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University of Alberta

The Challenge of Militant Right-Whg Exîremism to Contemporary Social Movement Theory

by

Xavier Caüarinich O

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research ia partial fùlfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Edmonton, AIberta

Fd 1998 National Liirary Bibliottièque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Senrices services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington OtEawaûN KIAW Ottawa ON KIAW Canada Canada

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The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. The author ofthis thesis constnicts a synthetic model of Right-hg (White supremacist) movement emergence by discussing and criticizing the propositions of the I&g social movement tesearch paradigms (the new social movement paradigm, the resourct mobilizaîion paradigm, and relative deprivation theory) in Iight of existing empirical work on German and Amencan Right-wing movements.

Right-wing movements arise when a politicai opportunity converges with broad stnictural change.

Structural changes ofien manifest themselves as challenges to the estabiished cultural repeftoires of specinc collecîivities. "nireatened" social pupsexperience culnirat crises in tenns of relative deprivation, which provides the impetus for social movement formation, Groups that are able to muster adequate material

to resources are more Iikely to adopt an organizationd form and pursue action at, the institutional level, whereas groups that are Iacking in material resources are more Iikely to pursue noninstitutional action. Tbt: model requires fùrther research for empirical confirmation- Fiiand foremost, 1 must thank Dr. Stephen Kent for his tirne, for his for his valuable insights,

and for his eenciship. 1 aiso thank the other memben of the defence cornmiaee, Dr. William lohnston and

Dr. Matthias Zimmer, for their he1pfi.d advice and comments. 1 achowledge the Faculty of Graduate

Studies and Research and the Department of Sociology at the University of Alberta, both of which

provided me with the firnds necessary to pursue my studies on a hii-tirne basis. 1 recognize the assistance 1

reccived hmDr. James Frideres at The University of Caigary, who every year invariably and enthusiastically Wfites the glowing reference letters thai help me obtain my fiinding. I am gratefiil for the

advice and encouragement that 1 received £iom fellow graduate students, faculty, and the department's

support staff (Dr. ludith Golec, Dr. Joane Martel, and Lynn Van Reede in particdar). Last, but certainly

not Ieast, 1 thank fnends and hily@ou know who you are) for their support, which 1 all tw oiten take for

&ranted

Xavier Caüarînich August, 1998 TABLE OP CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1: iNTRODUCL1ON AND REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Statement of the Research Problem

The Components of 'Right-Wing Thoughtn and *Extremisrnn

Right-Wig Extremism and Xenophobic Violence

Th-ry Conventional Approaches to Racist Movement. The Concept of *Social Movement" Right-Wing Extremism and Social Movement Theory New Social Movemeat Theory Resource Mobilization Tbeory Toward A Synthetic Social Movement Research Paradigm?

Objectives of the Study: A Summary

CHAPTER 2: A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF THE NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT PARADIGM

New Social Movemeots: Eight Identifying Characteristics The Demographic and Social Bases of Movement Participation Ideological Pluralism Sym bolic Vs. Material Concerus Individual Action Right-Wig Extremism and the Personal Nonviolent Protest? Political Discontent Düïusioa and Decentralhtion

The Core Propositions of NSM Theory

Proposition #l: The emergence of NSMs in the Western worZd is related to the advent of a posr-inrhrsaial saciety rhere

Proposition #2: Al1 social niovemen& are engaged in the same social co@ict

Summary and Observations CHAPTER 3: A CRITTCAL EVALUATION OFTHE RESOURCE MOBILIZATION PARADIGM

The Propositious of RM Theory The Context of Social Movement Action The Similarities Between Institutional and Non~tutionalColIective Action Resource Mobilization Theory and Rational Choice Grievances and Social Movement Formation Social Movement. Resources, Organization, and Opportunities Social Movement Success Social Movement. and Formai Organizations A Few Remarks Concerning Criticisrns of RM Theory

Political Process Theory Charles Tlly and Repertoires of Contention Political Opportunity Structures Political Opportunity Structure and Right-Wmg Violence in Cermany Political Opportunity Structure and American Right-Wiag Extremism A Note on Political Opportunity Structures and NSM Theory

