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A Tribute to Jia Lanpo (1908-2001)

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A Tribute to Jia Lanpo (1908-2001) A Tribute to Jia Lanpo (1908-2001) JOHN W. OLSEN BORN DURING THE TWILIGHT YEARS OF CHINA'S LAST IMPERIAL DYNASTY, Jia Lanpo was known nearly universally to his Chinese-speaking colleagues and students as Jia Lao, a referent of supreme respect that may be translated roughly as Elder Jia. In the traditional Chinese worldview-still very much central to the ways in which ethnic Chinese reckon social relationships, irrespective of their national origins-one accumulates wisdom and, consequently, reverence with advancing years. In middle age, Jia Lanpo had become a scholar and mentor of such universal respect that the more common age-based honorific, Lao Jia (Older Jia), and the equally formal, though less adulatory, forms of address-Jia Jiaoshou (Professor Jia) and Jia Laoshi (Teacher Jia)-were no longer often used in refer­ ence to this truly extraordinary man. By the beginning of his tenth decade, Jia Lanpo was lauded for his scholarly accomplishments and leadership qualities by scores of Chinese and foreign scientists alike (e.g., Clark 2002:261-263; Wei 1999; Wen 1999). Assessing the significance of Jia Lanpo's scientific research in China and its impact on global paleoanthropology is no simple task. As Dennis Etler has so correctly observed in his definitive obituary, Jia Lanpo " ... was an indefatigable worker and meticulous scholar, the author of hundreds of scientific and popular articles, treatises, and books detailing archaeological discoveries in China spanning over six decades" (Etler 2002: 297). Understanding Jia and his contributions requires contextualization on several historical and social levels. Many Western scholars assume that Chinese academics of Jia's generation labored solely under restrictive intellectual paradigms ranging from virtual foreign domination in the years prior to 1949 to hard-line Marxism­ Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought during and immediately after the repressive decade known as the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). In spite of the fact that the bulk of Jia's scholarly career played out during an iso­ lationist period, when China had very little officially sanctioned scientific inter­ change with the Western world, the earliest and latest phases of his life were conspicuously influenced by regular and fruitful collaboration with a wide range of non-Chinese and non-Communist Bloc colleagues. Like scholars everywhere, Jia Lanpo was in measure a product of his intellec­ tual milieu, especially that of his formative years. The Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology (IVPP), the smallest of the many diverse Asiall PerspectirJcs, Vol. 43, No.2 © 2004 by the University of Hawai'j Press. 192 ASIAN PERSPECTIVES . 43 (2) . FALL 2004 Fig. 1. Jia Lanpo (1908-2001) research organs of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, has been characterized throughout its long history by relatively intensive collaborative ties with non­ Chinese intellectual traditions, even during the bleakest years of the Cultural Revolution. The progressive intellectual environment nurtured at the IVPP made it possible for Jia and many of his colleagues to foster and maintain contact with non-Communist Bloc foreign colleagues while other institutions' research activ­ ities were severely constrained or even curtailed completely. To be sure, many IVPP scientists paid a hefty price for their openness-during the Cultural Revo­ lution the great vertebrate paleontologist of the Dinosauria and then IVPP Direc­ tor, Yang Zhongjian (c. C. Young), was ridiculed by being forced to wear a dunce cap in public, surrounded by posters proclaiming that Teilhard de Chardin was his father! Nonetheless, the atmosphere of openness and intellectual cross­ fertilization characteristic of the IVPP survived Red Guard hysteria to become inculcated in the generations' of paleontologists and paleoanthropologists who succeeded the Cultural Revolution. As China began tentatively to implement its Open Door Policy, in the late 1970s, it became known among the global scholarly community that Jia Lanpo had for decades been soi-disant conservator of the Zhoukoudian archives, a rich collection of original excavation notes, correspondence, and thousands of photo­ graphs and negatives. At substantial personal risk, over several decades Jia carefully curated a veritable treasure trove of information relating to paleoanthropology's formative period in China and beyond, much of which has formed the basis of our understanding of early work conducted at Zhoukoudian (Jia 1984, 1999; Jia and Huang 1984, 1990; Wang and Sun 2000). I recall being entertained by Jia Lao and his charming wife, Mrs. Xia, one sul­ try summer afternoon in 1981 at their flat