DOCSLIB.ORG

Failure of State and Democracy Building Experiment in Post Taliban Afghanistan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Failure of State and Democracy Building Experiment in Post Taliban Afghanistan FAILURE OF STATE AND DEMOCRACY BUILDING EXPERIMENT IN POST TALIBAN AFGHANISTAN A Dissertation Submitted to The School of Politics and International Relations Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy By SAIRA SALEEM 2016 To Aquil and Taimur to whom I owe so much Contents Acknowledgements....................................................................................................................…...i Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………...ii List of Abbreviations and Acronyms……………………………………………………………..iii List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………………….vi Introduction The Problem……………………………………………………………………………………...1 Research Questions………………………………………………………………………………2 Hypotheses……………………………………………………………………………………….2 Significance of the Study………………………………………………………………………...2 Literature Review………………………………………………………………………………...3 Organization of Study …………………………………………………………………………...16 Research Methodology…………………………………………………………………………..20 Chapter 1: Concept of a Failed State: Theoretical Approaches Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………...24 1.1 Theoretical Debates on Failed State……………………………………………………..27 1.2 Repairing the Failed States: External State and Democracy Building Processes…………………………………………………………………………………33 1.3 Afghanistan: An Exogenous Experiment…………………………………………….….45 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………….47 Chapter 2: State Formation in Afghanistan: From Tribal Confederacy to a Weak State (1747-1978) Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………...49 2.1 Formation of Pashtun Tribal Confederation to a Segmentary State…………………….49 2.2 Transition to Unitary Afghan State under Iron Amir: Amir Abdur Rehman…………...54 2.3 State-building in the Twentieth Century: Modernization Project, Constitutional Monarchy, and Resistance……………...……………………………………………….56 2.3.1 Decade of Democracy (1963-1973)……………………………………………..61 2.3.2 Daoud in Power: Emergence of Republican State……………………………....69 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………….74 Chapter 3: Decomposition Process of Afghan State: Soviet Intervention, Afghan Civil War, and Taliban Regime Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….….76 3.1 PDPA in Power: State Building and State Fragmentation………………………….…...76 3.1.1 State under Khalq: Taraki-Amin Rule…………………………………………..77 3.2 Soviet Occupation: Rebuilding of Party State (Karmal and Najibullah Years)………....82 3.3 Mujahideen Regime: Civil War and State Collapse……………………………………..90 3.4 Ascendency of Taliban: Emergence of a Failed State…………………………………...93 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………….....99 Chapter 4: Exclusionary Democratization Process in Post Taliban Afghanistan: An Analysis Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………..100 4.1 Phase One: Bonn Process: An Exogenous Exercise for Democratizing a Failed State...102 4.2 Phase Two: Transition towards Procedural Democracy……………………………....107 4.2.1 Emergency Loya Jirga…………………………………………………………………107 4.2.2 Crafting of Constitution and Approval by Constitutional Loya Jirga………….110 4.2.3 National Elections and Electoral Engineering…………………………………114 4.2.3.1 Comparative Analysis of Presidential Elections (October 9, 2004 – August 20, 2009)……...……………………………………..….………………115 4.2.3.2 Comparative Analysis of Wolesi Jirga Elections : ( September 18, 2005- September 18, 2010)…………….….…………………………………..122 4.3 Afghan Parliament: Putting the Institution into Practice..……………………………...128 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...130 Chapter 5: Impediments in the State and Democracy Building Processes: U.S. Contradictory Policies and Security Dilemmas Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….132 5.1 Conflicting Objectives…………..……………………………………………………...132 5.2 Warlordism : A Precarious Challenge………………………………………………...145 5.3 Rule of Law…………………………………………………………………………….153 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...160 Chapter 6: Taliban Insurgency: Internal and External Dynamics Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….163 6.1 Resurgence of Taliban: Internal Factors……………………………………………....164 6.2 The Pakistan Context: Transnational Factor………………………………………….. 174 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...185 Chapter 7: Limitations in Statebuilding Process: Effects on State Coercive and Socio-Economic Capacities Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….187 7.1 Constructing a New State: Concept of Stateness………………………………………188 7.2 Limitations of Coercive Capacity and Governance……………………………………191 7.3 Lack of Extractive Capacity and Exogenous Aid Dependencies……………………….197 7.4 Corruption Eats Away the State Capacity and Legitimacy…………………………….202 7.5 Social Constraints………………………………………………………………………208 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...213 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………..215 Postscript The Contemporary Context: Afghanistan 2014 and Beyond………………226 Bibliography ..............................................................................................................................239 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I am grateful to Allah, the most merciful, for the well-being, courage, and the strength that were necessary to complete this dissertation. This thesis could not have been successfully completed without the invaluable contribution of my supervisor. I express my sincere gratitude to Professor Dr. Tahir Amin for his guidance, motivation, and patience. He nurtured this project with his insightful suggestions and encouraging comments. I could not