The Framing Perspective

Summary and Observations

CHAPTER 4: CULTURE AND RELATIVE DEPRIVATION

The Pedormative View of Culture

Relative Deprivation Tbeory

Relative Deprivation Tbeory and RightWmg Extremism

Criticisrns of Relative Deprivation Theory

The Relationship Between Culture and Relative Deprivation The Amencan Contert The German Context The Continuity Between Mainstream Culture and Right-Wing Extremist Cultures

Summary and Observations

A Review of the Main Assumptions and Propositions Assumptioru Propositions

Levets of Analysis and Metatheoretical Presuppositions

The Role of Culture in a Synthetic Social Movement Research Paradigm MictP-Stractriral Factors and Rigbt-Wiog Ertremism

Summary and Observations

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION

Implications of the Study Scholarly Implications Practical Implications

Suggestions for Furtber Research

ENDNOTES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Literature Cited

Further Readhgs LIST OF FIGURES

Fire 1: Syuthetic Mode1 of Right-W'mg Movement Emergence Cha~ter1: Introduction and Review of the Literature

Statemeat of the Research Problem

In 1993, Tore Bjérgo and Rob Witte (1 993: 15) noted the paucity of comparative international

research th& existed in the field of racist violence at the the. They defined racist violence as "any violence

[terrorist attacks, street violence, vandaiism of property, threats, and verbaI abuse and gestures] in which

vicths are selected because of their ethnic, 'racial', religious, culiurai or national origin" @j#rgo and

Witte, 1993:6). ïhey added:

The victims are attacked not in their capacities as individuals, but as representatives of such groups which are nonnally minorities in terms of numbers as well as in tenns of power. Buildings, properties and institutions may &O be attacked because they represent tbese groups or their interests. (Bjgkgo and Witte, 19935) mermearchers refw to racist violence as hate crimes (Levin and McDevitt, 1993) or xenophobic violence (Watts, 1997). 1 will use these tenns interchangeably throughout this thesis.

Since Bjgrgo and Witte first observed the lack of comparative research that de& with racist violence, academics have published a number of volumes that the authors purport are "comparativen and

"international" on the bmader subject of Right-wing extremism, which is often impiicitly related to racist violence (e.g., see BjCrgo, 1995b; Braun and Scheinberg, 1997; I(itschelt, 1995; Merkl and Weinberg,

1993, 1997). Although Michi Ebata (1 997b: 13) states that "Right-wing extremism is a broad concept that is not static or precise," he offers a working definition of Right-wing extremism that 1 wüi adopt throughout this thesis. According to Ebata (1997b):

Right-wing extremists are identifieci fhtand foremost by their hdamental expression of haîrai, bigotry, or prejudice mted in an "ideology of inequality." ïbk hatred is an expression of a worldview that divides society into those who belong and those who do not. It is specifically manifestefi as racism, xenophobia, homophobia, misogyny, and rctigious intolerance. In most cases it is atso directed specificaIIy aga& the state. (pp. 13-14)

Ebata (199% 18) acknowledges that these characteristics arc not necessarily exclusive to the extrcme

Right. He argues that the distinguisbmg factor between Right-wing extremists on the one hand, and neoconservatives and Lefi-wing radicals who incorporate various themes of intolerance in their respeçtive discourses on the other, is that the former rely on fàscjsm as a source of historical Uupirafion(Ebata,

1997bS 1). Drawing on the work of Ne1O' Suilivan among other schoIars, Ebata (1 997b2 1) defmes

firscism as "air ideology based on natural history, the pursuit of an acpausiomry and aggressive

geopokical policy, and corporate statism," More specificaiiy

The state serves one homogeneous ethnic grouping and amis to reincorporate and reunite any members of that gmuping locaîed outside its borders. Fascism is furchermore identifid with a cultist worship of and obedience to a charismatic leader, total devotion to the state, an admiration of strength accompanied by a fascination with militarism, and an overwheiming reliance on propaganda. (Ebata, I997b2 1)

Violent skinhead, White supremacist, and neo-Nazi groups are the most promhemt representatives of the

contemporary extreme Right (when one defmes the latter according to the criteria mentioned above). The reader should be aware that "Rightist thought" and "Rightist movemerits" are not invariably rooted in an

"ideology of inequality" (i.e., racism), nor are they necessarily inspireci by fascism (see the section on the components of "Right-wing thought" and "extremism" that appears later in this chapter). Some scholars

îherefore propose definitions of Right-wing extremism that do not include racism as a defining criterion.

