ERIK ANONBY CARLETON UNIVERSITY
THE KESHMI (QESHMI) DIALECT OF HORMOZGAN PROVINCE, IRAN : A FIRST ACCOUNT *
SUMMARY Keshmi, the dialect of Qeshm Island in the Strait of Hormuz, belongs to the Southwestern branch of the Iranian languages. The largest island in the Persian Gulf, Qeshm was described in 1908 by Lorimer who stated that Arabic was spoken there. Relying on the ethnic map of Iran in the Atlas narodov mira (1964), most later scholars have repeatedly described the language on the island as a mixture of Persian and Arabic, but Izady’s (2006) map mentions a “Qishmi” dialect. The present study, which offers a first overview of this Keshmi dialect, brings clarity to the contradictory assertions in the literature. An updated description of the island and its population of over 100,000 is provided, touching on geography, history and demographics as well as questions of language use and identity. The paper then examines the dialect’s classification, its internal dialect situation, and its linguistic structures, with attention to aspects of the phonology, morphology and lexicon. Although Keshmi speakers view themselves as ethnically distinct, and recognize that their dialect exhibits some distinctive structures, the author uses comparative data to situate the Keshmi dialect within Southwestern Iranian and, in keeping with the perceptions of the speakers themselves, most closely connected to the Bandari dialects of the mainland. Keywords: linguistics; Southwestern Iranian languages; Keshmi (Qeshmi) dialect; Qeshm Island; Bandari Persian; Hormozgan Province; language documentation.
RÉSUMÉ Le keshmi, dialecte de l’île de Qeshm dans le détroit d’Ormuz, appartient à la branche sud-ouest des langues iraniennes. L’île – la plus grande dans le golfe Persique – a été décrite par Lorimer (1908), qui a déclaré que l’arabe s’y parlait. S’appuyant sur la carte ethnique de l’Iran dans l’Atlas narodov mira (1964), la plupart des chercheurs plus récents
* This paper was funded through research-related functions of the author’s position at Carleton University and the Uppsala University research project UFV-PA 2010/ 2580. Special thanks go to Christina van der Wal Anonby, who has made ongoing, valuable contributions to the author’s research, including the present article; Dr. Pakzad Yousefian, who arranged the research trip to Qeshm Island; and Hassan Mohebbi Bahmani, who commented on an earlier draft of the article and contributed data on Minabi. We are also grateful to the interview respondents in Dargahn for their hospitality and for providing data and insights into their language. Abbreviations: K - Keshmi; P - Persian; M - Minabi dialect of Bandari; L - Laraki dialect of Kumzari.
165 STUDIA IRANICA 44, 2015, pp. 165-206
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 165 9/03/16 07:57 166 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
ont décrit la situation linguistique dans l’île comme un mélange du persan et de l’arabe ; la carte d’Izady (2006) reconnaît toutefois un dialecte non-persan appelé « qishmi ». La présente étude, qui offre un premier aperçu de ce dialecte keshmi, clarifie les assertions contradictoires la littérature. Elle donne une description actuelle de l’île et de sa popu- lation de plus de 100 000 habitants, touchant aux questions de la géographie, de l’histoire et de la démographie ainsi qu’à celles du comportement et de l’identité linguistiques. L’article examine ensuite la classification du dialecte, sa situation dialectale interne et ses structures linguistiques, avec une attention à des aspects de la phonologie, de la morphologie et du lexique. Bien que les locuteurs du keshmi considèrent que leur ethnie soit distincte et que leur dialecte démontre des traits distinctifs, l’auteur de l’article utilise des données comparatives pour situer le dialecte keshmi au sein de l’iranien du sud-ouest et, tout en accord avec les perceptions des locuteurs eux-mêmes, montre que ce dialecte est étroitement lié aux dialectes bandari du continent. Mots clés: linguistique ; dialectes iraniens du sud-ouest ; dialecte keshmi (qishmi) ; île de Qeshm ; persan bandari ; province de Hormozgan ; documentation sur les langues. * * *
