DOCSLIB.ORG

When Neo-Nazis March and Anti-Fascists Demonstrate. PROTEAN COUNTERPUBLICS in the DIGITAL

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
When Neo-Nazis March and Anti-Fascists Demonstrate. PROTEAN COUNTERPUBLICS in the DIGITAL When neo-Nazis march and anti-fascists demonstrate. PROTEAN COUNTERPUBLICS IN THE DIGITAL AGE Christina Neumayer A thesis submitted to the PhD school at the IT University of Copenhagen for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Copenhagen, January 2013. Abstract Demonstrations organised by neo-Nazis and the New Right, accompanied by large counter protests by anti-fascist groups, civil society networks, and citizens, have become important political events in Germany. Digital media technologies play an increasingly important role in the confrontation between the two ends of the political spectrum framed by historically rooted ideology. This study explores how different media technologies are appropriated by activists, who consider themselves marginalised and oppositional to the mainstream, on both sides of the conflict. The study aims to examine how digital media permeate counterpublics’ (Negt and Kluge 1972; Fraser 1992; Brouwer 2006; Warner 2002) strategies, tactics, and media practices in their struggles for visibility in these protest events. The counterpublics on both ends of the political spectrum take place and are analysed across three dimensions: [1] technical affordances and media environments; [2] strategies, tactics, and media practices; and [3] political positions and ideologies. The results are based on a data set of online communication, representation, and media coverage on different online media platforms related to marches planned by neo-Nazis in the former East Germany, which were accompanied by counter protests by anti-fascist groups, NGOs, and civil society. The data is analysed across these dimensions by using the methodological frameworks of discourse theory (Carpentier 2007; Dahlberg and Phelan 2011; Laclau and Mouffe 1985) and critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2010; van Dijk 2001; van Dijk 1998b). Due to the historical significance of the events and taking into account the continuity of the role of media technologies in articulating counter publicity, the case is contextualised through a discussion of the radical right and radical left in present- day Germany as well as an analysis of archived publications from the anti-fascist counter movements to the National Socialist regime in World War II Germany. An empirical and theoretical exploration contributes to the discussion of counterpublics framed by conflictual ideologies in the digital age and to the ongoing discussion concerning the role of digital media technologies in political protest. The author concludes by suggesting a protean and relational perspective on counterpublics in the digital age and the role of radical politics in the mediated environments of contemporary democracy. 2 Acknowledgements As many have done before me, I begin by saying that writing a thesis is indeed solitary work. Luckily, on my way, I met many brilliant minds, advisors, colleagues, co-authors, co-teachers, and friends who made me curious, guided me, inspired me, and helped me develop my ideas in conversation and discussion. First and foremost, I am grateful to my supervisors Gitte Stald and Maria Bakardjieva. I must thank Gitte for her faith in my work from the very start of this adventure, for giving me the independence to explore new territory with my thesis, and for always being there to give advice when needed. I must thank Maria for insightful discussions, guidance, and advice during her visits to the IT University, for improving my writing through long-distance supervision, and for helping me make sense of my project during my visit to the University of Calgary. I am also thankful to Fred Turner, my host and advisor during my stay abroad at Stanford University, for engaging discussions, for always having answers to my questions, for making me aware of the rich resources at the Hoover Archives, for believing in the value of my work, and for giving me confidence. I am thankful to all of my colleagues who have, for one reason or another, found a second home in or wandered blithely into the 3D corridor at IT University, providing enjoyable conversations and friendly advice at the lunch table and during breaks. Particular thanks in this context go to my co-teacher and article co-author Bjarki Valtysson and to my provisional supervisor Rich Ling. I also wish to thank the committee on my thesis proposal defence ‒ Torill Mortensen, Adriana de Souza e Silva, and Rich Ling ‒ for their feedback and advice. Outside of the IT University, I wish to thank Christian Fuchs for always keeping a ‘critical’ eye on my work and for fruitful discussions on several occasions. I am also thankful for my collaboration and discussions with my article co-authors Jakob Svensson, Judith Schossboeck, Alexander Banfield-Mumb, Celina Raffl, and Robert Bichler. I am particularly grateful to Pension Fröhlich (Maggi, Ulli, Fiona, and Steffi), who provided me with shelter, support, and friendship during the protest events in Dresden. My thanks go to the IT University of Copenhagen, which generously funded my PhD project, and to the Danish Agency for Science, Technology, and Innovation (DASTI), which provided me with a scholarship during my visit to Stanford University. On this note, I also wish to thank Jane Andersen from the PhD 3 administration for her kind advice and assistance as well as Helen Roque from the H- STAR program for her administrative help at Stanford University. This journey was made much more enjoyable by my sharing an office with the lovely Nanna Holdgaard and Anne Hvejsel and by the brilliant PhD crowd at the IT University: Nanna, Marie, Signe, Troels, Anne, Aaron, Jarmo, Anna, Elena, Francesco, Naveen, Gian, Paolo T., Paolo B., Rosalba, Maxime, Lea, Sander, Fiona, Hannes, Helge, Josu, Andrea, and Hugo. Thank you for your support and friendship! My love and gratefulness go to my family – Mom, Dad, Barbara, Elisabeth, and Maria – for their love and encouragement throughout my life. Finally, special thanks go to all my friends, the Øsi-Mædels, the good Center people, the Loosers, friends from my visits to Stanford and in India, my friends in Denmark and in Austria, and my friends from all the other spheres of my life, who have shown infinite patience with the stressed thesis-writing me and who have given me friendship, love, and emotional support. Adam Grydehøj, thank you for reading the whole thing, editing and proofreading, and finding the right words, for uncountable happy moments, support, love and care. I owe you a huge pumpkin. 