have imagined having a better advisor and mentor for my dissertation. I am extremely grateful to the faculty of School of Politics and International Relations (SPIR) for their support and academic guidance. The SPIR director Professor Dr. Zafar Nawaz Jaspal has always been supportive and cooperative. I am indebted to Professor Florian Khun for his encouragement and constructive comments on my preliminary research draft. His comments enabled me to give clarity to the theoretical argument of the thesis. I also owe gratitude to Professor Dr. Razia Sultana for her encouragement and guidance in our collaborated research articles. Writing a PhD dissertation is not an easy task. It cannot be completed singlehandedly or without the encouragement and support of friends, colleagues, and family. Whilst working on the dissertation, I have gained a lot from the exchange of ideas with my friends and colleagues and their suggestions. I am thankful to Asma Faiz, Dr Sadia Suleman, Dr. Sannia Abdullah, and Saweeda Nadeem for their support and encouragement. My parents and siblings have always been supportive. I owe special thanks to my parents and siblings for their unceasing support, prayers, and encouragement, which made it possible for me to complete the thesis. Finally, I must acknowledge that without constant support and encouragement of Aquil and Taimur, it was impossible for me to complete my thesis. Both kept my spirit high and provided me with an opportunity to take my time and concentrate on the work. i Abstract This study focuses on the failure of state and democracy building experiment in the post-Taliban Afghanistan. The aforementioned experiment is the first test case of militarized intervention after 9/11 under the banner of the war on terrorism to build a failed state on liberal democratic lines. This dissertation includes an in-depth study of the processes and their nexus to give a broader theoretical understanding of the failure of the experiment in the transitory phase. The sources of the failure were not only located in the flawed design and an asymmetrical interaction pattern, but the challenges originated from the gaps in the processes also negatively affected the linkage between democracy and stateness. Both processes suffered from the legitimacy deficit and failed to bring transition in the institutions whilst the contradictions and ambiguities in the principal intervener‘s policies negated the spirit of liberal values in the experiment. Competing agendas of the interveners and lack of coordination among them contributed to the failure of processes. The principal intervener (U.S.) de-politicized and de-contextualized its policies to address the failed state conditions. The intervener preferred stability to democratization and facilitated narrow power-sharing arrangements. The intervener and its local allies excluded the opposition forces, mainly Taliban, and neglected the aspirations of the Afghan society in Bonn conference I. This exclusion went in favor of Tajiks, the new state elite, and thus exacerbated ethnic tensions and power struggle between Pashtuns and non-Pashtuns. The processes, therefore, created a fragile state with weak and dependent institutions. Lack of accountability and public participation made these institutions fragile and provided the new and old state elites with an opportunity to nurture their patronage networks. This is why the post-U.S. Afghanistan appears engulfed with insurgency and violence, which have increased civilian casualties. Violence continues to dominate the Afghan domestic politics whereas the coercive, capital, and administrative capacities of the Afghan state remain limited and confined to major provincial capitals. Pervasive corruption in the state institutions is a continuing trend with no signs of reduction. The incumbent [unity] government, a product of an intra-elite bargain, so far appears incapable of garnering public support in its struggle against the Taliban insurgency and other turbulences in the post-Taliban Afghanistan. ii Abbreviations and Acronyms AfPak Afghanistan-Pakistan AIA Afghan Interim
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Revolutionary Afghanistan Is No Exception
    CONTENTS PREFACE 1. In Search of Hafizullah Amin 6 2. Three Revolutionaries 12 3. A House Divided: the PDPA, 1965-1973 25 4. The Making of a Revolution: the PDPA, 1973-1978 39 5. The Inheritance: Afghanistan, 1978 53 6. Strategy for Reform 88 7. The Eid Conspiracy 106 8. A Treaty and a Murder: Closing the American Option 120 9. The Question of Leadership 133 10. The Summer of Discontent 147 11. The End Game 166 12. ‘. And the People Remain’ 186 Select Bibliography 190 PREFACE PREFACE The idea for this book arose from a visit to Kabul in March 1979 when it became immediately obvious that what was happening in Afghanistan bore little relation to reports appearing in the Western media. Further research subsequently reinforced that impression. Much of the material on which the book is based was collected in the course of my 1979 field trip which took me to India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom as well as Afghanistan and during a follow-up trip to India and Pakistan from December 1980 to January 1981. Unfortunately by then times had changed and on this second occasion the Afghan government refused me a visa. Texts of speeches and statements by Afghan leaders and other Afghan government documents have for the most part been taken from the Kabul Times, since these are in effect the official version. I have however taken the liberty where necessary of adjusting the syntax of the Afghan translator. The problem of transliteration is inescapable, and at the risk of offending the purists I have chosen what appears to be the simplest spelling of Afghan names and have tried to be consistent.