INTRODUCTION Iran is a land of rich and varied history, and constant movements and contacts of peoples have taken place over past millennia. This is reflected in the abundant linguistic diversity of the country as a whole, which is the primary or even unique record of many cultural movements in the past. The linguistic heritage of Iran has, however, been unevenly documented, and there are many languages and dialects about which little is known. This is the case for Hormozgan Province of southern Iran, where numerous languages and dialects are found. This paper is a first account of the Keshmi dialect, spoken on Qeshm Island in the waters of the Strait of Hormuz in Hormozgan Province, Iran. After presenting a synopsis of language distribution in Hormozgan and research that has been done in the region, I focus on the sociolinguistic profile of Keshmi in particular, touching on geography, history and demo- graphics as well as language use and identity. I then examine the dialect’s classification within Southwestern Iranian, its internal dialect situation, and aspects of its linguistic structures, with attention to phonology, morphology and lexicon. Comparing these data to what is known about other varieties in the region, I show that even though Keshmi has some distinctive linguistic characteristics, and its speakers view themselves as a separate ethnic group, the dialect is closely related to the Bandari Persian varieties of the Hormozgan coast.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 166 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 167
LANGUAGE IN HORMOZGAN PROVINCE Hormozgan Province is a microcosm of the linguistic diversity found throughout Iran, with a number of languages and many constituent dialects found in the province (see Fig. 1). The languages include several South- western Iranian varieties – Persian, Larestani, Bashkardi, and Kumzari; a Northwestern Iranian language, Balochi; the recently “discovered” Indo- Aryan language Kholosi; and the Semitic language Arabic, which has influenced the other languages of the province through various means and to varying degrees. Some of these languages are familiar from studies of their better-known dialects elsewhere in Iran, but their distinctive and diverse dialects in Hormozgan are in large part undescribed.
“Inland” ! # !" # "
Fig. 1: Overview of language distribution in Hormozgan Province, south-west Iran.
Persian is the primary language of Hormozgan Province, but its dialects spoken there fall into two very different groups: the Bandari dialects of the coast and nearby areas, and the inland dialects spoken in the northern tongue of land between Fars and Kerman, themselves reported to be similar to the Persian dialects of those provinces.1 While there has been no study of the inland Persian dialects of Hormozgan, several studies have been undertaken on diverse varieties of Bandari. These include notes on the dialects of Minab and Hormoz,2 observations on the “old” dialect of
1 Skjærvø 1975, p. 113; H. Mohebbi Bahmani, personal communication 2012. 2 Skjærvø 1975.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 167 9/03/16 07:57 168 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
Bandar Abbas,3 and fuller descriptions of Minabi.4 Because of long- standing contact with and migration from other parts of Iran, a “new” Bandari Persian koinè—heavily influenced by Standard Persian but still identifiably Bandari in character—has emerged in Bandar Abbas, where it is now the mother tongue of many residents. This variety also functions as the main language of wider communication between speakers of the various languages in the province, and is used alongside Standard Persian for television and radio. A second major language of Hormozgan is Larestani (locally known as Achomi), spoken in the foothills of the Zagros Mountains in the western reaches of the province. This language is best-known from the Lri dialects of Fars Province,5 a dialect group within Larestani but one which is often considered by speakers to be a language in its own right. For the varieties within Hormozgan Province, documentation has appeared in the form of a dictionary in the Bastaki dialect6 and an MA thesis written on the dialect of Buchir.7 A third language area, generally referred to in the literature as “Bash- kardi” (or Bashkerdi, Bashkardi, Bashgerdi, etc.), is situated in villages of the remote and mountainous south-eastern extension of Hormozgan Province. Although scholars have used this single label for all the dialects in the area, they have indicated that there are two dialect groups.8 More recent work specifies that these are in fact two distinct languages or language groups—Mrzi Gl and Molki Gl—and that the two groups are not closely related, although they are both Southwestern Iranian.9 Another Southwestern language of Hormozgan Province, Kumzari, is spoken within Iran in a single village on Larak Island, about 10 km to the west of Qeshm Island. Laraki is the smaller of two dialects of Kumzari; the larger dialect is spoken across the Strait of Hormuz on the Musandam Peninsula of Oman.10 The grammar of Musandam Kumzari, along with analyzed texts, is described by van der Wal Anonby (2015). Although it has been classified as Southwestern,11 it has a major Semitic component.12
