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Shifting Identities in South Kansas City: Hickman Mills's SHIFTING IDENTITIES IN SOUTH KANSAS CITY: HICKMAN MILLS’S TRANSFORMATION FROM A SUBURBAN TO URBAN SCHOOL DISTRICT By ©2014 AARON TYLER RIFE Submitted to the graduate degree program in Educational Leadership and Policy Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________ Chairperson John L. Rury, Ph.D. ________________________________ Argun Saatcioglu, Ph.D. ________________________________ Jennifer C. Ng, Ph.D. ________________________________ Suzanne Rice, Ph.D. ________________________________ Jeffrey P. Moran, Ph.D. Date Defended: 4/28/2014 The Dissertation Committee for Aaron Tyler Rife certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: SHIFTING IDENTITIES IN SOUTH KANSAS CITY: HICKMAN MILLS’S TRANSFORMATION FROM A SUBURBAN TO URBAN SCHOOL DISTRICT ________________________________ Chairperson John L. Rury, Ph.D. Date approved: 5/5/2014 ii Abstract This dissertation examines the history and development of a suburban school district, as its surrounding community transformed from a quiet village to a white, blue-collar suburb, then to an urban space with predominantly non-white residents and students. The study’s five chapters present an analysis of fifty years (1950–2000) of the history of Hickman Mills, a small community on the south side of Kansas City, Missouri. The history of the school district and the neighborhoods it served reveals the flawed distinctions often made between rural, suburban, and urban spaces. In particular, this study questions the common definitions assigned to urban and suburban communities, as well as schools. In analyzing this suburban space, my methodology includes documentary analysis, personal interviews to collect oral histories, quantitative data collection from the U.S. Census, as well as spatial analysis in the form of census tract maps within the school district. I employ geographic and sociological theories of urbanization and racial change to examine the transformation of Missouri’s first consolidated school district from suburban to urban, white to black. Chapter one primarily explores the postwar period for Kansas City and Hickman Mills, with rapid population growth within district borders as white families moved to the area and sent their children to school. Chapter two provides an analysis of two early crises within the school district, both occurring between 1957 and 1960, with an explanation of how the events in these three years helped shift district and community identity. Chapter three further addresses questions of community identity during the 1960s when Kansas City, Missouri annexed the district neighborhoods, as well as reticence on the part of Hickmanites to support their schools through increased tax levies. Chapter four demonstrates another change in community identity during the 1970s and 1980s as residents largely banded together to fight what they saw as threats to the community, chief among them low-income housing, school consolidation with Kansas iii City, Missouri, and the entrance of large numbers of African-American families. Chapter five focuses on Hickman Mills in the 1990s, as local white perception of the community and the schools deteriorated when larger numbers of black families moved to the area. At the same time that this study adds to a burgeoning scholarship on race in suburban communities and school districts, it also complicates traditional stories of white flight and urbanization. The history of Hickman Mills’s transformation from a “suburban” community to an “urban” one, as well as the perception of the school district changing from “good” to “bad,” broadens our understanding of the history of race and schooling as well as the effects of desegregation upon communities. I argue that the change Hickman Mills underwent was largely a result of how its neighborhoods were perceived as racial spaces, first as white and “normal,” then as black and “unsafe.” Ultimately, this study exemplifies how the social construction of space plays a significant role in neighborhoods and schools. iv Acknowledgments To borrow from Senator Elizabeth Warren’s popular phrase, I did not build this. As is normal with dissertations, I have a host of people to thank and I apologize for any omissions. Dr. John Rury, as advisor for my entire graduate school career, started me on this path—in the case of Hickman Mills, quite literally. He directed me to the district and indicated that there might be a compelling story to be told. The central staff at Hickman Mills C-1 School District offered research support and their outgoing superintendent, Dr. Marjorie Williams, kindly met with me and gave me additional contacts in the beginning stages of my work. The librarians