This study, however, is only concerned with the racist groups that 1 mentioned above. Thus, Ebata's defmition of Right-wing extremism is appropriate in the context of this study. Aiso, the -der should note that this thesis will focus exclusively on the loosely organized, "underground" militant Right-wing extremist groups that operate beyond the realm of institutional politics, thereby excluding official political parties fmrn the analysis.

My original intention was to explain comparatively how the socio-culturai contexts of the United

States and Gennany have influenced the emergence of the Right-wing groups that currently thrive within their respective borders. A major obstade to îhis endeavour is the (surprising) lack of sociological research on contemporary Right-wing extremisî groups. Political scientists, historiaru, and "popuk writers" (Le., joumaIiss and other non-academic authors) have conducteci the buIk of the existing research on the extreme Right. Furthemore, much of the research is empincal rather than theoreticai. Yet as this thesis wiii illustrate, Right-wing extremist groups emerge due to more than politid consideraiions and they do not rely exclusively on political means to achieve their objectives, niat as to Say, they are not merely concerned about obtaining greater access to societal decision making processes (Le., the political process), 2 nor do they se& to obtain their goals by following conventional political avenues- Many Right-wing extremists are acîivefy arti&ing drSrinct socidturd icteniries thuî are hostile fo the domain of imti~onafpofitics.These ersalone make them worttry of sociological inquiry. Thus, in order to pmvide greater structure to investigations of the extreme Eüght and to stirnuIate further sociological investigation into the topic, sociology must develop a theoretical kework to guide scholarly inquiries. 1 therefore wiIl develop such a fiamework in this thesis. Although 1 wili ground my fiamework in social movement theory, 1 will argue that we must revise contemporary social movement theory if it is to account for the ernergence and growth of Right-wing extremist rnovements.

Methodolm

This thesis consists primarily of a theoreticai critique of social movement theory. It will review the state of the art in socioIogicaI research on social movements and will then illustrate the shortcornings of conternporary social movement theory in light of observations conceming Right-whg extrernism. My sources of information on Right-wing extremism consist of existing academic and non-academic research on the American and Gennan Right-whg movements, on specific organizations within these broder movements, and on the socio-cultural and historical contexts out of which they have emerged A comparative international dimension is essential to this project because some scholars (e.g., see Mayer,

[IW 11 I99S:l7O7 190) contend that the dominant American paradigm, resource mobilization theory, is not entirely applicable to the European context. The inclusion in my analysis of Right-wing rnovements that are mted in different social contexts will enable me to detemine the extent to which one can synthesize

Europesui and American approaches to the study of (specific) social movements into a cohesive socio- cuItural mode1 of movernent ernergence and growth. Also, I wiii focus on the US.and Germany because these couutries have histocically produceci the most visible Right-wing extremist movements, as well as the greatest amount of li- on these movements. The Commnents of URight-Win~Thoneht* and uExtremismw

Conventional definitions of "Right-wing thought" associate one or several of the following elements to the term: the defense of an ancien régime; the pumit of capitaiism and private propercy ownership (and hence a befief m the inevitability of inequality in society); support for authoritarianism and a rigid behavioural code; a tendency to support nationalism, racism, andlor rnilitarism; and a belief in the innate aggressiveness, competitiveness, and sinfulness of humans (Eatwell, 1990% KrejCf, 1991). Without going into any detaib, hi~toncalevidence has demonstrated that none of the eIements Iisted above are unequivocal and exclusive halimarks of Right-wing thought (for examples, see Eafwell, 1990% 1990d;

KrejCi, 199 1). Also, today one often hdseIernents that writers have considered as king a part of "left- wing thought" in the discourse of so-called "Right-wingers" (e.g., environmental concerns in the discourse of Gennan neo-Nazis [Scott, I99O:W; Schmidt, l993:8]). In spite of the ambiguities they clah are inherent in LeWRight terminology, neither Jmslav &jti nor Roger Eatwell are able to corne up with suitable aiternate labels for movements that observers curreatly group under the heading of "Right-wing."