4 Table of Contents Abstract............................................................................................................................2 Acknowledgements .....................................................................................................3 List of Figures.................................................................................................................8 Introduction ...................................................................................................................9 1.1 Aim............................................................................................................................... 11 1.2 Research questions ................................................................................................ 12 1.3 Structure of the thesis ........................................................................................... 13 2 Media technologies, counterpublics, and radical politics..................... 15 2.1 Affordances, technologies, and politics........................................................... 17 2.1.1 Chasing ideas about technology............................................................................... 17 2.1.1 Technical affordances and critical constructivism............................................ 23 2.2 Counterpublics and their struggle for visibility........................................... 29 2.2.1 Publics and the public sphere..................................................................................... 29 2.2.2 Alternative media in the mediapolis ....................................................................... 33 2.2.3 Building a bridge to Social Movement Studies................................................... 36 2.2.4 Counterpublics beyond rational-critical debate ............................................... 41 2.3 Ideology and political positions in digital media......................................... 43 2.3.1 Conflict and propaganda.............................................................................................. 44 2.3.2 Ideology, friends and enemies in discourse........................................................ 49 2.3.3 Discourse theory and critical discourse analysis.............................................. 53 2.3.4 Political ideology grounded online ......................................................................... 56 2.1 Towards an analytical framework.................................................................... 57 3 Research design and methods........................................................................ 59 3.1 Why qualitative? ..................................................................................................... 60 3.2 Ethical Considerations .......................................................................................... 60 3.3 Selection of case and sites.................................................................................... 62 3.4 Studying digital media, counterpublics, and political ideology.............. 66 3.4.1
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
    University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PHILIPPINES, 1942-1944 James Kelly Morningstar, Doctor of History
    ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: WAR AND RESISTANCE: THE PHILIPPINES, 1942-1944 James Kelly Morningstar, Doctor of History, 2018 Dissertation directed by: Professor Jon T. Sumida, History Department What happened in the Philippine Islands between the surrender of Allied forces in May 1942 and MacArthur’s return in October 1944? Existing historiography is fragmentary and incomplete. Memoirs suffer from limited points of view and personal biases. No academic study has examined the Filipino resistance with a critical and interdisciplinary approach. No comprehensive narrative has yet captured the fighting by 260,000 guerrillas in 277 units across the archipelago. This dissertation begins with the political, economic, social and cultural history of Philippine guerrilla warfare. The diverse Islands connected only through kinship networks. The Americans reluctantly held the Islands against rising Japanese imperial interests and Filipino desires for independence and social justice. World War II revealed the inadequacy of MacArthur’s plans to defend the Islands. The General tepidly prepared for guerrilla operations while Filipinos spontaneously rose in armed resistance. After his departure, the chaotic mix of guerrilla groups were left on their own to battle the Japanese and each other. While guerrilla leaders vied for local power, several obtained radios to contact MacArthur and his headquarters sent submarine-delivered agents with supplies and radios that tie these groups into a united framework. MacArthur’s promise to return kept the resistance alive and dependent on the United States. The repercussions for social revolution would be fatal but the Filipinos’ shared sacrifice revitalized national consciousness and created a sense of deserved nationhood. The guerrillas played a key role in enabling MacArthur’s return.
