P10 Interviewee: Julius Chan Interviewers
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Charles Lepani I
Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies AN INITIATIVE OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND THE BOBST CENTER FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: P2 Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Interviewee: Charles Lepani Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 March 2009 Location: Canberra, Australia Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties DEVLIN: Today is March 15th, 2010. We’re in Canberra, Australia, with His Excellency Charles Lepani, Papua New Guinea’s high commissioner to Australia. The high commissioner was one of Papua New Guinea’s top public servants during the years we’ll be discussing today and has a rather unique insight into both the political dynamics that shaped those events and the administrative aspects of the implementation of Papua New Guinea’s decentralization. Mr. High Commissioner, thank you for joining us. LEPANI: Thank you. DEVLIN: If you don’t mind, I’d like to begin by first asking you how you came to enter the public service, and what positions you held over the years of your governmental career. LEPANI: I started off as a trained trade unionist. After high school in Queensland, Australia, I spent two years at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1967-68. -
Pol I T Ical Reviews ‡ Melanesia 491 Papua New Guinea
pol i t ical reviews melanesia 491 $LUNR3DSXDKWWSZZZSDSXDEDUDWQHZV swaps in ministerial portfolios, the FRP replacement of two deputy prime min- Pembebasan PapuaKWWSSHPEHEDVDQ isters, and a constitutional blunder in SDSXDEORJVSRWFRP the reelection of the governor-general. In spite of the political rollercoaster, 3ROLWLN,QGRQHVLDKWWSZZZ .politikindonesia.com the Somare government successfully thwarted numerous attempts by the Presiden Republik Indonesia. Opposition to remove Sir Michael KWWSZZZSUHVLGHQULJRLG Somare as prime minister, thus making Radio Republik Indonesia. the government more confident than KWWSZZZUULFRLG ever to assert its grip on power until Rakyat Merdeka. Daily. Jakarta. Online at the national elections in 2012. It was KWWSZZZUDN\DWPHUGHNDFRLG also a year of legal battles and protests on controversial constitutional amend- 5HSXEOLNDFRLGKWWSZZZUHSXEOLND FRLG ments and environmental issues. The concerned public, landowner groups, Sekretariat Kabinet Republik Indonesia. and nongovernmental organizations KWWSZZZVHWNDEJRLG have become a fortified mouthpiece of Suara Pembaruan. Daily. Jakarta. Online the people on issues of human rights, DWKWWSZZZVXDUDSHPEDUXDQFRP equality, environment, and the consti- Survival: The Movement for Tribal tutionality of amendments to laws that 3HRSOHVKWWSZZZVXUYLYDOLQWHUQDWLRQDO seem to favor politicians and multina- RUJ tional companies over people’s rights. Tabloid Jubi Online: An Alternative Media Unlike in previous years, these interest LQ7DQDK3DSXDKWWSWDEORLGMXELFRP groups showed the government -
Download a PDF of the Oil Search Presentation
Sydney Mining Club | 6 June 2019 OIL SEARCH LIMITED | ARBN 055 079 868 | ASX: OSH | POMSoX: OSH | US ADR: OISHY www.oilsearch.com DISCLAIMER While every effort is made to provide accurate aNd complete iNformatioN, Oil Search Limited does Not warraNt that the iNformatioN iN this preseNtatioN is free from errors or omissioNs or is suitable for its inteNded use. Subject to aNy terms implied by law which caNNot be excluded, Oil Search Limited accepts no responsibility for any loss, damage, cost or expense (whether direct or indirect) incurred by you as a result of any error, omission or misrepresentation in information in this presentation. All informatioN in this preseNtatioN is subject to change without notice. This preseNtatioN also coNtaiNs forward-looking statemeNts which are subject to particular risks associated with the oil and gas industry. Oil Search Limited believes there are reasonable grounds for the expectatioNs oN which the statemeNts are based. However actual outcomes could differ materially due to a range of factors including oil and gas prices, demand for oil, currency fluctuations, drilling results, field performaNce, the timiNg of well work-overs and field development, reserves depletion, progress on gas commercialisation and fiscal and other government issues and approvals. Sydney Mining Club – 6 June, 2019 | PAGE 2 TALK OUTLINE OIL SEARCH – A NINETY YEAR JOURNEY IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA OIL SEARCH 90 YEARS ON DRIVERS FOR GROWTH OVER THE LAST 25 YEARS THE PNG OPERATING ENVIRONMENT v Politics v BusiNess aNd social issues THE -
Challenges and Critical Factors Affecting Women in the 2017 National Elections: Case of Lae and Huon Gulf