3 Fathi 2001; Syebni 1997; Pelevin 2010. 4 Barbera 2005; Mohebbi Bahmani 2006. 5 Mann 1909; Eqtedri 1955, id. 2005; Kamioka & Yamada 1979. 6 Bastaki 1980. 7 Rashidi 2008. 8 Gershevitch 1985; Skjærvø 1989. 9 Voskanian & Boyajian-Sureniants 2007, p. 122; H. Mohebbi Bahmani, personal communication 2009. 10 Anonby & Yousefian 2011. 11 Skjærvø 1989, p. 364. 12 van der Wal Anonby 2013; Bayshak 2002.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 168 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 169
Along with these Southwestern languages, the Northwestern Iranian language Balochi is spoken along the eastern half of the length of the coast of Hormozgan. Two separate varieties of Balochi are spoken there, and both of these show some similarities to Bandari: Southern (or Makrni) Balochi, extending from the coasts of Sistn va Baluchistn Province to the city of Jsk, and from there toward Minb;13 and Koroshi, a variety first described from Fars Province but which is spoken in some villages of Hormozgan between Minb and Bandar Abbas, as well as in the eastern quarters of Bandar Abbas.14 In addition to these Iranian languages, a language known by its speakers as Kholosi has recently been “discovered” in the western foothills of the province. Although its genetic affiliation is still being ascertained, Anonby and Mohebbi Bahmani (2013) provide evidence for its classification within the Indo-Aryan branch of Indo-European. A final language of Hormozgan Province, the Semitic language Arabic, is spoken generally along the coast, with scattered Arabic-speaking settlements concentrated in the western end of the province and on several islands off the coast. The main Arabic dialect is Gulf Arabic, but there is also a small (though formerly larger) community of Shihhi Arabic speakers living alongside the Kumzari community of Larak Island.15 There has been no study of the Gulf Arabic in Hormozgan, so its internal diversity and relation to other varieties of Gulf Arabic are still undefined.
DESCRIPTIONS OF ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE ON QESHM ISLAND This is the context within which Qeshm Island is situated. As for the ethnolinguistic situation on the island itself, little has been written, and contradictory claims have been put forward. In short, the literature on the topic is generally limited to scattered comments, cartographic generaliza- tions and raw data, which are difficult to interpret. Lorimer, who provided the earliest comments on the island’s language, noted that almost all of the approximately 18,500 inhabitants of the island were Arabs, and that Arabic was the language of the island. He did, how- ever, point out the existence of a small Persian community (about 500 people) in two towns, including the town of Qeshm.16 Other representations of language on Qeshm are stated indirectly. A number are found in ethnic and linguistic maps of Iran, which have been constrained by the format of the publication to show some ethnic or
13 Maryam Nourzaei, field notes, 2012. 14 Nourzaei et al. 2015; Nourzaei et al., (forthcoming). 15 Anonby & Yousefian 2011, pp. 43-44. 16 Lorimer 1908/1915, p. 1550.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 169 9/03/16 07:57 170 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
linguistic value for the island. In its ethnic map of Iran, the Atlas narodov mira,17 in line with Lorimer’s description, shows the island as populated by Arabs but with scattered Persian settlements. Peoples of Iran, a map produced by the CIA in 1982 primarily on the basis of the Atlas narodov mira, shows all of Qeshm Island—along with most of the rest of Hormozgan Province—as ethnically Arab. Given the self-designation of the map as “ethnolinguistic”, this implies that the island is Arabic-speaking. The Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum,18 which presents the distri- bution of the Iranian language family in small scale on a single plate, indicates the presence of an Iranian language and a non-Iranian language on Qeshm Island with alternating diagonal stripes. While a specific identity is not indicated for either of these languages, it can be inferred from the map that the Iranian language is Persian, since it shows Persian in a large area on the mainland immediately across from the island. Although it is based on the Atlas narodov mira, the Linguistic Compo- sition of