D~A Ia N As Chalkidian Wine

HESPERIA 68.2, I999 M E N D~A IA N AS CHALKIDIAN WINE

In memory of Virginia Grace One of the most well known, widely exported, and highly regardedwines of Classical antiquitywas Mendaian, named after the Chalkidianpolis (Fig. 1), and the distinctive amphora type that carried the appellation (Figs. 2- 6) has come under close scrutiny in a number of recent studies, following the seminal work of Virginia Grace.' The latter was the first to observe that a particular coin-type of Mende-Dionysos on an ass (Figs. 7, 8)- was used as a stamp on the handles of a specific type of amphora, conse- quently dubbed Mendaian.2 Beyond the amphoras, the literary evidence

1. Grace 1949, esp. pp. 178, 182, 186, 400 B.C., see AgoraXII, p. 393 (a date draft of this paper and for her many pl. 20: no. 1; see also Grace 1953, around425 B.C. or slightlylater for this astute comments, also to Mark Lawall pp. 106-107, nos. 161, 162; Corbett amphorais suggestedby Lawall);Fig. 4 for sharingwith us his knowledge of 1949, p. 337; Abramov1993, pp. 13, 33- (P 23683), from well R 11:3 (although Classical amphoras.The drawingsin 34, figs. 24-26 for possibleforerunners of datedca. 450-425 B.C. in AgoraXII, Figs. 2-4 are the work of Anne the Mendaianamphora type dating as p. 398, some of the black-glazedvases in Hooton, to whom we are, as always, earlyas the late 6th or early5th century the deposit continuewell into the last most grateful.We would also like to B.C. A summarylisting of Mendaian quarterof the 5th centuryand, as such, thank the two anonymousHesperia amphoraswas publishedin Eisemanand this jar is best datedlate 5th centuryB.C.). refereesfor insightful comments that Ridgway1987, p. 40, note 3. Much of the For the basic developmentin the shape of greatlyimproved this paper. modernliterature on Mendaianamphoras Mendaianamphoras and the relationship 2. Grace 1949. Whitbread (1995, has been convenientlycollected and to the shapeof Thasian and Chianjars, p. 198) notes: "FewMendean jars discussedin Ian Whitbread'simportant see Salviat1986, p. 190, fig. 2. For a recent appearto have been stamped."For the petrologicalstudy, Whitbread 1995, overviewof drinkingin ClassicalAthens, coinage of Mende see Noe 1926; also pp. 198-209. Mendaianamphoras have see Davidson 1997, pp. 40-69. Head 1911, pp. 210-212; Michaux also been fully discussedin two unpub- The authorsare gratefulto a good 1981. Kraay(1976, pp. 134, 362) lished dissertations,Paspalas 1990, esp. many friends and colleagues-for suggested that Mende startedstriking pp. 58-87, and Lawall 1995, pp. 117-129; providingillustrations, for allowing coins as early as the third quarterof the see, most recently,Lawall 1997. Lawall access to materialin their care,and for 6th century B.C., whereas Price and (1998), in discussingthe date of the discussionon a varietyof topics con- Waggoner (1975, p. 45) consider Porticellowreck, provides a briefhistory nected with this paper-especially the ca.510-500 B.C. as the moreprobable of Mendaianamphoras, concentrating on following:Alexander Cambitoglou, startingdate. See furtherPrice 1987; very late 5th- and early-4th-centuryB.C. Roald Docter, PatriciaFelch, Nicholas Jenkins 1970, pp. 65-66; Robinson examples.The three completeor nearly Hardwick,Anne Hooton, JanJordan, 1949. It should be noted that the coin- complete amphorasfrom the Athenian Carolyn Koehler,Mark Lawall, Philippa type was adopted as an amphorastamp Agora (Figs. 2-4) derivefrom various Matheson, SarahMorris, Clairy Palyvou, relativelylate; the earliestevidence for datedcontexts, as follows:Fig. 2 (P 2377), SarahPeirce, Olwen TudorJones, the its use dates to the last quarterof the fromwell R 13:4, ca. 440-425 B.C., see late loulia Vokotopoulou,and Ian 5th centuryB.C.: see Grace1949, AgoraXII, p. 398; Fig. 3 (P 24210), from Whitbread.We are particularlygrateful pp. 178, 186; Corbett 1949, p. 337, well H 13:4 Lower Deposit, ca. 425- to Carolyn Koehlerfor readingan earlier under no. 106, p. 345, no. 166.

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concerning Mendaian wine has been admirably collected by Fran9ois Salviat.3Despite this attention, certain aspects of the Mendaian wine industry repay further study,particularly its relationship to cultivation of the grape in the Chalkidike generally.The ancient fame of Mendaian wine, the importance of viticulture in the Chalkidike, and the ceramic and numismatic evidence from Torone in particular,as well as the archaeological and literaryevidence from elsewhere, all suggest that "Mendaian"may have been used in antiquity to refer to the wine of a much larger area of the Chalkidike. Much of the evidence, literaryand archaeological,for Chalkidian wine is indirect. For example, a number of 4th- or early-3rd-century B.C. inscriptions found in the southeastern portion of mainland Chalkidike, in the area north of the modern Agios Nikolaos and east of Vrastama (Fig. 1), provide important insights, often through toponyms, on the natural resources of the area and some of the economic activities that took place there.4 One of the first scholars to have grasped the full potential of this epigraphical evidence was loulia Vokotopoulou, who was able to extract information from the inscriptions to show, among other things, the importance of vines, including the sale of a vineyard, as well as apple trees, sheep-grazing, barley fields, and the exploitation of metals.5 Direct evidence for many of these economic activities is now provided by the faunal and floral remains found at various sites in the region, not least of which is the number of carbonized grape seeds ( Vitisvinifera or Vitis sp.) recovered from the water-sieved pyre debris encountered in the tombs of the Early Iron Age cemetery at Torone.6Among the more prominent aspects of the Chalkidike discussed by Vokotopoulou is the vine; the town of Ramai in the region of Aimou, for instance, is linked with p6cPxTc7,which she suggests should refer to the Macedonian word for grapes.7 Turning to a different category of evidence: the Akanthians-who also produced a distinctive type of wine amphora8-in 424 B.C., when fac- ing the prospect of Brasidas' forces destroying their grape harvest, were moved to allow the Spartans into their city.9An even more indirect passage, but one importantforTorone, deals with the abuse of wine in Sithonia:

3. Salviat 1990, esp. pp. 470-476. sites named in the importantinscription the floral remainsrecovered from tombs. 4. Vokotopoulou1990, pp. 109-131. (ThessalonikeArchaeological Museum The grape seeds from the cemetery are, See also Hatzopoulos 1988. 6128) published in Vokotopoulou1990 to date, the earliestfrom the site. 5. Vokotopoulou1990, p. 114 (vines), far west of the region preferredby the 7. Vokotopoulou1990, pp. 114, 126. p. 116 (apple trees and/or sheep-grazing), latter,indeed as far west as Hortiatis and See, however,Hatzopoulos and p. 118 (barleyfields), pp. 115, 119-120 Therme; for a responsesee Vokoto- Loukoupoulou1992, pp. 133, 143-144 for metal exploitation(all from poulou 1996, esp. pp. 214-218. The and Vokotopoulou1996 for a discussion ThessalonikeArchaeological Museum inscriptiondoes not have a secure of the properform of the ethnic that 6128), and p. 126 (sale of vineyards, provenience;Vokotopoulou's arguments would give the toponym Papoal. based on the evidence of the inscription that the inscriptionwas found in the 8. For Akanthianamphoras see Garlan PolygyrosMuseum inv. 493). For the areaof Plana, east of Vrastama,are well 1989, esp. p. 480, note 11; Rhomiopoulou significanceof metallurgyin the region put forwardin Vokotopoulou1990 and 1986; also Lawall 1995, pp. 149-156. For and the associationof chalkoswith Vokotopoulou1996. the literaryevidence on Akanthianwine Chalkidike,see Papadopoulos1996; for 6. See Papadopoulos,forthcoming, see Salviat1990, pp. 469-470. an opposing view see Hornblower 1997. especiallythe appendicesby Sandor 9. Thucydides 4.84-88. For a Hatzopoulos, in Hatzopoulos and Bokonyi on the faunalremains and by discussionof this episode, see Hanson Loukoupoulou1992, would place the KristinaKelertas and Ferenc Gyulai on 1998, pp.38, 70, 208. i66 PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS in one of his odes, Horace, while singing the praises of wine, warns against oversteppingthe bounds of moderation.As examples of the excesses caused by too much wine, Horace refers both to the Centaurs' drunken contest with the Lapiths and to the Sithonians, who, hated by Bacchus, distinguish right and wrong only by the narrow line their passions draw when they drink too much.'0 As for Sithonia more generally, although the harvesting of grapes at Torone is not explicitly mentioned by extant ancient authors, it is at least implied by Herodotus; in 7.122, the southern tip of Sithonia is referred to as Ampelos (grape vine), and Herodotus states that the region belonged to Torone.11 In addition to the literary and epigraphical documents, there is the numismatic evidence, the full potential of which has not been utilized, particularlyin the case of the viticultural emblems selected by a number of the foremost Chalkidian cities, including Mende and Torone. Whereas the coin-types of Mende have received attention with regardto wine production, those of Torone have been largely overlooked. It was the wine of the region that was boldly alluded to in the very emblems Torone-one of the oldest cities of the Chalkidike, and certainly one of the largest in the 5th century B.C.12-chose for its coinage.'3 The early Toronaian stater (tetradrachm) obverse types, the earliest of which date to the first decade of the 5th century rather than the late 6th century B.C., show an amphora, with or without vine tendrils entwined round its neck or handles and associated bunches of grapes (Figs. 9-13).'4 The device would have advertised the wine-producing capacity of the city or the superiority of its vintage. The earliest issues (Hardwick Group I, Kraay Group B: 500-490 B.C.) were originally struck on the Thrako-Macedonian standard,'5and slightly later on the Euboian standard (Hardwick Group II, KraayGroup A: 490- 480 B.C.; Hardwick Group III: 490-460 B.C.).'6 These early issues of the