CHALLENGES AND CRITICAL Mary Fairio Sarah Kaut Nasengom FACTORS AFFECTING Cathy Keimelo WOMEN IN THE 2017 NATIONAL ELECTIONS: CASE www.pngnri.org OF LAE AND HUON GULF No. 178 October 2020 This page is intentionally left blank DISCUSSION PAPER CHALLENGES AND CRITICAL Mary Fairio FACTORS AFFECTING WOMEN Sarah Kaut Nasengom IN THE 2017 NATIONAL Cathy Keimelo ELECTIONS: CASE OF LAE AND HUON GULF No. 178 October 2020 First published in October 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Copyright © 2020 The National Research Institute. Direct any inquiries regarding this publication to: The Editorial Unit Leader National Research Institute P.O. Box 5854 Boroko, NCD 111 Papua New Guinea Tel: +675 326 0300/326 0061; Fax: +675 326 0213 Email: [email protected] Website: www.pngnri.org The Papua New Guinea National Research Institute (PNG NRI) is an independent statutory authority established by an Act of Parliament in 1988 and confirmed by the IASER (Amendment) Act 1993. PNG NRI is mandated by legislation to carry out independent research and analysis on development issues affecting PNG. The legislation states that the functions of the PNG NRI are: (a) the promotion of research into Papua New Guinea society and the economy (b) the undertaking of research into social, political and economic problems of Papua New Guinea in order to enable practical solutions to such problems to be formulated. ISBN 9980 75 282 3 National Library Service of Papua New Guinea ABCDE 202423222120 The opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and not necessarily the views of the Papua New Guinea National Research Institute. -
Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea A
Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Mary Fairio August 2014 © 2014 Mary Fairio. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea by MARY FAIRIO has been approved for the Department of Political Science and the College of Arts and Sciences by Julie White Associate Professor of Political Science Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 Abstract FAIRIO MARY, M.A., August 2014, Political Science Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea Director ofThesis: Julie White One area that presents challenge for democracy is women representation, an important dimension for gender equality. However, there are major variations among countries. Papua New Guinea is one of the countries with the lowest number of female representatives in parliament. Two questions are asked in regard to the representation of women. First, why is it difficult for women to be elected in Papua New Guinea? And second, how do we explain where women were able to challenge others to be elected? Formal institution such as the electoral system is just one way to discuss gender equality. There are other areas of gender inequality that interact with the formal system relating to social, cultural, and economic factors. An analysis of these factors shows that even improving formal institutions to increase the number of women in political participation, gender inequality is still a challenge within and outside the legislative office. -
Bank of Papua New Guinea
Bank of Papua New Guinea FINANCIAL STATEMENTS 31 DECEMBER 2015 Bank of Papua New Guinea REPORT AND FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR THE YEAR ENDING 31 DECEMBER 2015 For the advantage of the people of Papua New Guinea, the objectives of the Central Bank are: (a) to formulate and implement monetary policy with a view to achieving and maintaining price stability; and (b) to formulate financial regulation and prudential standards to ensure stability of the financial system in Papua New Guinea; and (c) to promote an efficient national and international payments system; and (d) subject to the above, to promote macro-economic growth in Papua New Guinea. Central Banking Act, 2000 BANK OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA • ANNUAL REPORT • 2015 1 Head Office ToRobert Haus Douglas Street Port Moresby Postal Address PO Box 121 Port Moresby Telephone (675) 322 7200 Email [email protected] Facsimile (675) 321 1617 Website www.bankpng.gov.pg 2 BANK OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA • ANNUAL REPORT • 2015 Contents Title page 1 Secondary Functions 34 Governor’s Foreword 4 Economic Advice to Government 34 Highlights 7 Increasing Economic Knowledge 34 Mission, Vision, Values 10 Facilitating Financial Services Development and Inclusion 35 Governance 11 Financial Intelligence Monitoring 38 Financial Management 16 Sovereign Wealth Fund Secretariat 38 Core Functions 18 Institutional Support 39 Monetary Policy 18 Strategic and Monetary Policy Formulation 18 Operational Management 39 Monetary Policy Implementation 19 Human Resource Management 41 Foreign Exchange Management 20 Information and Communication Foreign Reserves Management 22 Technology Services 46 Financial System 26 Communication Services 46 Regulation and Supervision 27 Infrastructure Services and Systems 46 Payment System 28 BPNG in the Community 46 National Currency Management 29 Financial Statements 47 Government Banking and Agency Services 30 Payment Systems Support 33 BANK OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA • ANNUAL REPORT • 2015 3 Governor’s Foreword The Government continued its expansionary fiscal policy to support economic activity. -
The Bougainville Referendum: James Marape's Biggest Challenge Or Biggest Opportunity?