Nevertheless, dthough there is doubt as to whether there is any validity to the application of a "Right- wing" fabel to racist skinheads, White supremacists, and neo-Nazis, scholan continue to designate the movements I will study in this pmject as members of the extreme Right. Indeed, members of these groups themsetves overtly identify with the Right (e-g., see Finch, 1983:8; Schmidt, 1993:182). Thus, as a matter of both consistency and convenience, I too wil refer to racist skinheads, White supremacists, and neo-

Nazis as Right-wing extrernists.

As fiir as the "degrees of radirali.ann are considered, Eatwell (I990b) defines them in ideal typical terrns. The reactionary Right "defends a return to an ancien régime, or an idealized pst"(Eatweli,

1990b363). Eatwell cites the Iegitimist Right that emerged after the French Revoluiion to defend the aristocraiic, refigious, and authontarian principles of pre-Revolution Fmce as the archetype of the reactionary Right. The reactionary Right is, in other words, intolerant toward change. The moderate Right, in contrast with the reactionary Righi, is not averse to change. EahveII (I990b) cites the philosophy of

Edmund Burke as most representative of "moderate Right thought": Burke's views werc evolutiom he sought to temper the nostaigia of the reactionary, and the imagination of the revolirtionaries in uieir place he preached the value of authority based on tdhion, countered by a sense of mevitable pmgrcss. Instead of absolutist government on the one han& or mas activism on the other, he preached the cause of Ktedgovemment, - - - mf the Warkof archetypal reactionaries is intolerance, that of the moderate right is balance - a way between exiremes, but never so defined as to become its own form of exkemism. (p. 66)

Eatwell bis tbat the "radical" and "extreme" Rights are more dEdtto define. That is to Say, there is

less agreement on their respective meanings. According to EatweU (1990b:69), two salient features of the

radical Rigtit are its commiûnent to activism and its attempts to juwsomething that does not yet exist.

Due to the historical relationship between activism and change, which is a part of the Le& agenda,

aaivism has ban antiîhetical to reactionary and moderate Right-wbg thought Activism (originaIly

directed against socidism) in which the radical Right is engaged is effectively something observers view as

"radical," when compared to 'bditional Right-wiug bebaviour." SecondIy, Right-wing radiais believe

that they (and their nation) have a special destiny, and therefore are not dedicated to revivuig the "ways of

old," as is the maionary Ri* Eatwell(1990b:71) states that the most important factor that distinguishes

Right-wing extremists hmradicais is that the former are inclineci to espouse conspiracy theories. Indeed,

the majority of Right-wing extremis& on both sides of the Atlantic believe in a conspiracy theory that

postulates that ZOG (Zionist Occupation Goverment), a secret Jewish cabal, controls fmancial institutions

and govenunents around the world (Weinberg, 1997237). Otherwise, the principles of the former are similar to those of the latter.'

Eatwell(1990b:75) himself notes that reality setdom conforms to these ideal types: "it is impossible to fit every single movement, thinker or ideology neatiy into five varieties of the right." (The fifth variety is the "New Right," which is more relevant to the realm of institutional politics tha.to the curent discussion. For a more detaiIed treatment of this subject, see EatwelI[1990b:73-74, 1990cl). Some autbors, fike teonard Weinberg (1993k4) and Herbert Kitschelt (1 999, use the terms "radicalwand

"extreme" intercfrangeably when discussing the Right, although the Met draws a iine between contemporary Right-wing movements and the historicd Fascist and National Socidkt movements.

In Germany, the Federal Coastitutional Court generally equates extremism with actions and doctrines that contravene the principles of the Basic Law and that are hence anti-constihrtional, and with anti-dernouatic actions and doctrines in parti&. %me researcher~suggest that anti-~~~hitionaland antidemocratic donsand doctrines are a fitndamental part of any definition of exiremimi. Yet teliance on a definition of extrembl tfiat is predicated on the components of anti-democratidanti-~oflStitutiod action and doctrines makes a cornparison of Right-wing extre