    [Show full text]
  • Great Game to 9/11
    Air Force Engaging the World Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland COVER Aerial view of a village in Farah Province, Afghanistan. Photo (2009) by MSst. Tracy L. DeMarco, USAF. Department of Defense. Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland Washington, D.C. 2014 ENGAGING THE WORLD The ENGAGING THE WORLD series focuses on U.S. involvement around the globe, primarily in the post-Cold War period. It includes peacekeeping and humanitarian missions as well as Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom—all missions in which the U.S. Air Force has been integrally involved. It will also document developments within the Air Force and the Department of Defense. GREAT GAME TO 9/11 GREAT GAME TO 9/11 was initially begun as an introduction for a larger work on U.S./coalition involvement in Afghanistan. It provides essential information for an understanding of how this isolated country has, over centuries, become a battleground for world powers. Although an overview, this study draws on primary- source material to present a detailed examination of U.S.-Afghan relations prior to Operation Enduring Freedom. Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Air Force, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government. Cleared for public release. Contents INTRODUCTION The Razor’s Edge 1 ONE Origins of the Afghan State, the Great Game, and Afghan Nationalism 5 TWO Stasis and Modernization 15 THREE Early Relations with the United States 27 FOUR Afghanistan’s Soviet Shift and the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Full Text
    Courant Research Centre ‘Poverty, Equity and Growth in Developing and Transition Countries: Statistical Methods and Empirical Analysis’ Georg-August-Universität Göttingen (founded in 1737) Discussion Papers No. 266 Home bias in humanitarian aid: The role of regional favoritism in the allocation of international disaster relief Christian Bommera, Axel Dreher, Marcello Perez-Alvarez September 2019 Platz der Göttinger Sieben 5 ⋅ 37073 Goettingen ⋅ Germany Phone: +49-(0)551-3921660 ⋅ Fax: +49-(0)551-3914059 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.uni-goettingen.de/crc-peg Home bias in humanitarian aid: The role of regional favoritism in the allocation of international disaster relief Christian Bommera (University of Goettingen, Heidelberg University) Axel Dreherb (Heidelberg University, University of Goettingen, KOF, CEPR, CESifo) Marcello Perez-Alvarezc (University of Goettingen) Abstract This paper investigates whether regional favoritism shapes humanitarian aid flows. Using a rich and unique dataset derived from reports of the Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA), we show that substantially larger amounts of aid are disbursed when natural disasters hit the birth region of the recipient countries’ political leader. While we find no evidence that US commercial or political interests affect the size of this home bias, the bias is stronger in countries with a weaker bureaucracy and governance, suggesting the absence of effective safeguards in the allocation of aid. Keywords: humanitarian aid, natural disasters, regional favoritism, birth regions Acknowledgments: We thank Cooper Drury and Thomas Eisensee for generously sharing their OFDA data. We further thank Stephan Klasen, Sven Kunze, Sebastian Vollmer and conference participants at ETH Zürich (AEL 2018), MIT (IPES 2018) and Oxford University (CSAE 2019) for helpful comments, as well as Patrick Betz, Theresa Geyer, Adrian Monninger, Friederike Schilling, and Wangzhen Xia for excellent research assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict in Afghanistan II
    Conflict in Afghanistan II 93 Number 881 March 2011 Volume Volume 93 Number 881 March 2011 Volume 93 Number 881 March 2011 Part 2: Law and humanitarian action Interview with Ms Fatima Gailani President of the Afghan Red Crescent Society Has the armed conflict in Afghanistan affected the rules on the conduct of hostilities? Robin Geiss and Michael Siegrist International law and armed non-state actors in Afghanistan Annyssa Bellal, Gilles Giacca and Stuart Casey-Maslen The Layha for the Mujahideen: an analysis of the code of conduct for the Taliban fighters under Islamic law Muhammad Munir Annex: The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The Layha [Code of Conduct] For Mujahids Combatants, not bandits: the status of rebels in Islamic law Sadia Tabassum Between a rock and a hard