Published on July 26, 2019 (Credit: DFAT/Flickr CC BY 2.0) The Bougainville referendum: James Marape’s biggest challenge or biggest opportunity? By Kylie McKenna After weeks of political upheaval, Papua New Guinea (PNG) appointed James Marape as the nation’s eighth Prime Minister on 30 May 2019. The leadership change occurs at a pivotal moment in PNG’s history, coinciding with a referendum to decide on Bougainville’s future political status, set for 17 October 2019. The Bougainville referendum is a key milestone contained in a political settlement, the Bougainville Peace Agreement, which sought to reconcile a violent Link: Page 1 of 5 https://devpolicy.org/the-bougainville-referendum-james-marapes-biggest-challenge-or-biggest-oppo rtunity-20190726/ Date downloaded: October 3, 2021 Published on July 26, 2019 conflict from 1988-1997. Voters will be asked: Do you agree for Bougainville to have, (i) greater autonomy or (ii) independence? The outcome of the Bougainville referendum is subject to ratification of the PNG parliament, and although this may have been considered a win for the national government during the Bougainville peace negotiations, it now presents a twin dilemma for the new Marape Government to navigate. This blog reports on Prime Minister Marape’s early moves on the Bougainville referendum reported in the media, and Autonomous Bougainville President (ABG), John Momis’ response to the leadership change. Some commentators have already dubbed the Bougainville referendum as Marape’s biggest challenge. Marape’s appointment followed what could have been a bizarre twist in the Bougainville-National Government relationship. Upon resigning from the position of Prime Minister, Peter O’Neill announced plans to hand over leadership to former Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, whom was forced to resign in 1997 on the back ofa secret contract with private military consultancy, Sandline, in a bid to suppress the Bougainville conflict. -
ANNUAL REPORT 2008 REPORT ANNUAL Page 2 Page
ANNUAL REPORT 2008 OUR VISION An independent P G where government, politics, businesses, civil society and the daily lives of people are free of corruption. Transparency International (PNG) Inc. PO Box 591, Port Moresby, NCD, Papua New Guinea Ph: 320 2188, Fax: 320 2189, Email: [email protected] Page 2 ANNUAL REPORT 2008 Inside: Chairman’s Report 4 Executive Director’s Report 5 Strategic Direction 6 Internal Strategic Direction 7 Projects & Activities 8 International Visits 10 PNG on the Global Corruption Scale 12 TIPNG in the News 14 Tribute to Mike Manning 16 Board Directors 17 Staff Profiles 18 2009 Work plan 19 Board Performance 20 Siaguru Endowment Fund 21 Membership & Donations 22 2008 in Pictures 23 Financial Report 24 Acknowledgements 45 Membership Form 46 Page 3 ANNUAL REPORT 2008 Dear Members and Supporters of Transparency International PNG, On behalf of the Board of TIPNG I take this opportunity to sincerely thank you for the continued commitment you have given to the work of TIPNG through 2008 and importantly over the past years. A focus of TIPNG has been to support the building of strong governance institutions and reinforcing positive social values. This was reflected in 2008 through the work undertaken in our Good Governance & Anti-Corruption Education Program, funded by UNDEF. TIPNG worked with over 50 dedicated teachers to develop anti-corruption teaching tools that are now being trialed in many schools. Our aim is to imbue the message of anti-corruption into the curriculum of our schools through ethics and values based teaching. We aim to achieve this by arming our teachers with the teaching tools that will help them develop lesson plans with an anti-corruption theme. -
I2I Text Paste Up
PART 3: THE LIMITS OF INDEPENDENCE Chapter 12 Independence and its Discontents apua New Guineans handled the transition to independence with flair, despite their Plimited experience, the speed with which they had to act and the explosive agenda that they inherited. With great skill and some luck, they brought their country united to independence with new institutions, a new public service, a guaranteed income and a home-made constitution. A Failing State? The coalition that achieved these feats tottered in 1978 when Julius Chan took the PPP into opposition, and collapsed in March 1980 when the Leader of the Opposition, Iambakey Okuk, won a no-confidence motion, naming Chan as preferred Prime Minister. Chan had quit the coalition over the attempt to buttress the Leadership Code (Chapter 9) and disagreement on relations between private business and public office. Somare returned to office after the 1982 election but once again he was ousted in mid- term by a vote of no confidence, yielding to the ambitious young Western Highlander Paias Wingti. The pattern was now set, whereby coalitions are formed after an election but no government survives the fixed five-year parliamentary term. Votes of no confi- dence are the mechanism for replacing one opportunist coalition with another. By this device, Wingti was replaced by Rabbie Namaliu, who yielded to Wingti again, who was replaced by Chan, whose coalition collapsed in the wake of a bungled attempt to employ mercenaries (see below). After the 1997 election, Bill Skate — a gregarious accountant from Gulf Province, Governor of Port Moresby and cheerful opportunist — held a Cabinet together for nearly two years. -