    [Show full text]
  • National Cybersecurity and Cyberdefense Policy Snapshots
    CSS CYBER DEFENSE PROJECT NATIONAL CYBERSECURITY AND CYBERDEFENSE POLICY SNAPSHOTS Edited by Dr. Robert S. Dewar Zürich, September 2018 Cyber Defense Project (CDP) Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich National Cyberdefense Policy Snapshots Editor: Dr. Robert S. Dewar © 2018 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich Contact: Center for Security Studies Haldeneggsteig 4 ETH Zürich CH-8092 Zürich Switzerland Tel.: +41-44-632 40 25 [email protected] www.css.ethz.ch Analysis prepared by: Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich ETH-CSS project management: Tim Prior, Head of the Risk and Resilience Research Group, Myriam Dunn Cavelty, Deputy Head for Research and Teaching; Andreas Wenger, Director of the CSS Disclaimer: The opinions presented in this study exclusively reflect the authors’ views. Please cite as: Robert S. Dewar, ed. (2018): National Cybersecurity and Cyberdefense Policy Snapshots: Collection 1, 2018, Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich. 2 National Cyberdefense Policy Snapshots Contents Introduction 4 Robert S. Dewar France 7 Marie Baezner Finland 24 Sean Cordey Germany 43 Patrice Robin The United Kingdom 63 Robert S. Dewar Summary of Findings and Conclusion 80 Robert S. Dewar Contributors 85 3 National Cyberdefense Policy Snapshots – Introduction Introduction Robert S. Dewar Centre for Security Studies, ETH Zürich 1. National Policy Frameworks for Cybersecurity and Cyberdefense The goal of this publication is to understand current cybersecurity policies as a facet of a country’s national security policy, and particularly how cyberdefense is embedded in a state’s cybersecurity posture. In the past decade cyberconflict has been increasingly discussed at the highest political and military levels.
    [Show full text]
  • Code of Conduct (Verhaltenscodex)
    1 Code of conduct (Verhaltenscodex) Unser Unternehmen zeichnet sich durch eine aktive Haltung gegen Diskriminierung aus. Als Teil unseres Unternehmens fordern wir alle Mitarbeiter*innen dazu auf, einen Beitrag zum Abbau von Vorurteilen und Vorbehalten gegenüber ethnischen, nationalen oder religiösen Minderheiten zu leisten. Im Sinne des Antidiskriminierungsgesetzes (AGG) sind alle unsere Mitarbeiter*innen zu einem wertschätzenden und respektvollen Umgang miteinander angehalten. Ein weltoffenes Klima ohne Ausländerfeindlichkeit ist Teil unserer Firmenpolitik. Als Mitarbeiter*in sind Sie deswegen dazu aufgefordert, entsprechend des Grundsatzes der Nichtdiskriminierung und der Gleichbehandlung alle unmittelbaren und mittelbaren Diskriminierungen aufgrund der ethnischen Herkunft, Abstammung, Religion, Nationalität oder der sexuellen Orientierung sowie Belästigungen, Mobbing und fremdenfeindliche Handlungen zu verhindern bzw. zu unterlassen. Als Mitarbeiter*in des Unternehmens 1. verpflichte ich mich dazu, die freiheitlich demokratische Grundordnung anzuerkennen und die darin vertretenden Werte in Gesellschaft und Betriebsleben zu verkörpern. 2. verpflichte ich mich dazu, alle Betroffenen, mit denen ich zusammenarbeite (eingeschlossen Menschen aus Krisengebieten und Schutzsuchenden), fair und mit Respekt, höflich, würdig und übereinstimmend mit den Gesetzen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, internationalem Recht und ortsüblichen Regeln zu behandeln. 3. verpflichte ich mich, insbesondere Straftaten, die mit einer rechtsextremistischen Haltung
    [Show full text]
  • Rikke Alberg Peters
    Conjunctions: Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation Become Immortal! Mediatization and mediation processes of extreme right protest Rikke Alberg Peters This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), permitting all non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited Conjunctions, vol. 2, no. 1, 2015, ISSN 2246-3755, https://doi.org/10.7146/tjcp.v2i1.22274 keywords Right-wing extremism, neo-fascism, protest action, mediation, mediatization, ethno-nationalism abstract Th is paper presents a case study of the German neo-fascist network Th e Immortals (Die Unsterblichen) who in 2011 performed a fl ash-mob, which was disseminated on YouTube for the so-called “Become Immortal” campaign. Th e street protest was designed for and adapted to the specifi c characteristics of online activism. It is a good example of how new contentious action repertoires in which online and street activism intertwine have also spread to extreme right groups. Despite its neo-fascist and extreme right content, the “Become Immortal” campaign serves as an illustrative case for the study of mediated and mediatized activism. In order to analyze the protest form, the visual aesthetics and the discourse of Th e Immortals, the paper mobilizes three concepts from media and communication studies: media practice, mediation, and mediatiza- tion. It will be argued that the current transformation and modernization processes of the extreme right can be conceptualized and understood through the lens of these three concepts.
