. Acad. 1.26; :rUE.£• t.22, t.i.1. 65-66;. Clem. Hom. £l.�.C�· 8.:15)" This fifth natu.re is "without namen (ti. K. ,._ r �vb ,u {f>'�o-rCJv). In the extant works Aristotle neither says it is without name, nor does he say it is the substance of the sonl. Therefore some conclude thgt these reports too go back to the De Ph.ilosoohia.17 Further confi·r:"ia"i�ionfar the presence of the fifth element in De fhi;!:.o�E.h� may be garnered by the sa.rne method. Cicero says, "S:i.nce so:ne living beings are born on earth, so!'1e in wate:r·, and some in the air, it seems absurd to Arlstotle to th.ink th.at no li 'I.ring being is born in that element wh:tch is most fit for giving birth to living things. Eoreover, the celestial bodies occupy the region of the aether. Since this is most subtle and is always lively and in motion, it is necessary that the living being ·which is born in it be endowed with the keenest sense and swiftest mobility. Therefore since the heaven.1y bodies are born in the aether, it is reasonable that sensation and intelligence be p1•esent in them.11 (�:.J2" 2.�i2) Though this passagt::l mentiorw aether, th1-3 presence of the word its elf does not point to the fifth ele'llent: for the ar[.;tJ.ment offers a. series of only four elements. However, som.e of the n.?'iations of t.his same use a argmnent�. �' preserve the a.m.�logical reasoning and also make of f" � + • - � . ' series 01 i.ve e.J..emen ..:s. jP,·, Taking al.l 01· these together, some h ave in. f eT.'!"e(l that originally .Aristotle used an analogical ar'fiUinent to prove that since there a.re. living things in each of' the four el�ments, ther·e must. be li vlng things in the fif.th1 i.e., the hee,venly bodie s .1'::1 Since this argument

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Now there can be no doubt.that after Andronicus, Aristotle's doctrine of the fifth element was well known in scholarly circles. During the August8.n Age a peripatetic, Xenarchus of Seleucia, wrote a refutation of the doctrine based on the De Caelo and entitled Against the Fifth Substance�' Nicolaus of Damascus, the -friend of Antony and Cleopatra, King Herod of Palestine, and the emperor Augustus, summarized the doctrine of the De Caelo for popular consump­ tion in his compendium On the Philosophy of Aristotle.3� of Alexandria, the Jewish philosopher, discussed and sometimes used the doctrine of the fifth ele­ rnent ? 3 Hence in Augustan or post-Augustan sources, knowledge of the fifth element or references to it by the term "fifth substance or body" need in no way be con­ sidered dependent on the De Philosophia for lack of knowledge of the De Caelo. Nevertheless, prior to Andronicus, the doctrines of Aristotle's De Caelo were less accessible. Though we now know that Strabo's and Plutarch's asser­ tions that the treatises were entirely unknown before Andronicus are exaggera­ tions, a list of the works of Aristotle which seems to reflect holdings of the library at Alexandria in the third century B.C. omits most of the physical and V biological works, including the De Caelo � Whether this should be taken as evi­ dence that the physical works were totally unavailable is still not certain �� But we do know that the peripatetics after Strato (died ca 270 B.C.) showed little interest in physical subjects until the renaissan� in the Augustan Age. 1� And even if Aristotle's books were available, the physical works certainly were not much read. Still it would be rash to conclude that all knowledge of Aristotle's physi­ cal doctrines during the second and first centuries B.C. came from the published works. Since not all the evidence is in yet, Cicero's knowledge of the fifth substance might equally well be interpreted as evidence that the De Caelo was not totally unknown before the unearthing of Aristotle's library in Skepsis. Moreover, Cicero's source for his knowledge of the fifth element may be Antiochus of Ascalon, head of the Academy when Cicero visited Athens in 79 B.C., or Posidonius, whOftlCicero must have met in Rhodes on the same journey.37 By this time Apellicon had brought the treatises to Athens, and it is not impossible that some scholars had already seen the manuscripts or a copy of them. Nor is it inconceivable that the treatises were in the major libraries to be read by the few who were interested. Finally, we must not forget that the history of philosophy, a subject begun by Aristotle and carried to great heights by Theo­ phrastus and Eudemus, was never abandoned in the Hellenistic period. Though pursued with less understanding than Theophrastus had shown, this subject pro­ duced many biographies of , now known only by title, and also doxo­ graphies, of which even the authors and titles have been forgotten. That these doxographies existed can be deduced from the fact that this doxographical infor­ mation survived into the early centuries of our era to be used by Diogenes Laertius and Aetius. Hence, regardless whether Aristotle's treatises were available or lost and regardless whether the peripatetic school was interested in physical questions or not, it is likely that the mai.n outlines of Aristotle 1 s doctrine survived throughout the Hellenistic period and so could find literary expression at any time. ?