10. Horace, Odes1.18.9-11. Papadopoulos1996. Hardwick 1998, Group II; those in

11.The passagereads: K6(HTT7V 8? 13. Jeffery 1990, pp. 362, 369. For the Figs. 11-13 belong to Group I. "AprrE\ovT7lv Topwvairv CxKpnv coinage properof Torone see, among 15. Kraay1954, pp. 12-14, nos. 13- rrapapEiIoE70 EXXnvic(r YE Ta7C8E others, Head 1879, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv,106- 16, pl. 2:5; Price and Waggoner 1975, rro?Ic, ?K T7(V VEC?r TE KCXI OTpaTflnv 108; Head 1911, pp. 206-207; Imhoof- pp. 47-48, nos. 221-223, pl. 12; rrapENaC3pavE, Top'vrnv FaAnofv. Blumer 1883, pp. 92-93; Babelon 1907, Hardwick 1998, p. 123, pl. 29: nos. 1, 2. 57EpPu?\nv. MflKUOPEpVaV, OAuvOov. vol. 11:1,pp. 1159-1164; vol. III, pl. 52: Kraay(1976, p. 135) suggests that the [7.123]'H P?V VUV XC@PnCauTf7n 5IOeVifn nos. 12-20; OlynthusIII, pp. 8-12,27, coins on the Thrako-Macedonian Ka?EET7aI. Cf Ptolemy, Geog.3.12.10 109-110; OlynthusVI, pp. 96-97, pl. XX: standardwere intended for tradewith (s.v.Ampelos); Stephanos Byzantios (s.v. nos. 859-876; OlynthusIX, pp. 314-316, Macedonia and those on the [Attic-] Ampelos).Pliny, NH 4.37 refersto an pl. XXV; Gaebler 1935, pp. 114-115; Euboian for tradewith Chalkis. oppidum(town), Ampelos, while Gaebler 1938, Kraay1954, esp. pp. 10- 16. Kraay1954, pp. 10-12, nos. 1-12, Hesychios (s.v.Ampelos) refers to apolis 15, pl. II: no. 5; Kraay1976, pp. 134-135; pl. 2:3,4; Price and Waggoner 1975, in Thrake by that name. Zahrnt (1971, Kraayand Hirmer 1966, pl. 130: no. 401; pp. 47-48, nos. 224-228; Hardwick p. 152) notes that there could not have Seltman 1955a, p. 67, pl. 7: no. 7; 1998, pp. 123-124, pl. 29: nos. 4, 5. been a polis at the southerntip of Seltman 1955b, p. 67, pl. VII: no. 7; Price Kraay'sGroup C types (480/75-460 B.C.) Sithonia, though there may have been a and Waggoner 1975, pp. 14,21,47-49; bear letters other than those of the village Ampelos that was part of the chora Fried 1987, p. 4, pl. 2: 14, 15; Duirr1994; ethnic. Severalscholars have suggested of Torone. For the use of the same the most recent overviewis in Hardwick that these may referto a mint other than toponym in Athonite documentsto refer 1998. For surveysof wine-related coin- Torone, although it is now clear that the to sites in southern Sithonia, see types see Marathake1992, and, most inscriptionsare abbreviationsof Papangelos1996, pp. 240-241. recently,Papageorgiadou-Boni 1998, Toronaianmagistrate names; see 12. ForTorone in the broader specificallyon north Aegean coins. Hardwick 1998, pp. 124-125, pl. 29: historicalcontext of the Chalkidike,see 14. Duirr1994. Both of the coins nos. 11, 12, Group III (dated to 490- Zahrnt 1971, pp. 12-27 and 247-251; illustratedin Figs. 9 and 10 belong to 460 B.C., p. 132, table 1). MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE I67

Figure9. Silverstater (tetradrachm), Torone.a) Obverse:amphora with grapesand vine leaveshung from neck-b) Reverse:quadripartite incuse square.Gaebler 1935, pl. 22: no. 9. CourtesyMiinzkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, PreussischerKulturbesitz

Figure10. Silverstater, Torone. a) Obverse:amphora with vine leaves attachedfrom neck and TElegend; b) Reverse:quadripartite incuse square. Gaebler1935, pl. 22: no. 10. CourtesyCabinet des Medailles, Paris

Figure11. Silverstater, Torone. a) Obverse:lidded amphora; b) Reverse:quadripartite incuse square.Diirr 1994, p. 19, no. 4b, pl. 1: no. 6. CourtesyBritish Museum, London, Coins and Medals Department 1929-5-1-4

Figure12. Silverstater, Torone. a) Obverse:lidded amphora; b) Reverse:quadripartite incuse square.Durr 1994, p. 19, no. 5, pl. 1: no. 7. CourtesyBritish Museum, London, Coins and Medals Department 1971-5-13-4

Figure13. Silverstater, Torone. a) Obverse:lidded amphora; b) Reverse:quadripartite incuse square. CourtesyCalouste Gulbenkian Collection, Lisbon, no. 429 i68 PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS mint traveled widely, as is indicated by their presence in a number of Near Eastern and Egyptian hoards.'7Some of the emblems on Toronaian coins seem to depict transport or storage amphoras (such as Fig. 9);18 others, however, appear to show table amphoras:that is, footed, lidded, or fluted vessels, the last possibly alluding to metal vases (Figs. 11-13).'9 The other common device on Toronaian coins is the oinochoe, ap- pearing first on those minted ca. 490-480 B.C. and continuing to the late 5th and into the 4th century B.c.;20 four silver coins of this type have been found during the excavations at Torone (Figs. 14-17).21 Whether it is adorned with a bunch of grapes or plain, the viticultural associations of the oinochoe, as with the amphora, are clear enough.22Another issue, dated to the late 5th century B.C., has similar associations as it depicts a crouching satyr about to drink from a large vessel-an oinochoe.23 Coins with obverse types representing the same scene continue to be struck into the 4th century, and scholars have identified the vessel pictured as either a hydria24 or an oinochoe (Fig. 18).25 In a similar vein, the viticulturalrichness of the