Iran map produced by Izady (2006) gives a more detailed picture of language on Qeshm. He groups the main dialect of Qeshm Island, “Qishmi”, with other members a “non-Persian” group of Iranian dialects including Minabi, Bashkardi and Kumzari (but not the dialect of Bandar Abbas). He also shows that this language community is interspersed with groupings of Persian speakers on the east end of the island, and Arabic speakers on the west end. In contrast to the impressionistic representations in maps of language distribution on Qeshm Island, the country-wide survey of language use in villages of Iran by the Szemn-e Jehd Szandegi [SJS 1986] gives raw language distribution data for villages in the five dehestn (rural sub- districts) of the island:
Table 1: Language distribution by village in dehestn (rural sub-districts) of Qeshm Island (SJS 1986). TOTAL PERSIAN- ARABIC- VILLAGES WITH DEHESTN NUMBER OF SPEAKING SPEAKING MORE THAN ONE VILLAGES VILLAGES VILLAGES LANGUAGE SPOKEN Humeh 29 11 3 3 Ramkn 17 14 2 2 Dulb 18 11 4 4 Suz 15 9 1 1 Salakh 19 14 2 2
17 Bruk & Apenchenko 1964, pp. 70-71. 18 Schmitt 1989, cover insert.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 170 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 171
As is evident from the table, there are some gaps and inconsistencies in the SJS data: not all villages are counted and, for Qeshm Island (but not for all other areas of the country), since the numbers are identical it is not clear whether Arabic-speaking villages are counted together with or separately from villages with more than one language spoken. Some of the lack of clarity may be traced to the way the survey has been constructed: in contrast to the more nuanced picture of language distribution presented by Izady (2006), there are no options such as Keshmi, Bandari, etc., available to respondents; they are constrained to identify themselves as speakers of Persian, Arabic, or one of the few other officially recognized languages. In the language maps of L’Atlas de l’Iran rural,19 which is based primarily on the census data in SJS (1986), two contrasting pictures of language distribution on the island are presented. In the “basic data” plate, for unknown reasons, “Turkish” (!) is shown as the language of the entire island. In the “smoothed data” plate, Arabic and Persian are shown as the languages of the island, with Arabic spoken on the north-west and south- east ends of the island, as well as on the north-central peninsula, and Persian spoken in other areas. Given the dominance of Persian in every district in the original source (SJS 1986) upon which L’Atlas de l’Iran rural is based, it is not clear how the SJS data is related to either of these representations. The Keshmi dialect is not mentioned in major dialectological studies of Iranian languages.20 In short, it is not possible to assemble a coherent picture of the langu- age situation on Qeshm Island from existing sources. The present study has therefore been undertaken in response to this general lack of docu- mentation on the language situation of Qeshm Island, and contradictory assertions in the representations that do exist. In following sections, a picture emerges which is different from that presented in any of the sources: that of a distinct ethnic group speaking a dialect influenced by Arabic, but which is clearly similar to Bandari varieties. Along with a general description of the geographic and demographic context, derived from additional sources, the data presented in this study are based on original sociolinguistic field research conducted by author at a single site, the town of Dargahn, on Qeshm Island in February 2009. Respondents included both men and women, and older as well as younger speakers with various levels of education were represented. The organi- zation of the field research, including the group format of sociolinguistic
19 Hourcade et al. 2011. 20 Žukovskij 1888, id. 1922/23; Mann 1909; Gershevitsch 1985; Schmitt 1989; Windfuhr 2009.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 171 9/03/16 07:57 172 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
interview and language data elicitation, follows the structure described in the sociolinguistic survey of Kumzari on Larak Island.21 This study differs from the Kumzari study in that no individual interviews or intelligibility tests were conducted. Before addressing the language situation on the island, it is important to review the wider context on the island, since aspects of this context are relevant in explaining some of the contradictory assertions that have been circulated in the literature.