    [Show full text]
  • Asylum-Seekers Become the Nation's Scapegoat
    NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 14 Number 2 Volume 14, Numbers 2 & 3, 1993 Article 7 1993 TURMOIL IN UNIFIED GERMANY: ASYLUM-SEEKERS BECOME THE NATION'S SCAPEGOAT Patricia A. Mollica Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mollica, Patricia A. (1993) "TURMOIL IN UNIFIED GERMANY: ASYLUM-SEEKERS BECOME THE NATION'S SCAPEGOAT," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 14 : No. 2 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol14/iss2/ 7 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. TURMOIL IN UNIFIED GERMANY: ASYLUM-SEEKERS BECOME THE NATION'S SCAPEGOAT I. INTRODUCTION On November 9, 1989, the Berlin Wall fell, symbolizing the end of a divided German state. The long dreamed-of unification finally came to its fruition. However, the euphoria experienced in 1989 proved ephemeral. In the past four years, Germans have faced the bitter ramifications of unity. The affluent, capitalist West was called on to assimilate and re-educate the repressed communist East. Since unification, Easterners have been plagued by unemployment and a lack of security and identity, while Westerners have sacrificed the many luxuries to which they have grown accustomed. A more sinister consequence of unity, however, is the emergence of a violent right-wing nationalist movement. Asylum- seekers and foreigners have become the target of brutal attacks by extremists who advocate a homogenous Germany.
    [Show full text]
  • Spencer Sunshine*
    Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it.
    [Show full text]
  • Historia Scribere 08 (2016)
    historia scribere 08 (2016) Der Nazis neue Kleider: Die Vereinnahmung jugendlicher Subkulturen durch die extreme Rechte in Deutschland Tobias Leo Kerngebiet: Zeitgeschichte eingereicht bei: Ass.-Prof.in Mag.a Dr. in Eva Pfanzelter (MA) eingereicht im Semester: WS 2014/15 Rubrik: SE-Arbeit Abstract The Nazis’ New Clothes: The Take-over of Youth Subcultures by right- wing Extremists in Germany Right-wing extremist parties, organisations and movements tried and still try to take over youth subcultures. For about ten years, the right-wing extremist group Autonomous Nationalists has been trying to take over and copy left- wing movements, however more subtly and on a much broader social base than with the skinheads. This paper focuses on the take-over of the skinhead subculture by right-wing extremists as well as their attempt to reach left-wing subcultures as Autonomous Nationalists. The Hegemony Theory by Antonio Gramsci, a Marxist, is used as an explanatory model. Einleitung „[Da] Aktionsformen, Subkulturen, Aussehen, Farben, usw. nun mal kein Copyright be- sitzen, […] [und] niemand ein Recht darauf hat, dies allein für sich zu beanspruchen“,1 so schreiben die Autonomen Nationalisten (AN) Ostfriesland in ihrem Blog, zielen sie drauf ab, „jegliche Jugendsubkulturen zu unterwandern und sie für […] [sich] zu 2 gewinnen“. Das altbekannte Bild von Neonazis – kahl rasierte Köpfe, Bomberjacken 1 Blog: Autonome Nationalisten Ostfriesland, Über uns, November 2008, [http://logr.org/leerostfriesland/uber- uns/], eingesehen 27.11.2014. 2 Blog: AN Ostfriesland, Über uns. 2016 I innsbruck university press, Innsbruck historia.scribere I ISSN 2073-8927 I http://historia.scribere.at/ OPEN ACCESS Nr. 8, 2016 I DOI 10.15203/historia.scribere.8.486ORCID: 0000-000x-xxxx-xxxx 84 Der Nazis neue Kleider historia.scribere 08 (2016) und glänzend polierte Springerstiefel samt weißen Schnürsenkeln – hat schon seit längerem ausgedient.