behind the IVPP in Beijing's western suburbs. I was at the time a newly minted Ph.D. on my first trip to China, very much in awe of the man and his extraordinary accomplishments. As he regaled me with tales-solnetimes harrowing, sometimes hilarious-of his participation in excavations at Zhoukoudian in the 1930s, it occurred to me to press Jia for his perceptions of Chinese-foreign interactions during that period. I asked, "Jia OLSEN . TRIBUTE TO JIA LANPO I93 Lao, before your thirtieth birthday you had the opportunity to work on a daily basis with the likes of Teilhard, Licent, Bohlin, Weidenreich, and Black. What was that like? Did you have any input, as a Chinese scholar, into decisions regarding work at Zhoukoudian?" Jia chuckled, leaned across the small table, and said, "Xiao Ou [the diminutive form of my Sinicized surname], in the 1930s Pei [Pei Wenzhong or W. C. P'ei] and I were Professor Yang's subordinates [Yang Zhongjian was more than a decade Jia's senior; Pei was only four years older]. We didn't make decisions about anything, but that wasn't because foreign scientists insisted-we were just too junior, in the beginning, to have our opinions count." Jia's response reminded me that Chinese scholars of his generation were players-often only pawns-in a complex socio-political game in which, to be sure, foreign powers and individual foreign researchers held certain advantageous pieces (Cormack 2000). An essential element of that game's structure, though, was the lingering rigidity of the Chinese academic system itself, which unques­ tioningly equated age with experience, often to the extent oflegitimizing age over experience. The effects of the May Fourth Movement, which manifested itself first in 1919 in the form of student protests against both foreign domination and the increasingly anachronistic Chinese imperial educational system, were still reverberating throughout Chinese academe as Jia Lanpo began to define himself as an intellectual in the late 1920s and 1930s. The movement's watchword, "Show your proof!", inspired scholars like Jia to adopt the positive aspects of a Western hypothetically based scientific paradigm, without yielding to either complete foreign intellectual domination or the paranoid rejection of all things non-Chinese. While in some quarters, decisions regarding the nature of Western influences in China were configured in the form of a dynamic-occasionally antagonistic-tension between East and West, at the IVPP long-standing institu­ tional culture taught that not all foreign ideas were necessarily bad (e.g., Cormack 2000). Jia valued and expanded his international collegial relationships until the very end. As China relaxed travel restrictions for its citizens in the 1980s as part of its rapprochement with the West, Jia reveled in the opportunity to visit the U.S. and Europe, nurturing old friendships and creating new ones. In the mid-1980s, Jia Lanpo's pivotal role in UNESCO's evaluation of the Homo erectu5 locality at Zhoukoudian, as a potential World Heritage Site, afforded him the opportunity to expand his network of foreign colleagues, who were also called upon to render their opinion as to the global significance of Zhoukoudian Locality 1 (it was inscribed on UNESCO's list in Decen'lber 1987). One con­ sequence of Jia's interactions with UNESCO in the 1980s was his de facto re­ definition as China's senior paleo anthropologist, not merely an archaeologist or human paleontologist. The promotion of Zhoukoudian as a World Heritage Site coincided with the global scholarly community's acknowledgment of Jia's contri­ butions to world paleoanthropology. More than a half-century after his participa­ tion in the discovery of some of the first Homo erectu5 materials at Zhoukoudian, Jia was recognized as a leader and innovator, not merely a follower or lackey. For all his integrative abilities and diplomatic skills, Jia Lanpo was no stranger to intellectual controversy. His long-running debate with Pei Wenzhong regard­ ing the earliest hominin occupation of China (e.g., Jia 1962; 1984: 224-226), his unshakable conviction that Zhoukoudian Locality 1 contained irrefutable I94 ASIAN PERSPECTIVES . 43 (2) . FALL 2004 evidence of Middle Pleistocene anthropogenic fire (e.g., Binford and Ho 1985; Binford and Stone 1986; Jia 1989), and his sometimes controversial interpretations of the antiquity and behavioral significance of sites such as Xihoudu, Lantian, Dingcun, and Xiijiayao all speak to the increasingly influential role played by Jia as gadfly during the latter half of his career. I passed on this observation to Jia in 1998, the last time that I saw him. He characteristically denied any conscious effort to stir the intellectual pot, demurring instead with the simple statement that, "I've had the good fortune ofliving in interesting intellectual times." Jia Lanpo's professional
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