QESHM ISLAND: GEOGRAPHY, SOCIETY AND LANGUAGE –Geographic situation Qeshm Island is located in the Strait of Hormuz at the eastern opening of the Persian Gulf, just off the central coast of Hormozgan Province in southern Iran. The island, which is laid out along an axis from west-south- west to east-north-east, is over 120 kilometres long, and is on average about 15 kilometres wide, although it extends about 35 kilometres across at its widest point. At 1445 km2, it is the largest island in the Gulf. The north-central tip of Qeshm Island is separated from the mainland by a channel which is just over two kilometres wide. The island’s highest point is the summit of Bukhow Mountain, a long ridge located toward the eastern end of the island, at 397 m. Although the island is in general dry and rocky, and there is little vegetation, there are numerous date plantations scattered across the island, especially near the coast. In addition, on the west side of the island’s north- central tip, a large mangrove forest known as the jangal-e har is protected as a geo-park nature reserve. The Persian label for the island is qešm (), and in the Keshmi dialect, it is kešm. Potts (2004) notes that early European sources used similar labels for the island: Queiximi, Queixome, Queixume (Portuguese); Quesomo (French); and Kichmich (English). Interview respondents sug- gested that both of the terms qešm and kešm are derived from the name of the al-Qsimi tribe (pl. qawsim), which has historically been a major Arab group in the Gulf.22 Al-Qasimi notes, however, that the Qsimi governance of the island was established in the mid-1700s, which is well after the use of a similar name in some of the early European sources mentioned above.23 Consequently, a historical link between the names is possible but not definitive. In Arabic, the island is often referred to as jazrat a!-!awla
21 Anonby & Yousefian 2011, pp. 23-25, 88ff. 22 Lorimer 1908/1915. 23 Al-Qasimi 1986, p. 26.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 172 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 173
(lit. ‘the long island’),24 but respondents incidentally mentioned that in the Gulf Arabic variety presently spoken by the al-Qsimi, the island is in fact called jasm (and, although respondents did not state this specifically, they call themselves aljsimi). Lorimer, writing more than a century ago, records that name qišm and the intermediate form jišm were also used at that time.25
–Demographics Administratively, Qeshm Island is part of the Qeshm region (P. šahrestn) of Hormozgan Province. The smaller islands of Hormoz, Lrak and Hengm also fall within this region. Qeshm Island is itself divided into two main districts (P. baxš): the Central (P. markazi) District, which comprises the north-east corner of the island, and Shahb District, which covers the rest of the island’s surface. In addition to Qeshm Town, the Markazi District includes the town of Dargahn, on the north-east shore, and two rural sub-districts (P. dehes- tn): Humeh and Ramkn, which is located inland. The administrative centre of the Shahb District is Suz, on the south-eastern shore of the island, and the district also contains two rural sub-districts: Tabl and Dulb. As will be discussed later, the administrative districts appear to cor- respond in large part to the dialect areas of the island (see Fig. 2 below). A 2010 census puts the population of the island at 113,846 inhabitants.26 The detailed Gita Shenasi 1:100,000 map of Qeshm (n.d.) shows just over 100 settlements on the island, but the 2006 Census,27 which is probably more recent, lists fewer than 80. The largest settlement is the city of Qeshm, located on the eastern tip of the island. Qeshm city is inhabited by 24,461 individuals, about a quarter of the island’s population.28 According to respondents, most of the island’s population is repre- sented by communities made up of people belonging to the Keshmi ethnic group (see “Ethnic origins and identification” below, and a discussion of the q > k shift in “Sound changes” below). They mention, however, that a significant proportion of people—about 10,000 or 15,000—have come from elsewhere (especially from “Iran”, as the interior of the Iranian main- land is called here) and settled on the island, and are not themselves Keshmi. The majority of these outsiders live in Qeshm Town, and do not themselves constitute any villages or towns of their own on the island. In addition, respondents state that there are about a thousand labourers who
24 Lorimer 1908/1915, p. 1548. 25 Ibid. 26 ISC 2010. 27 ISC 2006. 28 Ibid.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 173 9/03/16 07:57 174 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
have come from elsewhere and who are living in Qeshm Town: some are Balochi, and others are migrant workers from countries such as Afghanis- tan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. According to respondents, migrant workers were previously more numerous than they are now. Finally, respondents noted that there were formerly a number of Arab neighbourhoods in Qeshm Town, but that these groups have left; and (in contrast to all the sources in the literature) that there are no other Arab communities on the island. Keshmi people are also found in small numbers outside the island: on Hengam Island to the south of Qeshm Island; in Bandar Abbas; and in the countries of the Gulf, where they go for work.