17. Includingthe EgyptianHoard: For a sketch of an amphorafound at pls. 26, 116) has been datedto the first Dressel and Regling 1927, esp. p.5, Naukratiswhich may be Mendaian (end third of the 5th centuryB.C. and is note 1; Head 1911, p. 107, no. 3; of the 5th to early4th centuryB.C.), see classifiedwith other sealingsdescribed as Thompson 1973, p. 227, no. 1634. The Petrie 1886, p. 42, no. 23, pl. 17. See "Mutterlandisch-Griechisches." Zagazig Hoard:Dressel and Regling below, note 45, for other finds of the 5th 20. Hardwick 1998, p. 132, table 1. 1927, pp. 115-116, nos. 183-185; and 4th centuriesfrom Egyptian sites 21. Cambitoglou 1982, pl. 54:a; Thompson 1973, p. 231, no. 1645. The that may be comparedto Mendaian Cambitoglou and Papadopoulos1988, ill. Benha el Asl Hoard:Robinson 1930, amphoras.For the distinction in terms 41; Andronikos 1988, p. 408, no. 388a-c. p. 97, no. 98, pl. 8; Newell 1931, p. 67, used in the Aramaiccustoms document 22. For coins depicting an oinochoe no.5; OlynthusIII, p. 69, no. 8; Thompson for containersof oil and wine, see with a bunch of grapes,see OlynthusIII, 1973, p. 229, no. 1640. The Asyut Hoard: Lipifiski 1994, pp. 63-64. p. 27, pl. 4: nos. 69, 71; Gaebler 1935, Price and Waggoner1975, pp. 47-49, nos. 18. For the suggestedidentification of p. 115, no. 5, pl. 22: no. 11. For un- 221-231, pl. 12;Thompson 1973, p. 230, early-5th-centurytransport amphoras adornedoinochoai see OlynthusIII, p. 9, no. 1644. The DecadrachmHoard: Fried from the Chalkidike,contemporary with pl. 1: nos. 7-9; OlynthusVI, p. 36, pl. 9: 1987, pp. 4, 9, table 1, pl. 12:14,15. The this coin, see Abramov 1993. These nos. 138-140; OlynthusIX, p. 178, no. ld, MalayerHoard: Kraay 1954, p. 13, no. 14, possible candidatesare of a far squatter pl. 23, p. 180, pl. 25: no. la-c, p. 228, pl. 2:5;Thompson 1973, p.256, no. 1790. form than the vessel picturedon the no. 2, pl. 30: no. 35; Gaebler1935, p. 115, See now Yardeni1994 for an Aramaic Toronaiancoin. nos. 6-8, 10-11, pl. 22: nos. 12-15. 4th- text, dated by its editors to 475 B.C., that 19. For footed amphorassee Price and centurybronze coins of Torone may lists custom dues exacted on "Ionian"and Waggoner1975, p. 47, pl. 12: nos. 222, depict, on their reverse,either one or two Phoenician ships (cf. Herodotus 3.6) at 223; for a footed amphorawith conicallid oinochoai:see OlynthusIII, pp. 109-110, an Achaemenid-held Egyptian port. see Babelon 1907, p. 6, no. 1547, pl. 58. pls. 22-23: nos. 887-895; OlynthusVI, Taxablegoods carriedby "Ionian"ships For fluted amphorassee Dressel and pp. 96-97, pl. 20: nos. 859-876, pp. 35- includedwine and oil (in addition to Regling 1927, p. 116, pl. 4: no. 185; Kraay 36, pl. 9: nos. 138-140; OlynthusIX, emptyjars: see Waldbaum1997, esp. 1954, p. 11, no. 6; Price and Waggoner pp. 228-229, nos. 3-4, pl. 30: nos. 36-37. p. 12). Duty was payablein gold and 1975, p. 47, pl. 12: no. 221. The sugges- 23. Babelon 1932, pp. 649-650, silver.Could the "silver"referred to cover, tion that the latterdepict metal vessels no. 1045, pl. 318:12. Hardwick (1998, at least in part,the north Aegean coins was proposedbyJohnston (1984, p. 211). p. 127) prefersto call it a "winejar." found in Egypt? Be that as it may,the Mention should also be made of a clay 24. Price 1974, p. 42, no. 35, pls. 6, 7. gold must have been uncoined unless sealingfound at Carthagethat bearsthe Gaebler (1935, p. 115, no. 8, pl. 22:16) daricswere meant. See Kagan 1987, impressionof an amphorawith a fluted identifies the vessel on this type as an pp. 27-28 for the fluctuationsin the flow zone aboveits foot that is very close to the oinochoe. of Greek coinage into the Achaemenid fluted zone on the shoulderof the 25. Gaebler 1935, p. 115, no. 9, Empire during this period.The text dates amphoraDuirr 1994, pl. 1: no. 7 (Fig. 12); pl. 22:17. Note the fluting above the foot, to the period in which series of transport comparealso Diirr 1994, pl. 1: no. 8; a featurethat may be comparedto the amphorasnow securelyidentified as Dressel and Regling 1927, pl. 4: no. 185. fluted shoulderof the amphorarepre- north Aegean havejust begun, and we do The sealing(Berges 1996, p. 345, pl. 69, sented on the sealing found at Carthage not know of any examplesfrom Egypt. fig. 12; Berges 1997, p. 201, no. 780, (see note 19 above). MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE I69

Figure14. Silverstater, Torone: Toroneinv. 82.590. a) Obverse: oinochoeand TElegend; b) Reverse: quadripartiteincuse square. CourtesyAustralian Archaeological Institute at Athensand the AthensArchaeological Society

Figure15. Silverstater, Torone: Toroneinv. 82.581. a) Obverse: oinochoeand TElegend; b) Reverse: quadripartiteincuse square. CourtesyAustralian Archaeological Institute at Athensand the AthensArchaeological Society

Figure16. Silverstater, Torone: Toroneinv. 82.645. a) Obverse: oinochoeand TElegend; b) Reverse: quadripartiteincuse square. CourtesyAustralian Archaeological Institute at Athensand the AthensArchaeological Society

Figure17. Silverstater, Torone: Toroneinv. M86.64. a) Obverse: oinochoeand TElegend; b) Reverse: quadripartiteincuse square. CourtesyAustralian Archaeological Institute at Athensand the AthensArchaeological Society

Figure18. Silvercoin, Torone. a) Obverse:satyr crouching and holdinga largeoinochoe, as if to drink fromit; b) Reverse:goat and TElegend withinincuse square. Head 1879, p. 108, no.9; Gaebler1935, pl. 22: no. 17. CourtesyBritish Museum, London, Coins andMedals Department 1921-5-20-27

Figure19. Silvercoin, uncertainnorth Aegeanmint (possiblyTorone). a) Obverse:two femalefigures face to face,supporting between them an amphora;b) Reverse:quadripartite incusesquare. Gaebler 1935, pl. 26: no. 7. CourtesyBritish Museum, London I70 PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS region is alluded to in the semata struck on the coins of other Chalkidian states, not least of which is the emblem of Mende, depicting, on the obverse, Dionysos on an ass, often with grapes on the reverse (Figs. 7, 8), already mentioned.26Another early issue of a north Aegean mint shows two females (nymphs?) holding an amphora (Fig. 19); the exact location of this mint is uncertain, although the regions around Mount Pangaios or, alternatively,the Thermaic Gulf have been suggested as possibilities (the / coin may prove to be Toronaian).27 Such depictions on coins were not limited to the north Aegean. The island of Chios, for example, a noted wine producer,depicted on its coinage a sphinx accompanied by an amphora, a motif established on early issues and which continued into the later Classical, Hellenistic, and Ro- man eras.28Other regions of the Greek world that alluded to their wine production through appropriateemblems on their coinage include, among many others, Peparethos(Skopelos), Karthaiaon Kea, and Sicilian Naxos.29 Figure20. Silverdidrachm, Athens Here it is worth adding that one of the earliest emblems struck on the (Wappenmunzen series).Obverse: Athenian Wappenmanzenseries is an amphora (Fig. 20), remarkablysimi- amphora.Head 1884, pl. 24, no. 21. lar to SOS amphoras (Fig. 21)30-which may have been used for the trans- CourtesyHirmer Verlag GmbH

26. See above,note 2. Knoblauch and Castro Hipolito (1989, p. 23), from a kantharos(Kraay 1976, pp. 206- (1998) identifies the male figure as whether this coin-type is not an issue 230, pl. 44: nos. 755-759); kantharoi, Hephaistos (an intriguingsuggestion, of Torone, an attributionconsidered often with bunches of grapes,are found not without its problems)but retains long ago by Svoronos (1919, p. 67) and on the coins of CycladicNaxos (Kraay the oinological connotationsof the Babelon (1922, p. 114). 1976, pl. 6: no. 118; Kraayand Hirmer type. Note the roof tile with the stamp 28. Head 1892, pp. 328-346, pls. 32, 1966, pl. 162: nos. 523,524). Grapes of an ithyphallicass found at Mende, in 33. For the links between the amphoras are also found on the coinage of Tenos a context dated in a preliminaryreport on Chian coins and actual Chian (Kraayand Hirmer 1966, pl. 162: to the Archaic or Early Classical amphoras,see Grace 1961, text relating no. 525), Maroneia (Kraay1976, pl. 31: period:Vokotopoulou 1988, p. 335, to figs. 43-51; Grace 1979, pp. 120- nos. 548-551; Kraayand Hirmer 1966, ill.3. For similartypes, often with other 122, pl. 35: nos. 5-7; Kraay1976, pl. 139: nos. 430,431), Soli in Cilicia elements in the field, on early pp. 242-243; Abramovand Paromov (Kraayand Hirmer 1966, pl. 194: Mendaian coins, see Noe 1926, pl. 2: 1993, p. 29, no. 6, fig. 1. no. 675), and IkarianOinoe (Head nos. 10-12, 13-14, 18; Michaux 1982, 29. The coinageof Peparethos 1892, p. 347, pl. 34: no. 2). Grapes are pl. 1. The viticulturalcomplexities of depicts,on the obverse,a bunch of also occasionallyfound in association Mende are also alludedto on the grapesand, on the reverse,a varietyof with the Rhodian rose (Kraayand reversesof Mendaian coins, which can motifs, includinga seatedfigure of Hirmer 1966, pls. 188,189: nos. 644 depict, among other motifs, vine in Staphylos:see Kraay1976, pp. 119-120, and 646). Related images, such as an incuse square,an amphora,or ampho- pl. 22: nos. 402-405; for the attribution oinochoe/jug, are also found on some of ras,whether in a shallow incuse square of SolohaType I amphorasto the coins of Melos (Kraay1976, pls. 6, or associatedwith branchesor spraysof Peparethossee Doulgeri-Intzessiloglou 7: nos. 124, 129; cf. also the Melian ivy; see Head 1911, p. 211. The vine and Garlan 1990. The coinage of kantharos,Kraay 1976, pl. 7: no. 139); motif set in an incuse squarealso Karthaiadepicts an amphora,with or see also the kantharoson the reverseof appearson the reverseof coins from without accompanyingdolphin, some of the later issues of Teos (Head other north Aegean mints: see, for sometimes with the ethnic KAPO-,see 1892, pl. 30: nos. 12-15). Note also the example,Price 1987, p. 46, pl. 9: nos. 8 Papageorgiadou-Boni1997, pp. 34-36, Thasian coin with a satyrholding a (Maroneia)and 9 (Aphytis). or alternativelya bunch of grapes,see kantharoson the obverse and a volute 27. Kraayand Hirmer 1966, pl. 123: Wroth 1886, pp. 90-93, and various krateron the reverse(Kraay and no. 374, listed as uncertainmint; the examplespl. 21. The coinage of Sicilian Hirmer 1966, pl. 141: no. 438). For the earlier,German edition (Frankeand Naxos depicts the head of Dionysos on amphoraon the coinage of Hipponion, Hirmer 1964, p. 95, pl. 123, top left) its obverse (or, later on, Apollo) and, on see van der Mersch 1986. lists the coin as "Pangaion-Gebiet(oder the reverse,either grapes or, as is most 30. Kraay1976, pp. 56-60, pl. 9: Therme?)."We wonder,with Jenkins common, a kneeling silen drinking no. 161. MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE I7I

...... i

Figure21. SO mhoa:Ates

*~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~....s ......