Chapter 4: the Peace Negotiations and the Prospects for a Permanent
4 7KH3HDFH1HJRWLDWLRQVDQGWKH3URVSHFWV IRUD3HUPDQHQW3HDFH Introduction 4.1 In a statement to Parliament on 9 June 1999, the Minister for Foreign Affairs drew attention to the progress that had been made since the formal Bougainville peace process began in mid 1997: Although there will always be day-to-day problems and crises along the path towards a lasting peace, it is worth reflecting just how far the parties have come in barely two years since the peace process started. There has been no fighting during that time. Bougainvilleans are now going about their daily lives without fear and are travelling more widely on the island. The Bougainville economy is showing the first tentative signs of activity. That such considerable progress has been made is in large part a tribute to the commitment and flexibility personally demonstrated by Papua New Guinea's [then] Prime Minister, Bill Skate, as well as his government, most notably the [then] Minister for State, Sam Akoitai. It is also a tribute to all the leaders of Bougainville and, most particularly, to all Bougainvilleans. It is their peace process.1 4.2 Material in this chapter sets out the landmarks in the peace process since the first Burnham meeting, the successes and setbacks in the peace negotiations, and examines the issues still to be resolved by the parties. 1 Hon Alexander Downer MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives Hansard, p. 5157. 64 Australia's role as a neutral observer of the process and significant contributor in the form of substantial official aid and facilitator of the dialogue, is also discussed. -
3 Political Style in Modern Melanesia*
State and Society in Papua New Guinea 3 POLITICAL STYLE IN MODERN MELANESIA* In recent writing about contemporary politics in Melanesia one frequently comes across the term style. The suggestion seems to be that there is, if not a unique, at least a distinctive Melanesian style (or styles) of politics. Hegarty, for example, speaks of an ‘essentially accommodative political and governmental style’ in Papua New Guinea (1979c:110) and Quiros (1979) speaks simi- larly of a ‘conciliatory style of political leadership’ in that coun- try. (Also see Standish 1978:29 and Herlihy 1982:575.) Mela- nesian political leaders themselves frequently talk about doing things ‘in the Melanesian Way’ (for example, see Lini 1980). This paper seeks to identify some of the elements of political style in modern Melanesia and to relate them to broader aspects of the region’s political culture. I begin by accepting that there is such a thing as political style; I will not, however, attempt to define the term, except to say that it has something to do with the way in which nations’ leaders (and by extension nations themselves) behave within a frame- work set by formal constitutions and realpolitik. The suggestion that one can distinguish a national or regional political style implies the existence of an identifiable political culture,1 though * This paper was presented at a seminar at the ANU in 1980 and published in R.J. May and Hank Nelson (eds), Melanesia Beyond Diversity (1982). 1 On the concept of political culture see Almond and Verba (1963), Pye and Verba (1965), Almond and Powell (1966:chapter 3), Kavanagh (1972). -
July 3, 1991 the UNIVERSITY of HAWAI'i at MANOA AUSTRALIAN AID to PAPUA NEW GUINEA POLICE GOALS and LIMITS a PLAN B RESEARCH
July 3, 1991 THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I AT MANOA AUSTRALIAN AID TO PAPUA NEW GUINEA POLICE GOALS AND LIMITS A PLAN B RESEARCH PAPER SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE CENTER FOR PACIFIC ISLANDS STUDIES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS SCHOOL OF HAWAIIAN, ASIAN AND PACIFIC STUDIES BY EDWARD JOSEPH MICHAL AUGUST 1991 Committee Members: Dr. Robert Kiste, Chairperson Dr. Michael P. Hamnett Dr. Terence Wesley-Smith c Copyright 1991 by Edward J. Michal, Port Moresby, Dept. of State, Washington, D.C. 20521-4240 Executiye Summa~ Crime, a perennial problem in Papua New Guinea, is once again the center of attention, due to an upsurge in violent or spectacular incidents in both urban and rural areas. Domestic and foreign confidence in the government's ability to control organized gangs, militant landowners, Bougainville rebels, corrupt politicians and other malefactors is fading. The level of violence is rising, prompting foreign governments to issue warnings and Prime Minister Namaliu to unveil a series of proposals to crack down on criminals. The 1984 Clifford Report, a major study sponsored by both government and private enterprise in Papua New Guinea, advocated increased efforts to support community-based policing, but there is no indication the Government is moving in that direction. Both Western and Papua New Guinean commentators consider the imported Australian legal system bequeathed to Papua New Guinea to be alien to its numerous fragmented communities, leading to tension between customary and Western means of resolving conflict. Australia has embarked upon a major effort to strengthen the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary (RPNGC), the nation's one and only police force, through the provision of technical assistance, especially training.