place: integration or independence of humanitarian action? Antonio Donini The International Committee of the Red Cross in Afghanistan: Conflict II in Afghanistan reasserting the neutrality of humanitarian action Fiona Terry The protective scope of Common Article 3: more than meets the eye Jelena Pejic Humanitarian debate: Law, policy, action www.icrc.org/eng/review Conflict in Cambridge Journals Online For further information about this journal please go to the journal web site at: ISSN 1816-3831 http://www.journals.cambridge.org/irc Afghanistan II Editorial Team Editor-in-Chief: Vincent Bernard The Review is printed in English and is Editorial assistant: Michael Siegrist published four times a year, in March, Publication assistant: June, September and December. Claire Franc Abbas Annual selections of articles are also International Review of the Red Cross published on a regional level in Arabic, Aim and scope 19, Avenue de la Paix Chinese, French, Russian and Spanish.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan Before the Invasions: the Subversion of Democracy in 1973
    Afghanistan before the Invasions: The Subversion of Democracy in 1973 Khalida Ramyar A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Graduate Program in Sociology York University Toronto, Ontario May 2015 © Khalida Ramyar, 2015 Abstract Using the Wikileaks PlusD Archive of US State Department cables from Kabul in 1973, this thesis presents an analysis of the politics of the Helmand Water Treaty between Afghanistan and Iran and the role of the US in Afghanistan's politics at the time. The analysis of the cables shows: a) that US policy was directed towards the promotion of neoliberalism in Afghanistan; b) that Afghanistan in 1973 was the site of a largely neglected struggle for democracy, and c) that the US, as well as the Afghan establishment, worked together to suppress this democratic struggle. These broader political dynamics are illustrated through a focus on the Helmand Water Treaty as discussed in the cables. ii Dedication For my love Justin, without whom nothing is possible, and for Cyrus, my little Halfghan, for whom I hope this narrative fills some of the gaps in the road to self-discovery. iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank: My supervisors, Tania Das Gupta, and Michael Nijhawan, for giving me a lot of freedom and flexibility, for believing in the story, and for being endlessly helpful. The Graduate Program Director of Sociology when I entered the program, Kathy Bischoping, for giving my application a chance. My family, and especially Mom and Dad, for providing the inspiration to find the truth.
    [Show full text]
  • Background Guide
    Zahir Shah’s Cabinet, Afghanistan 1963 MUNUC 33 ONLINE TABLE OF CONTENTS ______________________________________________________ CHAIR’S LETTER………………………….….………………………………..….3 CRISIS DIRECTOR’S LETTER..…………..………………………………………..5 A BRIEF HISTORY OF AFGHANISTAN………………………………………….6 CURRENT ISSUES…………………………………………..…………………...21 ROSTER……………………………………………………..…………………...31 BIOGRAPHIES……………………………………………..…………………...33 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………..……………………………..…………………...45 2 Zahir Shah’s Cabinet, Afghanistan 1963| MUNUC 33 Online CHAIR’S LETTER ______________________________________________________ Dear Delegates, Welcome to Afghanistan! My name is Karina Holbrook, and I am the Chair (aka Zahir Shah) of this committee. As chair, I hope to be fair to everyone; more importantly, I want the committee to be fun. The goal of this conference is pedagogy, and I believe that this can best be done through an immersive, interactive experience - in other words, in a continuous crisis committee! I hope that this committee will give all delegates the opportunity to truly shine, both in the frontroom and in the backroom, in the pursuit of a new Afghanistan. On that note, there are a couple of things I would like to address. First, we will not be tolerating any remarks about the Taliban; not only is it completely inappropriate (and will be addressed accordingly), but it is also completely irrelevant to our time - we are, after all, in the 1960s, long before the Taliban even existed. Also, in that vein, I will not be tolerating any Islamophobic, racist, or sexist comments, either “in character” or to a delegate. “Historical accuracy” or “because my character was like that in real life” is not an excuse - after all, at the end of the day we are delegates in 2020, and we can choose to be mindful where our characters did not.