* K/,i>is,%;; .Z . . . F . ':>.$., ' X_ x, '\.' .s . ;;t~~~~~~~~~~~~~ _ Figure~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~22 Olp deitn ,.mphora:i I72 PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS port of wine in addition to oil3"-and to the amphora illustrated on an Athenian olpe of the 7th century B.C. (Fig. 22).32 The very fact that Torone chose as its emblems a wine amphora and an oinochoe not only highlights the importance of wine in the economy of the region, but may even suggest that the city was a transport amphora production center, as Ian Whitbread states is likely.33Sarah Peirce, on the basis of a possible "Parmeniskoid"waster, was the firstto suggest thatTorone may have been the production center of Parmeniskos Group amphoras.34 This suggestion followed earlier studies that indicated a north Aegean provenience for this type of amphora as the most probable.35Whitbread discusses the possibility of Torone being the production center of the so- called Parmeniskos Group amphoras;he finds the idea attractivebut notes that the organization of amphora production in the Chalkidike is a com- plex problem on account of the manufactureof several classes of transport amphoras in the region.36Moreover, the similarities in the geology of the various parts of the Chalkidike limit the value of fabric analysis, and although, as Whitbread notes, the Akanthian and Soloha Type I amphoras may prove distinctive, the similarities between the fabrics of Parmeniskos Group amphoras,Mendaian amphoras, and Toronaian "local"products do not permit straightforwarddifferentiation.37 Despite the current difficulties in determining or locating amphora production with any certainty,Torone seems an unlikely production center for Parmeniskos Group amphoras. First of all, the fragment isolated as a possible Parmeniskoid waster is not clearly a waster; although the rim of the vessel, as preserved, may have suffered minor damage during its production phase, prior to firing, it is unlikely that that damage was serious enough for the vessel to have been discarded.38Second, and more impor-

31. For SOS amphorassee Johnston the contents as wine ratherthan oil: see a Black Sea productionsite. For the report andJones 1978; Docter 1991 (both with Docter 1991. of a ParmeniskosGroup stamped references).Docter (1991, p. 45) points 33. Whitbread 1995, p. 218. amphorahandle which, it is claimed, out that Kraay'sdowndating of the 34. Peirce,forthcoming; the possible bears the ethnic of Thessalian Meliboias: Wappenmiinzen(to ca.550 B.C.) may mean "Parmeniskoidwaster" is inv. 78.1345. see Empereurand Hesnard 1987, p. 12, that a Panathenaicamphora is depicted, It must be stressedthat Peirce'sproposal where it is so brieflymentioned as to ratherthan an SOS amphora.Alterna- was penned in 1979; the long delay in the remain essentiallyunpublished. Schonen- tively,the vessel depictedmay be the 6th- publicationof ToroneI is most unfortu- berger (1998, p. 245, nos. 19,20), on the century"a la brosse"amphora, for which nate. For stamps of Parmeniskos basis of the abovework, cautiouslygives see Johnstonand Jones 1978, pp. 121- amphorasfound at Torone see Peirce "Meliboia?"as the productionsite of 122; Rizzo 1990, pp. 71-72, nos. VII1 and (forthcoming),nos. 13.14 and 13.15; for ParmeniskosGroup amphoras(her text V112,figs. 99, 100; Boss 1993, pp. 322- such stamps from Poseidi:Vokotopoulou was completed in 1995). 324, nos. L15-L28 (for date see pp. 343- 1994, p. 269, with note 4. 36. Whitbread 1995, p. 219. 344); Dupont 1995/96, pp. 85-87. For a 35. Grace and Sawatianou-Petropou- 37. Whitbread1995, p. 219. Whit- discussionof Panathenaicamphoras and lakou 1970, p. 280, with note 1. Cf. Grace bread'scaution is not fully appreciatedin tradein Athenian oil, see Valavanis1986. 1956, pp. 168-169; Makaronas1960. For the discussionof a Parmeniskosamphora 32. AgoraVIII, pp. 40-41, no. 84 furtherreferences, especially the pioneer- stamp excavatedat Troy and publishedin no. 359), pl. 5; Docter 1991, p. 48. ing work of Brashinsky,see Whitbread Panasand Pontes 1998, pp. 227-228,244, Brann(Agora VIII, pp. 40-41) writes: 1995, pp. 210-223. See now Akamates no. 53 ("Toronaian?").For Peparethosas "This olpe has been interpretedas a 1989, pp. 80-81, and Akamates1998, pp. the home of SolohaType I amphoras,see containerof prize oil, the amphoraon it, 33,38,44, r\earguingthe case that Pella note 29. which has the shapeof the IOE storage was the productionsite of the group on 38. On the question of damagedpots jar,the predecessorof the Panathenic[sic] the basis of the similarity(visual examina- being fired and seeing service as normal, amphora,being an indicationof the tion) between the fabricof Parmeniskos functioning vessels, see Papadopoulos contents."The shape,better suited to a Group amphorasand domesticwasters 1998. Note also the discussionin wine-pouringvessel, may equallyrefer to found at the site. Getov (1994) maintains PerachoraII, p. 528, under no. 4146. MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE I73

tant, is the consideration of the date of the Parmeniskos Group amphoras. Whereas most scholars assume a pre-Hellenistic origin as probable, the stamped handles known thus far date only from the early 3rd to the end of the 2nd century B.C.39 Although there is evidence of habitation at Torone during this time, it is very limited indeed. The excavations at Torone have established a significant contraction in the size of the settlement areasome- time toward the end of the 4th century B.C. The Late Classical houses are abandoned, and habitation atTorone during the Hellenistic era was largely confined to Promontory 1 and the isthmus connecting it with the main part of the site.40This clear contraction in the size of the settlement area, even in view of the construction of a massive fortification system at the end of the 4th century B.C.,41 and with it the general depopulation of the greater area of the site, appears to be the result of the synoikismosof Kassandreia,following the foundation of that city by Kassanderin 316 B.C.42 It is therefore highly unlikely that Torone had the capacity in the Hellenistic era to have been a major amphora production center.The evidence taken together suggests thatTorone probablylacked the civic mecha- nisms required to maintain a state-regulated system of control, if that is what the names on the Parmeniskos Group amphora stamps testify.43The region of southern Sithonia, however, may well have continued producing wine throughout this period. It must be conceded that many questions remain unanswered about Hellenistic wine and amphora production in this region, questions that may be settled in part by survey work and the location of actual kiln sites. If, then, Torone was not the production center for Parmeniskos Group amphoras, what role did it play, if any, in wine production, and how are the symbols the city chose for its coin emblem- grapes, amphoras, oinochoai-to be interpreted?44

39. Grace 1956; Whitbread 1995, 43. For a discussionof the possible exportedtheir wine. The choice of p. 210; Akamates 1998, pp. 38-40, purpose of stamping amphorassee coin-type at Torone (especiallythat figs. 23-25. Garlan 1983, pp. 32-33; Garlan 1990; representedin Fig. 9) would, however, 40. See Cambitoglou and Koehler 1996, esp. p. 333. It is not suggest that it did. It is also worth Papadopoulos1988, pp. 180-186; known exactlywhat kind of control the rememberingthat there are alternative Papadopoulos1999. stamps indicate and thus what civic types of containers,such as baskets, 41. A brief account of the various mechanismswould have been required. cloth bags, and barrels,that served phases of the fortificationsof the site is Moreover,it remainsunknown whether numerouscommodities but rarely presentedin chapter 1 of ToroneI ParmeniskosGroup jars were regularly survivein the archaeologicalrecord; see (forthcoming);for the prehistoric stamped. Koehler 1986, p. 49. In the case of wine fortificationsof Torone, see Papa- 44. Are we dealing with a situation specifically,the use of wineskins for the dopoulos, Cross,Jones, and Sharpe 1999. akin to Athens, where a known wine transportof wine, particularlyfor wines 42. See especiallyAlexander 1970; producerlacks a distinctive-or that were not shipped over long Walbank1981, esp. p. 86. According to identifiable-amphora type, at least in distances,has not receiveddetailed Diodorus (19.52.2), the inhabitantsof the Classicaland Hellenistic periods?It discussionuntil very recently;see Labat the newly founded Kassandreiawere is worth stressing,however, that Athens 1998, esp. pp. 43-44. For wineskins made up of Poteidaians,Olynthians, and did boast the earlierSOS amphoras, depicted on Athenian red-figuredand other neighborsfrom Pallene and outside which may have served for the black-figuredpottery, see Immerwahr it. Although the Toronaiansare not transportof wine in addition to oil (see 1992. One wonders to what extent the specificallynamed, they appearto have above).The lack of a distinctive undistinguishedlocal wine, what the made up one group among "the neigh- Athenian amphoratype is noted in Athenians called trikotylos,"liter wine" bors"from outside Pallene. See also Lawall 1995. See also Amouretti 1992, (literally,three half-pints;see Davidson Zahrnt 1971, pp. 112-121; Vokoto- p. 86, where it is noted that not all 1997, p. 41), was primarilytransported poulou 1997a. wine-producingareas necessarily in wineskins. I74 PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS

It is here that our literary sources on Mende and Mendaian wine provide a clue, particularly when the whole question of Toronaian and Chalkidian wine production is viewed against the backdrop of the Mendaian wine industry.On the basis of both ancient literary sources and the distribution of Mendaian amphoras45-which are found at very widely dispersed sites, from the Black Sea to the north African coast, indicating that their distribution was not confined to a narrowlybased local distribution network46-it is clear that Mendaian wine was highly valued in antiquity. Many of the extant references to Mendaian wine are gathered in the Deipnosophistaiof Athenaios, who drew on Attic Comedy, both old and new, for much of his source material on the subject.47The5th-century B.C. poet Kratinos, for example, says of Mendaian wine that if a handsome lad catches a glimpse of it in its bloom he will tag along and follow it, saying: aTTA AEU KOS Oilp (A)5 o? KCEU aP OCIOEI TpIX.4 Philyllios (fi. late 5th and early 4th century B.C.) says that he will furnish Lesbian, mellow Chian, Thasian, Bibline, and Mendaian wine to his guests and nobody will have a headache.49Hermippos (whose known dramatic victories are dated no later than the third quarterof the 5th century B.C.) has Dionysos mentioning several varieties of wine, including Mendaian and the fact that because of it, the gods actually wet their soft beds.50But the gods are not the only ones to be thus affected by Mendaian wine. In a work by Euboulos (fi. second quarterof the 4th century B.C.), a certain Sikon arrives wet and in his cups, having drunk by the Zeus of Mende.5' Mendaian wine is also mentioned by Menander in the context of reckoning the expense of the largest banquet.52

45. Whitbread 1995, pp. 198-209; pp. 244,251, no. 14, fig. 10 [San 51. Athenaios 1.23a; Euboulos fr. Paspalas1990, esp. pp. 58-87; Lawall Biagio, Montescaglioso]). 123 [126] (Kasseland Austin 1986, 1995, pp. 117-129. Furtherfinds of 46. Mendaianwine was exported, p. 263 = Kock 1884, p. 209); Salviat Mendaian amphoras,not included in on present knowledge,especially widely 1990, p.472, no.9. these works, have been made at a in the later 5th and into the earlier4th 52. Athenaios 4.146d-e; Menander, numberof sites. Here we note five centuryB.C. MEen,fr. 319 (Kock 1888, pp. 91-92, regions in which amphorasidentified as 47. Athenaios 1.29d-f, 1.31a, esp. p. 91 = fr.224 [264] in Kasseland Mendaian have only recentlybeen 4.129d-e, 4.146e; cf Salviat 1990, Austin 1998, p. 156); Salviat 1990, reported:Crete (Kommos:Johnston pp.470-473. p. 472, no. 10. An interestingremark is 1996, p. 82); north Africa (Carthage, 48. Athenaios 1.29d; Kratinosfr. made by Theophrastoswith reference last quarterof the 5th centuryB.C.: 195 [183] (Kasseland Austin 1983, to other Chalkidianwine varieties.In Docter 1995, with references;Coulson p. 221 = Kock 1880, p. 69); Salviat De causisplantarum, in the contextof [1996, p. 58] writes of"derivatesfrom 1990, p. 471, no. 3. The "three"refers to discussingthe seasons for the pruning Mendean amphoratoes" at Naukratis; the fact that it will carrythree parts of of vines, Theophrastoswrites: vIcx yaxp rim and neck fragmentsof transport water to one of wine. 0 (pEPOUCIVaXV PCpaXuToPneqOoaIV, amphoraspublished from the northern 49. Athenaios 1.31a; Philyllios fr.23 aAA Eir T'V 3?C'XOTnqGIVTpETr0VTal, Sinai may be comparedon the basis of [24] (Kasseland Austin 1989, p. 384 = KCxeOTTcEpr A(puTCoJr KCXaOU'PEVn, KCEi form with those of Mendaian ampho- Kock 1880, p. 787); Salviat 1990, ?v AK6VeC OE Erir TETTCpC ras:Defernez 1997, pp. 63-64, nos. 39- pp.470-471, no.2. 6opeaApougEAXi(XTOUc TE?JVOUOIV 41, fig. 6); inland Anatolia (Gordion: 50. Athenaios 1.29e; Hermippos fr. (3.15.5). Of other Chalkidianvarieties brieflyreported in DeVries 1997, p. 447; 77 [82] (Kasseland Austin 1986, p. 600 of grape that will not bear if pruned Lawall in Voigt et al. 1997, pp. 21-22 = Kock 1880, pp. 249-250, esp. p. 249); short,Theophrastos specifically names refersto northernGreek amphorasat Salviat 1990, p. 470, no. 1. For the the Akanthian,a well-known vine the site); northernItaly (Forcellodi dramaticfunction of lists of foodstuffs discussedabove. This reference,in the Bagnolo S. Vito and Spina:Cattaneo and wine varietiesin Attic comedy,see 4th century B.C., to the so-called vine of Cassano 1993, p. 388, with references); Wilkins 1997, esp. p. 255; Bowie 1995, Aphytis, a town on the east coast of and southernItaly (Roubis 1996, pp.120-121. Pallene (Fig. 1), and well beyond the MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE I75

In addition to its palatable qualities, Mendaian wine is recommended for its therapeuticpurposes, not least for its laxativeproperties, in De internis affectionibus(flEPI TON ENTO flAGON), a work included in the Corpus Hippocraticum.53The laxative aspect appearsto have been enhanced by the fact that the Mendaians sprinkled the grapes on the vines with an aperi- ent, according to the testimony of Phainias of Eresos (ca. 375-300 B.C.).54 In De internis affectionibus,as in Kratinos apud Athenaios, the wine is referred to as leukos(white) and was available in a number of varieties, including malthakos(mild or mellow),55 melichroos(honied),56 and austeros (dry).57Athenaios also records, in the context of the foundation of Kas- sandreia in 316 B.C., that Lysippos, at Kassander'sbehest, designed a new amphora type for the purpose of exporting Mendaian wine, a passage that will be more fully discussed below.58Elsewhere Athenaios classed the wine of Mende with that of Thasos and Lesbos.59By the mid 3rd century B.C. the Mendaian vine, among an assortment of other varieties, appears to have been grown on a Ptolemaic estate in the Faiyum,indicating that Greek settlers in Egypt planted Aegean vines there.60The virtues of Mendaian wine continue to be praised well into the Roman period by authors such as Pollux6' and Alkiphron,62the latter describing the wine as nectar.In addition, Mabel Lang has suggested that a partially preserved dipinto (MEv) on a Late Roman amphora of the 6th century A.C. from the Athenian Agora may refer to Mendaian wine;63the second and third lines of the same graffito (PEAi[ and xw[, respectively) led Lang to suggest that it was perhaps Mendaian wine with honey.64So entrenched was the reputation of Mendaian wine in ancient scholarship that even the grammarian Stephanos Byzantios, writing in the 6th century A.C., refers to the wine of Mende in his Ethnika.65 Several further aspects of the production of Mendaian wine should be emphasized. First of all, Mendaian wine, on the evidence of the numerous choraof Mende (as defined by Zahrnt Pallene, and for alternativenames for sumptuouswedding banquet of a 1971, pp. 136-137, map V), is, as far as the peninsula,see Vokotopoulou1997b. Macedonian named Karanos,whose we know, the only referenceto the vine 53. De internisaffectionibus 7.201, marriagetook place two generations of the town in antiquity.In discussing 207, 209, 213, 229. The work is dated afterAlexander the Great. this passage,Salviat (1990, p. 473, no. to ca.400-390 B.C.; seeJouanna 1992, 60. Edgar 1925, pp. 54-55, 16) writes:"Aphytis, voisone de Mende, p. 528. See furtherJoly 1983, placing no. 59033, line 13 (cf. Salviat 1990, dans la Pallene, avaitun cepage qui InternalAffectionsin the corpus of p. 473, no. 15). The relevantletter in demandaita la taille des precautions." Knidianwriting; for the Knidian the Zenon Archive is dated to 257 B.C. For the importanceof agricultureat medical school, see as well Sherwin- Cf. Strabo 15.3.11 and the introduc- Aphytis, and its success,see Aristotle, White 1978, p. 263. tion, by Macedonians,of Greek vines Pol. 6.1319a.15-18; Aristotle says of 54. Athenaios 1.29f; Salviat 1990, to Babyloniaand Susiana. the AphytaiansrTTCVTEr yE?pyOUOIV. p. 473, no. 14. 61. Onomastikon6.16; Salviat 1990, The referenceto Aphytis is of further 55. De internisaffectionibus 7.201; p. 473, no. 17. interestin the light of the Euboulos Salviat 1990, p. 471, no. 4. 62. Alkiphron 3.5; Salviat 1990, statement,preserved in Athenaios, 56. De internisaffectionibus 7.207; p. 473, no. 18. alreadycited, on the "Zeus of Mende," Salviat 1990, p. 471, no. 5. 63.AgoraXXI, pp. 73, 86-87, which conceivablyrefers to the Temple 57. De internisaffectionibus 7.209; no. I 42 (P 12152), pl. 53. The first line of Ammon Zeus nearAphytis(?). It Salviat 1990, p. 471, no. 6. of the inscriptionis interpreted(p. 112) should be stressed,however, that our 58. Athenaios 11.784c; Salviat 1990, as MEv[oaTor]. very meagerknowledge of the cults of p. 473, no. 13. 64. AgoraXXI, pp. 86-87. Mende rendersthis a highly tentative 59. Athenaios 4.129d; Salviat 1990, 65. StephanosByzantios 444.15, suggestion.For the topographyof p. 472, no. 11. The occasion was the s.v. Mende. I76 PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS literaryreferences praising it and the distribution of Mendaian amphoras, was exported in large quantities. Our clearestevidence for this is the speech Against Lakritos preserved in the Demosthenic corpus.66The Athenian Androkles (the brother of Lakritos) and Nausikrates of Karystos had lent thirty minae to Artemos and Apollodoros of Phaselis in Lycia. According to the terms of the loan, the borrowerswould sail from Athens to Mende or Skione and there purchase 3,000 jars of Mendaian wine and ship the cargo to the Black Sea. Having disposed of the wine in the Pontos, they were to ship a return cargo and then sail back to Athens, and from the proceeds of the double voyage were to discharge the debt with interest. This passage refers not only to the quantity of Mendaian wine, but also to the fact that it was shipped to the Black Sea, a point well borne out by numerous finds of Mendaian amphoras at Pontic sites.67The boat that was to ship the cargo is referredto as a "twenty-oared ship,"a term loosely applied to sailing ships.68On the basis of this evidence, Lionel Casson once calculated that a cargo of 3,000 jars must have weighed over 100 tons, though this figure may be somewhat low;69he further suggested that the average burden of a sailing ship was about 130 tons and thus an average ship of the period probably had a capacity of 3,000 amphoras.70As for the Demosthenic passage, in the end only 450 amphoras were actually loaded, and it is not stated whether there was any additional cargo.7" Here it is important to note the information provided by the two shipwrecks recently discovered in the northern Sporades with cargoes that included large numbers of Mendaian amphoras. One of these, the so-called Alonessos (Peristeri)wreck, is dated on the basis of associated Attic black- glazed pottery to ca. 425-410 B.c.;72 the other, the so-called KyraPanaghia wreck, is dated, at least preliminarily,to the mid 5th century B.c.73 The significance of these two shipwrecks, both of which predate the period of the speeches preserved in the Demosthenic corpus, is not only that the ships carried Mendaian wine, but that at least the one at Peristeri is estimated to have held some 3,000 jars or more.74 The second aspect to highlight is that on the evidence of graffiti on Mendaian amphoras,especially from the Athenian Agora, Mendaian wine appears to have fetched comparativelyhigh prices. If Mabel Lang's inter- pretation is correct,75then it would appear that one chous of Mendaian was worth a stater.76A similar price per chous is also interpreted for Chian