    [Show full text]
  • Das Internet Und Die Leugnung Des Holocaust
    Bei dieser Arbeit handelt es sich um eine Wissenschaftliche Hausarbeit, die an der Universität Kassel angefertigt wurde. Die hier veröffentlichte Version kann von der als Prüfungsleistung eingereichten Version geringfügig abweichen. Weitere Wissenschaftliche Hausarbeiten finden Sie hier: https://kobra.bibliothek.uni-kassel.de/handle/urn:nbn:de:hebis:34-2011040837235 Diese Arbeit wurde mit organisatorischer Unterstützung des Zentrums für Lehrerbildung der Universität Kassel veröffentlicht. Informationen zum ZLB finden Sie unter folgendem Link: www.uni-kassel.de/zlb Wissenschaftliche Hausarbeit im Rahmen der Ersten Staatsprüfung für das Lehramt an Gymnasien im Fach Geschichte Eingereicht dem Amt für Lehrerbildung Prüfungsstelle Kassel Thema: „Das Internet und die Leugnung des Holocaust. Neue Perspektiven in deutschsprachigen Veröffentlichungen“ Vorgelegt von: Dennis Beismann 2011 Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Friedhelm Boll Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 Einleitung............................................................................................................1 1.1 Stand der Forschung.....................................................................................3 1.1.1 Publikationen aus den Jahren 1970 bis 1993........................................3 1.1.2 Holocaustleugnende Publikationen im Internet....................................4 1.2 Anlage der Studie.........................................................................................7 1.2.1 Fragestellung.........................................................................................7
    [Show full text]
  • Conceptions of Terror(Ism) and the “Other” During The
    CONCEPTIONS OF TERROR(ISM) AND THE “OTHER” DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF THE RED ARMY FACTION by ALICE KATHERINE GATES B.A. University of Montana, 2007 B.S. University of Montana, 2007 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Germanic and Slavic Languages and Literatures 2012 This thesis entitled: Conceptions of Terror(ism) and the “Other” During the Early Years of the Red Army Faction written by Alice Katherine Gates has been approved for the Department of Germanic and Slavic Languages and Literatures _____________________________________ Dr. Helmut Müller-Sievers _____________________________________ Dr. Patrick Greaney _____________________________________ Dr. Beverly Weber Date__________________ The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. iii Gates, Alice Katherine (M.A., Germanic and Slavic Languages and Literatures) Conceptions of Terror(ism) and the “Other” During the Early Years of the Red Army Faction Thesis directed by Professor Helmut Müller-Sievers Although terrorism has existed for centuries, it continues to be extremely difficult to establish a comprehensive, cohesive definition – it is a monumental task that scholars, governments, and international organizations have yet to achieve. Integral to this concept is the variable and highly subjective distinction made by various parties between “good” and “evil,” “right” and “wrong,” “us” and “them.” This thesis examines these concepts as they relate to the actions and manifestos of the Red Army Faction (die Rote Armee Fraktion) in 1970s Germany, and seeks to understand how its members became regarded as terrorists.
    [Show full text]
  • German Divergence in the Construction of the European Banking Union
    The End of Bilateralism in Europe? An Interest-Based Account of Franco- German Divergence in the Construction of the European Banking Union Honorable Mention, 2019 John Dunlop Thesis Prize Christina Neckermann May 2019 M-RCBG Associate Working Paper Series | No. 119 The views expressed in the M-RCBG Associate Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business & Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series have not undergone formal review and approval; they are presented to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business & Government Weil Hall | Harvard Kennedy School | www.hks.harvard.edu/mrcbg The End of Bilateralism in Europe?: An Interest-Based Account of Franco-German Divergence in the Construction of the European Banking Union A thesis presented by Christina Neckermann Presented to the Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree with honors Harvard College March 2019 Table of Contents Chapter I: Introduction 3 Statement of question and motivation - 3 Banking Union in the era of postcrisis financial reforms - 6 Outline of content and argument - 11 Chapter II: Theoretical Approach 13 Review of related literature - 13 Proposed theoretical framework - 19 Implications in the present case - 21 Methodology - 26 Chapter III: Overview of National Banking Sectors
    [Show full text]
  • Autonomous Nationalists’: New Developments and Contradictions in the German Neo­Nazi Movement
    The `Autonomous Nationalists': new developments and contradictions in the German neo-Nazi movement Article (Published Version) Schlembach, Raphael (2013) The ‘Autonomous Nationalists’: new developments and contradictions in the German neo-Nazi movement. Interface: a journal for and about social movements, 5 (2). pp. 295-318. ISSN 2009-2431 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/50208/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Interface: a journal for and about social movements Article Volume 5 (2): 295 - 318 (November 2013) Schlembach, Autonomous Nationalists The ‘Autonomous Nationalists’: new developments and contradictions in the German neo-Nazi movement Raphael Schlembach Abstract This article examines the action repertoires, symbolism and political ideology of the ‘Autonomous Nationalists’ (Autonome Nationalisten in German) that have emerged as a sub-cultural youth trend within the German extreme right.
    [Show full text]