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in Cicero 1-lat. D. :l .33 (= De Phil. fr.26), the fundamental passage fo1� i-c- :1orrn true ting Dool< III of tho De Philosophia, cannot be taken as evidence of the presence of the fifth element. The word ardor literally meant1 11heat" and otherwise refers to celestial phenomena. that are bric;ht, if not hot (e.t:;. lichtnine, comets, and stars). And so if this reference points tC) anything, it points to the presence of a word like f7t.p,.U 0.TvtS or p��p/Jv in the Greek original. It may thus be an indication that Aristotle has not yet come to the conlusion that the element of the heavens.is different from fire. Slit;htly more valuable may be several passages from Philo which have been. assigned to the De Philosophia on the basis of their content. In one passage Philo describes how a man viewing with awe the order of the cosmos comes to the conclusion that these are the works of E:od q,_eg_. Alleg. 3-97-99 = De Phil. fr. 13). Cicero Nat. D. 2.9,5-6 ( = fr. 13) assisns such a proof for God 1 s existence to Aristotle. But Philo' s version describes the cosmos region by recion: the earth, the water, the itlr, and the heavens-- a series of only four regions . Philo also records anonymously several proofs for the eternity of the cosmos, a subject which Simplicius (In. Cael. 289.1-15 f= fr. 16)) assures us belones to the De Philosophia. In one of these proofs Philo states that the four elements of men are borrowed from the co smos and return to their natural places at death. But in the cosmos all four elements are already in thoir natural places, earth at the center, water spread over the earth, air in the region bet·ween water and fire, and fire in the highest region of all (dYW"rcl'T"""', Aet. Mund. 33 = De Phil. 19b ) . 11Highest11 cannot mean just under the fifth element because Aristotle is basing his argument on the fact that each and every one of its parts is in its natural place. His argument would be incomplete and seriously weakened if he failed to mention one of the elements, the element of the stars. Hence we can only conclude that the element of the stars is fire. Philo1s evidence is important because Philo himself was undecided whether the cosmos consi sts of four or five elements and so seems to follow his source, with the result that he sometimes speaks in tel"'I1ls of a five­

· element cosmos and sometimes ( more often) in terms of the Stoic four- element cosmos.42 Hence we can be reasonably sure Philo has not altered his source on this point. Nor is there any evidence of Stoicism in his argu-. ments to make us suspect that Panaetius, one of the few Stoics who believed the cosmos to be eternal, was an intermediary for this argument. Both argumfmts sound Aristotelian and the second one with its use of the idea of natural places and four elements is very close to De Caelo III-IV. Hence if these are;uments are from the De Philosophi.a, we have substantial grounds for suspecting Aristotle in this work had not yet come to the conclusion that the heavens consisted of an element different from fire. In sum, it is surely sicnificant that a search of the fravnents attributed to the De Philosophia. is able to turn up several references to a four-element cosmolo gy (with fire at the periphery), but not a single reference to a five-element cosmology. 'rhough it may be possible to explain away the references to a .four-element cosmology as later adaptations, such a procedure would require at least one indisputable reference to the presence of the fifth element in the De Philosophia. And no reference of this · kind has yet been found. 'rhus we are forced to conclude that the theory of the fifth 45ù

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