66. Private Orations35 (Against centuryhad a capacityof between 8 23. See, more recently,Hatzidake 1996, Lakritos);Salviat 1990, p. 472, no. 12. and 10 choes, which, on the basis of 1997. 67. Whitbread 1995, pp. 198-199; measurementspresented in Wallace 73. Reportedin the Greek press, To Brashinsky1962; and especiallyfor the 1986, should amount to between 26 Vima,22 October 1995, p. 44 (= AR 42, period under consideration,Monahov and 32.5 liters. 1995-1996, p. 23, in which it is 1995/96, pp. 35, 40, 42-44, 59. 70. Discussed in Whitbread 1995, reportedthat "morethan 1,500 wine 68. See Casson 1971, p. 184; cf. p.22. amphorasfrom Mende" arepreserved Whitbread 1995, p. 22. 71. [Demosthenes] 35.20; see also from the cargo). 69. Casson (1971, p. 184) estimated Isager and Hansen 1975, p. 170; 74. Thereby proving Casson (1971) amphoracapacity at about 20 liters. Whitbread 1995, p. 22. correct. This figureis too low, since as Lang 72. The wreck is illustratedin 75. In AgoraXXI, pp. 75-76, (1956) was among the first to com- Hatzidake 1992, p. 16, fig. 3; the black- no. He 1 (P 11382). ment, Mendaian amphorasof the 5th glazed pottery is discussedon pp. 21- 76. The fact that the price is quoted MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE I77

wine in Athens; Chian wine was highly recognized in antiquity and com- manded the premium price.77According to Mark Lawall, an uninventoried fragment of a Chian amphora from the Agora may suggest that Chian wine, at least at the end of the 5th century B.C., was fetching as much as 4 drachmai per chous. As Lawall suggests, this price may have been inflated on account of the political and economic conditions in Athens at the time.78 In any case, the graffito on yet another Mendaian amphora implies, if the reading is correct, a price per chous of one and one-half drachmai.79Lang as a stater,and not in drachmai,leads suggests that 15 drachmai was the price for the entire contents of the am- Lawall to suspect that the vessel may phora, with 4 obols perhaps added as the price of the jar. She goes on to have been inscribedsomewhere other say: "The jar is too fragmentaryto allow of a capacity estimate but appears than Athens (pers.comm.). Note, to be of the Mendaian type which range from eight to ten Athenian choes. however,the comments in Johnston Fifteen drachmaiwould be a reasonableprice for the wine."80Such a price 1996, pp. 82, 87 on the problems involved in interpretingthese graffiti. is still more than double that asked for the same quantity of Athenian 77.AgoraXXI, p. 76, He 2 wine as listed on the Attic Stelai.8' Kendrick Pritchett argues for signifi- (P 2366). For a useful and recent cantly lower prices, largely on the evidence of the Demosthenic corpus.82 overviewof the price of Chian wine, as It should be remembered that the Demosthenic corpus lists prices at a well as notes on the connection between given point in the 4th century B.C. and that such prices cannot be assumed drinking and financialruin, see Davidson for earlier or later periods. It should be stressed, moreover, that prices are 1997, pp. 191-193. See furtherAmyx 1958, p. 176; Salviat 1986, pp. 180-181. variable and that they depend on supply and demand. Furthermore, we 78. Lawall,pers. comm. cannot be sure whether the three types of Mendaian wine noted above 79. Lang 1956, p. 15, no. 64 (P 6126). fetched the same price or whether certain varieties, or vintages, were more 80. Lang 1956, p. 15, no. 64 (P 6126). prized than others.83 81. Lang 1956, p. 14, note 18. The third, and perhaps most crucial, aspect in this discussion is the 82. Pritchett 1956, p. 201. An importantpoint made by Pritchett status of Mende and its relationship with the rest of the Chalkidike. The (pp. 202-203, note 192) is that many exact fate ofMende following the foundation and synoikismosof Kassandreia things apartfrom wine were kept in in 316 B.C. is unclear, but if Athenaios' report (11.784c) that Kassander amphoras.He states:"We have not commissioned Lysippos to design a new amphora is correct, then it is clear included in our study of the price of wine that Kassandreia took part in the trade, and conceivably production, of any referenceto the graffition ancient Mendaian wine. The relevant passage in Athenaios reads: amphoras... Their connection with wine is uncertain.Just as the stamnos was associatedin our inscriptionswith oil, AUOa,Irrov TOV70V8picxVTOTrOIOV pcaci Kaa&v8pc xapi6oPEVOV olives, and vinegar as well as wine, so we OTE OUV(KIGE T7V Kca&VSp?E1V. (p120803,OUVTI KQXi 3OU2OPEVL know from literarysources that the O TIV0X7 Up1aOcx KEpEU8JOV 71 TO FO2UV E3,CXy?EOcX7 TOV amphorawas a container,for example,for MEV8cxOV oTvov ?K T7 UrTTO6XEq, KQXI TTO\X KQ41 oil, milk, and pickled slices of dolphin . . . pIOTI071pqeqvI Presumablythe contents could be TTC(VTO7C(TTCyEVf TTcXpcXOE,PEVOVKEPCXPi(V E3, E?Kc7TOU extended to a wide varietyof products.A cTToTTX\cXXPJEVOV'810ov roIqaOC rr2Oc&a. price on an amphorais not, then, in itself necessarilyan indication of the price of They say that in order to gratify Kassander at the time when he wine." founded the metropolis of Kassandreia,he being fond of glory and 83. On the question of the age of desirous of to himself a kind of vessel because wine and vintages,Davidson (1997, appropriating special p. 41) states:"The Greeks,unlike the Mendaian wine was exported from his city in large quantities, the Romans after them, seem to have had no sculptor Lysippos exerted his best efforts and, after comparing many appreciationof particularvintages, but pieces of earthenware of every description, copied something from certainlyrecognized the value of ageing, each and so invented a special model.84 something which amazed antiquariansas late as the early eighteenth century,when wines usuallydeteriorated quickly." The passage clearly states that large quantities of Mendaian wine were 84. Athenaios 11.784c, trans.C. B. exported (TToXUCvE&yEOaeI) from Kassandreia.By the 2nd century B.C., Gulick. in the context of the Third Macedonian War, Mende was regarded merely 178 PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS as the port of Kassandreia,at a time when "Mendaian"wine was still highly praisedby ancient authorities,and presumablywidely exported.85The problem of determining the distribution of Mendaian wine after 316 B.C. iS that the identified Mendaian amphoras are all of an earlier date, and that the later type-the one said to have been designed by Lysippos-has yet to be distinguished.86In discussing Athenaios' report, Whitbread notes that two points arise:the first is that the later Mendaian jars may be repre- sented in archaeological collections, especially in places that received the earlier jars, such as Athens, Corinth, and the Black Sea region, but that these have not yet been recognized;87second without the comment by Athenaios, it may have been assumed that Mende stopped producing transport amphoras in the second half of the 4th century B.c.88 Whatever the exact status of the "Mendaian"wine industry in the late 4th century B.C. and during the Hellenistic era, it is clear that wine known as Mendaian was being circulated and praised. Moreover, Kassandreiais not the only city to have had a hand in the export, and perhaps production, of Mendaian wine. The author ofAgainstLakritos, already referred to, states that amphoras containing Mendaian wine were to have been loaded either at Mende or at the neighboring city of Skione to the south (Fig. 1).89This passage appearsto indicate that the wine of Skione may have been classed as "Mendaian"in the mid 4th century B.C. or, at least, that Skione, like Kassandreia slightly later on, took part in the trade of Mendaian wine. There is no evidence to indicate that Skione was in any way subject to Mende in the 4th century B.C., and such a reason for Skionian wine to be identified as "Mendaian"cannot be entertained.90 It is clear that more work needs to be done, particularlyon Mendaian amphoras and the varieties of their shape and fabric.This point is in view of the fact that at most sites where they are found there is rarelya standard fabric shared by all of the amphoras of Mendaian type. Nevertheless, the work conducted to date is revealing. For example, the results of the petro- graphic analysis conducted byWhitbread on Mendaian amphoras showed that two fabric classes could be distinguished in his sample.91Whitbread's Class 2 matched well with the red clays collected in two areas that were beyond the choraof Classical Mende and that echo the literary evidence presented above. These are Nea Skione, located some three kilometers southwest of the site of the ancient city,92and Nea Phoukas in the region of ancient Aphytis. Whitbread suggests that clays from these regions may have been used in the production of Mendaian amphoras of his Class 2. Visual analysis of vessels and sherds found at Torone and believed to be local indicates a close match with the description of the Mendaian am-

