INTRODUCTION

WHEN I began this work, I hoped to analyze a few major contributions of a public servant during four tumultuous years as Governor of the Empire State. It was my early impression that Frankin D. Roosevelt was not a great Governor, not to be placed in the same category with his predecessor, Alfred E. Smith. I originally believed, as many do today, that Governor Roosevelt did not exhibit any unusual executive or administra- tive abilities, or possess a social or economic program which would have suggested the bold leadership of his presidential ad- ministrations. As late as January, 1932, the renowned journalist Walter Lippmann characterized Roosevelt as lacking a firm grasp of public affairs and being without strong convictions. He is, said Lippmann, "an amiable man with many philanthropic im- pulses, but he is not the dangerous enemy of anything . . . for F.D.R. is no crusader. He is no tribune of the people. He is no enemy of entrenched privilege. He is a pleasant man who, with- out any important qualifications for the office, would very much like to be President."1 After much labor in Franklin D. Roosevelt's personal files at Hyde Park, and in the official records of New York State, I have strengthened my original conclusion that Roosevelt did not make the same crusading impact on New York's social, economic, and political history that A1 Smith made. There are those historians who still contend that Roosevelt did not have a program when he became President of the United States, other than the reform program which he had in- herited from A1 Smith. As proof they cite some of Roosevelt's glittering generalities during the 1932 presidential race. Too often, American voters appear satisfied with candidates who Xll INTRODUCTION speak in glowing and optimistic metaphors, a situation especially noticeable in 1932 when Roosevelt conveyed a feeling of greater assuredness and confidence in the future than did . Despite campaign talk, which may at times serve as a super- ficial guide to the thoughts and objectives of a candidate, Roose- velt had already formulated the basis for a program when he campaigned for the presidency in 1932. Many of the seedlings which did not flower under Governor Smith blos- somed forth during Franklin D. Roosevelt's two terms as Gov- ernor. His timing of decisive political acts, his lucid education of the public, his able handling of obstructionist Republican majorities in the State legislature and of a divisive and corrupt in New York City showed unusual executive ability and political acumen. When comparing Roosevelt's legis- lative goals as Governor with his domestic program as President, one notes, more often than not, a striking, logical development. Franklin D. Roosevelt viewed the governorship as the last steppingstone to the presidency. With the advent of the terrible depression late in 1929, Louis Howe and Roosevelt knew that their goal was close at hand. Both sought to avoid developments which might alienate important individuals or groups across the nation. Many were the occasions when Roosevelt, in contrast to other presidential hopefuls, liberal spokesmen, and his successor in Albany, abstained from public commitments on national and international controversies. How then shall we judge Roosevelt's governorship? Shall we gauge his administration solely by comparing his executive and administrative achievements with those of his predecessors and successors? Or shall we view him in the light of his expectations and planning for higher office, using therefore a different meas- uring rod with which to judge his activities, or lack of them in certain instances? To appreciate fully the role of Franklin D. Roosevelt as Gov- ernor, however, much must yet be written by political scientists, sociologists, psychologists, and others in the social sciences. INTRODUCTION xiii

Equally as important is the great need for a comprehensive work on Alfred E. Smith as four-time State.