and volunteers at the Midwest Genealogy Center in Independence, Missouri helped me greatly and serendipitously aided me in securing my first interviews, as word of my research spread through the library. Luckily for me, Hickmanite families came forward to share their experiences and I am very grateful for their eagerness and candor. I would be remiss to overlook the fine staff at the Jackson County Advocate, who allowed me spend a few weeks in their newspaper archive at their small office, all while reporters and the editor were working hard to finish their own work. They were generous and their paper proved to be a treasure trove of information. I am thankful for fellow graduate students, particularly Kevin Hinegardner and Sarah Marten, who graciously listened to me drone on about school levies, board intrigue, and community organizations. They tended to pose questions that challenged my perceptions and prompted me to pursue new avenues of research or approaches to the topic. I am grateful for their friendship. Additionally, I express my thanks to my neighbors, Ray and Martha Souza, whose support and love has meant so much to me and my family in our ten years in the happy mini-metropolis of Lawrence, Kansas. My family played a significant role in the completion of this dissertation. Jeff and DonaLu O’Neil have consistently supported my efforts over the past six years. Without them, v my graduate career, let alone the dissertation, would not have been possible. Most importantly, I owe everything to Ellen O’Neil Rife. Years ago, I told her I wanted to get a PhD just to keep up with her, which I have finally realized may never happen. Lastly, to Rosalind and Mallory, my beautiful bright girls who often distract, but always inspire me—they are young enough to think I am great now; I hope to make them proud when they become older and more discerning. vi Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………...……………iii Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………..v List of Maps, Tables, and Figures……...…….…………………………………………………viii Introduction - Hickman Mills: Perception and Reality in School and Community Identity…..….1 Chapter One - Growing Pains and the Search for Identity: The Creation of the Hickman Mills School District and its Rapid Growth During the Postwar Boom, 1845- 1957………………………………..…………………………………..…24 Chapter Two - Storm and Stress: Hickman Mills in the Wake of the 1957 Tornado and a School Board Scandal, 1957-1960………………………...……………..………57 Chapter Three - Mixed Feelings: Urbanization, Modernization, and the Fight to Stay Independent and Self-Sufficient, 1959-1970……………………………….………….85 Chapter Four - Not In My Backyard: Race, Integration, and Opposition to Demographic Change, 1964-1990……………………………...…………………………….…122 Chapter Five - Death of a Suburb: The Economics of Race and the Power of Perception…….164 Conclusion - From Suburban to Urban Space: Hickman Mills as a Community and a School District in the 21st Century…………………………………….……......192 Appendix I: Figures..…………………………..………………………………………………..203 Appendix II: Informed Consent Statement………………………..…………………………….218 Appendix III: Interview Protocol………………………..……………………………………....219 Works Cited………………………………......………..…………………………………….….220 vii List of Maps, Tables, and Figures Introduction Map 1: Hickman Mills C-1 school district boundaries 10 Chapter Three Table 1: Voting Breakdown for School Levy, March 11-September 18, 1970 111 Chapter Four Table 1: Bond Issues, 1973-1980 152 Table 2: Hickman Mills and Surrounding Districts, 1984-85 155 Table 3: Hickman Neighborhoods, Race and Family Income (2012 dollars) 157 Map 1: African American Population in Hickman Mills in 1980 158 Table 4: African American Student Enrollment in Hickman Mills Elementary Schools, 1968-1982 159 Chapter Five Map 1: African American Population in Hickman Mills, 1990 166 Map 2: African American Population in Hickman Mills, 2000 167 Map 3: African American Population in Kansas City Missouri Metro by Income, 2000 168 Appendix I: Figures Figure 1: Map of the first elementary schools in Hickman Mills Figure 2: One-Day Teacher Strike, March 16, 1970 Figure 3: Editorial Cartoon, March 5, 1970 Figure 4: Editorial Cartoon, May 7, 1970 Figure 5: Editorial Cartoon, May 28, 1970 Figure 6: Editorial Cartoon, September 17, 1970 Figure 7: St. Luke’s United Methodist Church message to those who voted against the levy, July 2, 1970 Figure 8: Detail view of full-page ad for levy vote, September 10, 1970 Figure 9: Picture of House Education Committee hearing at Jefferson City, Spainhower Plan abandoned, February 6, 1969. Figure 10: Suggested reorganization of Jackson County No. 1 school districts, 1969 Figure 11: African American Migration in Metropolitan Kansas City, 1960
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