85. Livy 31.45.14. The passage 88. Whitbread 1995, p. 36. Gery, and McGregor 1950, p. 64. For reads:Inde Cassandreampetentesprimo 89. The seminal articledealing with the status of Skione in the 4th century ad Mendaeum,maritimum civitatis eius the location of Skione, Mende, and see Zahrnt 1971, pp. 235-236. For the vicum,tenuere. See also Vokotopoulou Torone is Meritt 1923. 4th-century coinage of this polis see 1997b, p. 75. 90. For part of the 5th century B.C., Westermark1988, p. 97. 86. Whitbread 1995, p. 36. however,the Athenian Tribute Lists 91. Whitbread 1995, pp. 198-209. 87. Whitbread 1995, p. 36, with recordthat the assessmentof Skione in 92. See Meritt 1923, p. 450; referenceto Grace 1949; Grace 1953; Period II was included in the Sismanides 1991. Williams 1978; and Brashinsky1962. Mendaian payment;see Meritt, Wade- 93. Whitbread 1995, pp. 205-206. MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE I79

phora fabric published by Whitbread.94This observation in itself can only form the basis for further research;it does not prove that amphoras of the type known as Mendaian were actually manufacturedat Torone, though it is worth adding that Torone has yielded a number of eccentric examples of amphoras of a shape related to Mendaian but of atypical clay.95 If wine producers in a number of other cities in the Chalkidike did indeed export their vintages in transport amphorasvery similar to the type we know as "Mendaian,"this would indicate that they did not use the medium of vessel shape to distinguish their produce from that of their coproducersin the choraiof other Chalkidianpoleiswhich also made use of similar amphora forms. Despite the fact that there are certain differences between various jars classed as Mendaian, there is also much similarity between some of the various types of amphoras of the north Aegean. This homogeneity is echoed in Lawall's recent study, in which he argues that the amphora types of the north Aegean, especially Thasian, Akanthian, and Mendaian, share many morphological traits and, at times, even used similar marking systems.96This led him to propose the existence of a regional style-or koine-of amphora production, especially among potters working between Mende and Thasos.97 The evidence discussed above, particularlythe quantity of the product exported, the comparatively high prices it fetched, and the fact that the city of Mende was overshadowed by Kassandreiafrom the late 4th century B.C. onward, coupled with the stylistic similarities among several of the north Aegean amphora types, suggests that the adjective "Mendaian"may have been applied to wine produced in a region more extensive than the choraof Mende itself.98 Such a possibility gains credence when viewed from the perspective of Torone.99The evidence from Torone taken to-

94. Whitbread 1995, p. 201. types generallyas a flaringrim For the similaritiesbetween Thasian 95. One in particular,Torone inv. (somewhatbulbous on its interiorface) and Lesbian amphoras,see 82.1359 (Fig. 6), was found in a deposit and thumb impressionsat the base of Clinkenbeard1986. For the production of the second half of the 5th centuryB.C. each handle (for which see of "amphoresionio-massali&tes" at Its body form (approximatelythe bottom Papadopoulos1994, pp. 471,482-483 different sites in the western and central third is missing) suggests that it should and esp. pp. 485-486). Its fabric, Mediterraneanduring the second half be placed ca. 425 B.C.; it is not as "turnip- however,sets it apart.While it does of the 6th century and into the early shaped"as the Mendaian amphorasfrom contain much mica, its color is a deep 5th century B.C., see Sourisseau1998. the Alonessos (Peristeri)wreck, dated ca. red (something like red 2.5YR 5/8; 98. At a much later date, during the 425-400 B.C., or as a contemporarypiece core:light reddishbrown 2.5YR 6/4), 2nd centuryA.C., there is some evidence from Carthage (Docter 1995, pp. 499- and it is very well levigated.The to suggest that Cretanwine was sold as 500, figs. 1, 3), but its proportionsare exteriorsurface has been smoothed, "Theran";see Pollux, Onomastikon6.2, more elongated and its shoulderless though not uniformly.At a point below but cf. Dalby 1996, p. 254, note 53. For roundedthan mid-5th-century examples that of greatestdiameter, the surfaceis the term "Chian"referring to a grape (e.g., Grace 1953, pp. 106-107, nos. 161, at its smoothest and, in addition,two typein the Roman period, as opposed to 162). From what can be judged of the zones may be seen where the red color an actualwine from the island, see line drawingpublished in Ebert 1913, is darkerand the surfacesmoother. Dalby 1996, p. 95. p. 26, fig. 28:c, the amphorafound at 96. Lawall 1995, esp. p. 116. 99. One positive advantageis that by Torone compareswell with this piece, 97. Lawall 1995, p. 156; Lawall being called Mendaian, the wine of the which was excavatedat Gute Maritzyn 1997. For the identificationof a 4th- region is at least firmly placed within and dated to the last quarterof the 5th centurykoine of mushroom-rimmed the Chalkidikeand is not confusedwith century.Torone inv. 82.1359 sharessuch transportamphoras among cities of that of the Euboian Chalkis. For the details of form with the Mendaian type coastalAnatolia and offshore islands, confusion of Chalkidikeand Chalkis- in particularand other north Aegean see Empereurand Picon 1986, p. 112. in-Euboia see Papadopoulos1996. I80 PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS gether with the references to the involvement of Skione and Kassandreia in the production and/or export of Mendaian wine further supports the argument that the name "Mendaian"may have referredto Chalkidian wine in general, at least in the 4th century B.C., if not earlier."'0It is clear that in antiquity mention made of the wine of Chios, Lesbos, Rhodes, Thasos, and Kerkyra,for instance, referred to that produced on each respective island as a whole and not just to the product of the main city, and in some cases perhaps also to the peraia of the island on the mainland opposite. The case of Knidos is also worth mentioning in this context as the appellation "Knidian"probably refers to the wine of the entire Knidian peninsula.101Most of these areas, however, were not only single political units, but places where the name of the central city and its chora,even the islands and their peraiai, were used interchangeably fairly often, and this distin- guishes them from Mende and the other cities of the Chalkidike. The process by which a product of one region or center either be- comes confused with that of another region or comes to be known or associated with a place other than the one where it was made finds numerous parallels in antiquity, as it does today.This has been most recently investi- gated by Patrice Brun in a penetrating paper dealing with appellations contr6lees,ranging from the cheese of Kythnos to Parian marble. Brun discusses various scenarios by which a specific geographical label can be applied or attributed to products from particular regions.102Ceramic products are no exception and, indeed, provide classic cases in point. An interesting modern analogy is the way the well-known Iznik pottery of Asia Minor came to be known as "Rhodian."Thisis well treatedby Katerina Korre-Zographou,who notes that during the 19th century Rhodes served as an important distribution center for Iznik and Kiitahya ware and that the adjective "Rhodian"came to be used because of French dealers who purchased large quantities of pottery on Rhodes, especially Lindos, for the Musee des Arts Decoratifs (Cluny)."03