    [Show full text]
  • Zahir Shah's Cabinet, Afghanistan 1963
    Zahir Shah’s Cabinet, Afghanistan 1963 MUNUC 33 TABLE OF CONTENTS ______________________________________________________ CHAIR’S LETTER………………………….….………………………………..….3 CRISIS DIRECTOR’S LETTER..…………..………………………………………..5 A BRIEF HISTORY OF AFGHANISTAN………………………………………….6 CURRENT ISSUES…………………………………………..…………………...21 ROSTER……………………………………………………..…………………...31 BIOGRAPHIES……………………………………………..…………………...33 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………..……………………………..…………………...45 2 Zahir Shah’s Cabinet, Afghanistan 1963| MUNUC 33 CHAIR’S LETTER ______________________________________________________ Dear Delegates, Welcome to Afghanistan! My name is Karina Holbrook, and I am the Chair (aka Zahir Shah) of this committee. As chair, I hope to be fair to everyone; more importantly, I want the committee to be fun. The goal of this conference is pedagogy, and I believe that this can best be done through an immersive, interactive experience - in other words, in a continuous crisis committee! I hope that this committee will give all delegates the opportunity to truly shine, both in the frontroom and in the backroom, in the pursuit of a new Afghanistan. On that note, there are a couple of things I would like to address. First, we will not be tolerating any remarks about the Taliban; not only is it completely inappropriate (and will be addressed accordingly), but it is also completely irrelevant to our time - we are, after all, in the 1960s, long before the Taliban even existed. Also, in that vein, I will not be tolerating any Islamophobic, racist, or sexist comments, either “in character” or to a delegate. “Historical accuracy” or “because my character was like that in real life” is not an excuse - after all, at the end of the day we are delegates in 2020, and we can choose to be mindful where our characters did not.
    [Show full text]
  • Making the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan: a History and Analysis Through the Lens Of
    Making the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan: A History and Analysis Through the Lens of Coordination and Deferral Theory Shamshad Pasarlay A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2016 Reading Committee: Clark Lombardi, Chair Joseph Janes Jonathan Eddy Hugh Spitzer Rachel Cichowski Program Authorized to Offer Degree: School of Law © Copyright 2016 Shamshad Pasarlay University of Washington ABSTRACT Making the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan: A History and Analysis Through the Lens of Coordination and Deferral Theory Shamshad Pasarlay Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Clark Lombardi School of Law My objective in this dissertation is to provide a theoretically informed history of Afghanistan’s many constitutions. While Afghanistan’s constitutional history has attracted considerable scholarly attention, it remains under-examined from a theoretical perspective. Building on insights from coordination theory and constitutional deferral theory, this dissertation attempts to tell a complete, nuanced, and theoretically informed constitutional history of Afghanistan as well as a history of the drafting and reception of the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan. Through this analysis, it normatively judges Afghan constitutions by examining whether they coordinated the various disparate factions of this deeply divided country. This dissertation finds that the most successful Afghan constitutions deliberately left major issues unresolved when powerful
    [Show full text]
  • Home Bias in Humanitarian Aid: the Role of Regional Favoritism in the Allocation of International Disaster Relief
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Bommera, Christian; Dreher, Axel; Pérez-Alvarez, Marcello Working Paper Home bias in humanitarian aid: The role of regional favoritism in the allocation of international disaster relief Discussion Papers, No. 266 Provided in Cooperation with: Courant Research Centre 'Poverty, Equity and Growth in Developing and Transition Countries', University of Göttingen Suggested Citation: Bommera, Christian; Dreher, Axel; Pérez-Alvarez, Marcello (2019) : Home bias in humanitarian aid: The role of regional favoritism in the allocation of international disaster relief, Discussion Papers, No. 266, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Courant Research Centre - Poverty, Equity and Growth (CRC-PEG), Göttingen This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/203140 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan's Gordian Knot: an Analysis of National Conflict and Strategies for Peace
    Occasional Paper 3 AFGHANISTAN'S GORDIAN KNOT: AN ANALYSIS OF NATIONAL CONFLICT AND STRATEGIES FOR PEACE Hafizullah Emadi East-West Center Honolulu, Hawaii THE EAST-WEST CENTER was established in Hawaii in 1960 by the Unit• ed States Congress "to promote better relations and understanding between the United States and the nations of Asia and the Pacific through cooper• ative study, training, and research'' Some 2,000 research fellows, graduate students, and professionals in business and government each year work with the Center's international staff on major Asia-Pacific issues relating to population, economic and trade policies, resources and the environment, culture and communication, and international relations. Since 1960, more than 27,000 men and wom• en from the region have participated in the Center's cooperative programs. Officially known as the Center for Cultural and Technical Interchange Between East and West, Inc., the Center is a public, nonprofit institution with an international board of governors. Principal funding comes from the United States Congress. Support also comes from more than twenty Asian and Pacific governments, as well as from private agencies and cor• porations. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS PROGRAM Occasional Paper 3 AFGHANISTAN'S GORDIAN KNOT: AN ANALYSIS OF NATIONAL CONFLICT AND STRATEGIES FOR PEACE Hafizullah Emadi r~j"~| East-West Center bid Honolulu, Hawaii Published in September 1991 by the International Relations Program, East- West Center, Honolulu, Hawaii. Printed in the United States of America. This occasional paper may be reproduced in whole or in part without writ• ten permission of the East-West Center provided appropriate acknowledg• ment is given and a copy of the work in which this paper appears is sent to the International Relations Program, East-West Center.