100. It is importantto note that Empereurand Tuna 1989. the difficultiesof determining"Local other Chalkidiantowns, not acclaimed 102. Brun 1997. PergameneWare" (lokalpergamenisch) in antiquityfor their wine, have yielded 103. Korre-Zographou1995, from "TruePergamene" (echtper- evidence of wine production.For pp. 292-304, esp. p.292 and the map gamenisch,for which see Meyer- example,Sismanides (1994, p. 282; on pp. 332-333. See furtherLane 1971, Schlichtmann1988, esp. pp. 3-9), while 1996, p. 287) has recentlyinterpreted a p. 60; Hatzidakes 1957, p. 6. In a the term "Samian"as used by Pliny structurewithin the walls of ancient similarvein, by naming severalEarly should referto a ware (or wares) Stageiraas a wine press,and for grape Roman pottery productioncenters- producedsomewhere in the eastern treadingfloors identified at Olynthos, real or imaginary-Pliny the Elder,in Mediterraneanother than the island of see OlynthusVIII, pp. 342-343; Cahill the well-known passagein Naturalis Samos (see Hayes 1972, pp. 8-10; for an 1991, pp. 351-352. Historia (35.46.160-161), tempted earlierdiscussion and classificationof 101. For kiln sites throughoutthe subsequentstudents of Hellenistic and "Samian"pottery, see AgoraV, p. 12, no. peninsulawhere transportamphoras Roman ceramichistory to equate these F15, note 9; also pp. 25, 40). Scholarly were manufacturedsee Empereurand centerswith recognizedwares, thereby errorsof this sort continue to the present, Picon 1986, pp. 116-123; Empereur giving rise to problemsof nomenclature with the term "Megarianbowls," a fruit and Tuna 1988; Tuna, Empereur, (see the discussionin Papadopoulos of archaeologicalmisunderstanding first Doger, and Desbat 1991. For the 1995, p. 223). Attempting to distin- coined in 1883, assuminga life-and manufactureof Rhodian amphorasat guish what exactly,for example,Pliny tenacity-all its own; see discussionby sites on the Rhodianperaia and on meant by "Pergamene"pottery has Susan Rotroff in AgoraXXII, pp. 2-3; islands under the control of Rhodes, see challenged scholars,quite apartfrom cf. Benndorf 1883, pp. 117-118. MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE i8i

We may never know to what extent Torone, like other Chalkidian towns, knowingly took part in the production and trade of a wine specifically referredto as Mendaian, or to what extent the Toronaians consciously used the name "Mendaian"on account of its established reputation, or whether Chalkidianwine came to be known as "Mendaian"abroad.'04 What is clear is that much remains to be learned from the jars themselves. Not only would the closer study of amphora fabrics, shapes, and markings offer promise, but so would the consideration of the processes at the core of production, such as the possibility that "Mendaian"amphoras were made at more than one center,105even the possibility of specialist potters moving within the Aegean, whether in an itinerant capacity or else relocating on a more permanent basis.'06Indeed, knowledge of the location of the actual production sites would be fundamental to a better understanding of many of the questions raised here. Apart from the amphoras, other avenues of inquiry,such as modern traditionalwine production in Greece, would provide many potential insights into ancient practices, ranging from the details of planting and the maintenance and harvesting of the grape, to the production of specialized tools and containers for the wine and the more general aspects of environment and land use.'07The potential of archaeological survey to trace the material remains of ancient farms and the organization of agriculturalland, as well as the relationship of polis and chora, in the Chalkidike has not been fully realized, not least for the relatively unspoiled landscape of Akte (Mount Athos).

104. Here it is worth making the wine-makers.In the case of Mendaian lonio-Massaliote amphorasreferred to analogywith modernwine production. wine, however,the opposite is true, in above (note 97). For the productionof Californiaand South Australiaare large, that the wine of an entire region came particulartypes of Roman amphorasin internationallyrecognized wine- to be known by the name of one town more than one center see Papadopoulos producingregions, yet both at one time in that region. 1989, esp. p. 83, note 57, p. 88, note 99. produceda sparklingwhite wine referred 105. Generallyspeaking, the forms 106. For discussionon this aspect see, to as "Champagne"and a red wine of Greek amphoratypes, or at least most recently,Papadopoulos 1997 (with bottled as "Burgundy,"both being those that have been identified, are references). regions in the "ancient"wine countryof attributedto a specificproducing state, 107. The monasteriesof Mount France.In this case, both Californianand although specific featuresassociated Athos, many of which still producewine South Australianwine-makers were with a particulartype may be seen on a accordingto traditionaltechniques, cashing in on the reputationand name- numberof differenttypes (see would certainlyrepay closer study.For a recognitionof Champagne and Bur- Whitbread 1995, pp. 35-36). Note, meticulous study of modern traditional gundy.There are other modern cases in however,that Doulg6ri-Intzessiloglou practicesin the productionof wine see which individualwine-growers in and Garlan (1990, p. 388) conclude the papersby variousauthors collected establishedwine-producing regions, such that amphorasof very similarform in Krasiou.See also the papersrecently as the Hunter Valleyin easternAustralia, were manufacturedon the neighboring publishedin Ampelooinike,which provide use grapesgrown in other parts of the islands of Peparethos(Skopelos) and a wealth of informationon vine growing country,whether to increasesupply, Ikos (Alonessos). For similarconclu- and wine productionin Greek lands which is most common, or to purposely sions concerning Samian and Milesian from prehistoryto the present.This is select a varietyor style of grape not easily amphoratypes see Lawall 1995, p. 90; not to suggest that modern wine producedin their own region. It is also for the possibilitythat the Lesbian productionconstitutes evidence for worth rememberingthat Californian,like amphoratype was made at more than static, unchangingagricultural practices South Australian,wine refersto that of a one polis on the island see Lawall 1995, over the centuries;on this aspect see very large region, in the same way that pp. 215-216. Furthermore,Lawall furtherAmouretti 1992, p. 78. For Champagne,like Burgundy,is a region (1995, pp. 218-244) characterizesboth wineskins and useful notes on the stages that gave its name to the produceof Soloha I and II types as "extra- of wine productionin antiquity,see numeroustowns, villages, and individual regional."Note also the case of the Immerwahr1992. PAPADOPOULOS AND PASPALAS

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The level to which the economies of Classical Mende and Torone, like those of other Chalkidian towns, relied on wine is best appreciated against the backdrop of the prehistory of the domestication of the grape in the north Aegean. The latter has been taken back to an even more remote past through the publication of the floral remains from Sitagroi in eastern Macedonia, where the first domestic grapes were associated with periods IV and V (the Early Bronze Age).108The more recent publication of the palaeobotanical remains and evidence for plant husbandry at prehistoric Dimitra in the Serres basin in north Greece byJane Renfrew suggests that domestic grape seeds were present in the Neolithic levels, indicating that the vine was being domesticated in this area of the north Aegean by the Late Neolithic period.109 However remote the prehistory of the Chalkidian grape, the efficacy of the coin-types of Torone to promote and advertise wine continues to this day, and it is fitting to end this survey of Chalkidian wine with ex-

108. Renfrew,Gimbutas, and Elster make it clear that the Eurasiangrape 109. For Dimitra, see Renfrew 1997, 1986, pp. 138, 441. It is worth noting must have been domesticatedin p. 223, and also the overviewin that the domesticationof the Eurasian southernGreece well before the 7th Renfrew 1996; see now Valamote1998, grapevineon the basis of size measure- centuryB.C. Palmer(1996, p. 281) p. 141 for a review of other Late ments and morphologyof grape pips is considersvine growing to have been Neolithic and Early Bronze Age finds very difficult:see Olmo 1996, pp. 38- widespreadthroughout Greece and from northernsites. For an overviewof 39; Zohary 1996, p. 29; Valamote1998, Crete during the Mycenaeanperiod (see the prehistoryof wine in the ancient pp. 138-144; Mangapha,Kotsakis, and also Palmer 1994); for wine consump- Near East and Egypt, which predates Andreou 1998, pp. 159-165. For the tion during the Bronze Age in the that of the Aegean, see, most recently, view that viticultureand arboriculture Aegean see Wright 1996. The evidence McGovern 1998a; for the wine jars did not become widespreadfarming of pollen counts for the history of dating to ca. 3150 B.C. in the royal enterprisesin Greece until the later viticulturein centraland northern tomb of Abydos, see McGovern "DarkAges," see Hanson 1992, p. 161. Greece is presentedin Athanasiades, 1998b. The studies by Palmerand Wright Gerasimides,and Panagiotides1998. MENDAIAN AS CHALKIDIAN WINE I83

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amples from the present. The emblem of the city depicting an amphora with bunches of grapes (Fig. 9) is boldly displayed today on the Laphazane wine label (Fig. 23), for vintages produced in the region of Nemea, specifically in the valley of Kleonai. It is no coincidence that the region immediately to the north of Torone continues to this day to be famous for its grapes, with the wine of the Porto Carras label (Fig. 24) widely exported throughout Greece, Europe, and North America. In this particular case, history may well have repeated itself in that the grapes used for the modern wine are grown over a fairly large areaof central and southern Sithonia, but that the name used for marketing and distribution refers to a single town-Porto Carras-a place that is a totally modern creation."10

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