    [Show full text]
  • How People Define Violence and Justice in Afghanistan (1958-2008)
    A First Step on a Long Journey: How People Define Violence and Justice in Afghanistan (1958-2008) Afghan Civil Society Forum-organization, 2011 Book Title: A First Step on a Long Journey: How People Define Violence and Justice in Afghanistan (1958-2008) Published By: Afghan Civil Society Forum-organization (ACSFo) House No. 248, Opposite to Malalai Maternity Hospital, Shar Ara Kabul, Afghanistan Website: www.acsf.af Funded By: Heinrich Boell Stiftung (HBS) House No. 1129, Street 5, Qalai Fatehullah Kabul, Afghanistan Website: www.boell-afghanistan.org Disclaimer: The project was funded by Heinrich Böll Stiftung (HBS), research and compilation of this report was carried out by Afghan Civil Society Forum- organization (ACSFo). The views within this publication are those of the interviewees and do not necessarily reflect the views of ACSFo or HBS. Publication Date: March 2011 Printed By: Balkh Printing Press , Kabul, Afghanistan All rights reserved Contents Acknowledgements III Introduction IV Chapter One: Previous Governments (1953- 2008) in Retrospective 1 Chapter Two: Justice 5 2.1 Justice and Rule of Law 5 2.2 Government Support to People’s Rights 8 2.3 Corruption 11 2.4 Execution and Imprisonment of Intellectuals 14 2.4.1 Execution of Intellectuals 14 2.4.2 Imprisonment of Intellectuals 17 2.5 Rights and Freedoms of Women 19 2.6 Democracy and Freedom of Press 22 2.6.1 Democracy 22 2.6.2 Freedom of Press 26 2.7 Consequences of 7th Sawr Coup and USSR Invasion 28 Chapter Three: Security 31 3.1 Insecurity 31 3.2 People’s Uprising against
    [Show full text]
  • Justus-Von-Liebig-Universität Gießen Fachbereich 07: Mathematik Und Informatik, Physik, Geographie Institut Für Geographie
    Justus-von-Liebig-Universität Gießen Fachbereich 07: Mathematik und Informatik, Physik, Geographie Institut für Geographie State-building in Afghanistan: The role of institutional capacity. vorgelegt von Dipl. Geograph Sardar M. Kohistani Dissertation Zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades Dr. rer.nat im Fachbereich Geographie Gießen, Oktober 2009 Dedication To my father Acknowledgements It is my pleasure to express my thanks to my advisors Prof. Dr. Andreas Dittmann and Prof. Dr. Eckart Ehlers for their time and for their kind cooperation. I would like to express my gratitude for Christine Issa who was very supportive throughout the period of my study in Bonn and then in Giessen. She also benefited me in reading and commenting this dissertation. I wish to express my gratitude to Bernd Goecke and Nadine Vorbeck for preparing the maps as well as Dr. Frank Schuessler for reading the paper and commenting on it, and Anika Merschhemke who proofread the dissertation. My thanks also go to Mr. Klaus Haker Mrs. Erika Haker who generously supported me during my stay in Germany especially in the final stages of preparing this dissertation. There are many people in Kabul and in Germany who I cannot name all and were so kind and supportive. I wish to thank them all. The Ministry of Higher Education as well as the Chancellor of Kabul University and the DAAD gave me the opportunity to come to Germany and to study and develop my knowledge. To all of them I owe this opportunity and to them I wish to express my gratitude. My family endured my absence for the whole time especially my mother and my sister.
    [Show full text]