–Ethnic origins and identification According to respondents, the majority of the inhabitants of Qeshm Island constitute a separate Keshmi ethnic group with a distinctive, mixed heritage. They stated that in large part, they are descended from people who came from places on or near the coast of the Iranian mainland such as Minb, Lr and Bastak. Respondents also note that, based on the appear- ance of some Keshmi people, it is likely that certain elements of the popu- lation are descended from African slaves. Finally, they mentioned that there have been European and Indian contributions to the ethnic group, related to centuries of commercial activity in the Gulf. Respondents stated that they consider their ethnic group distinct from Arabs, and did not include Arabs as one of the groups who have contri- buted to the Keshmi people. However, the question of ethnic origins and identity, which may be in flux, is not settled for all inhabitants of the island: Keshmi participants on one web-based discussion board outside of this study claim that the Keshmi are in fact Arab.29 This is in keeping with the early records of the region in Lorimer, who noted that although the island was under Persian rule, the inhabitants of the island considered themselves Arabs;30 and the same viewpoint is propagated in other sources, as discussed in reference to the literature above. In the interview, respondents also noted that they are distinct from Per- sians of “Iran” (i.e., the Iranian mainland, especially the interior regions), the latter of whom the Keshmi call forsi, which in Keshmi means ‘Persian originating in Fars Province’, or sarhadi—Keshmi for ‘of the highlands’ or ‘of the borderlands’. They further consider themselves to be ethnolinguisti- cally distinct from the coastal inhabitants of the Iranian mainland (K.: ban- dari), but this differentiation seems to be less crucial to them, especially in reference to linguistic identity, which will be discussed below.
29 Hormozgan 2009. 30 Lorimer 1908:2, pp. 1557-8.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 174 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 175
Other Iranians, including those living in Qeshm Town, often refer to the Keshmi inhabitants of the island as jazirati (P. ‘of the island’). How- ever, they are increasingly adopting the term qešmi. Although the Keshmi respondents acknowledge both labels, they noted that they prefer the name qešmi, since the term jazirati has been used pejoratively.
–Language situation and name The Keshmi dialect is for the most part confined to Qeshm Island, where the Keshmi-speaking language community constitutes about 90% of the island’s population. As mentioned above, there are also speakers among Keshmi families in Bandar Abbas, Hengm Island and in the Arab countries of the Gulf. Given the population figures and comments on the ethnic composition of Qeshm Island and surrounding areas in “Demogra- phics” above, it can be estimated that the Keshmi language community numbers about 100,000 speakers. The name of the Keshmi dialect, like that of the ethnic group, comes from the name of the island. And, as is the case for the ethnic group, the Keshmi dialect is referred to as jazirati (P. ‘of the island(s)’) by outsiders. In addition to being mildly pejorative, this label is not entirely precise, since other languages and dialects are represented on the remaining islands of the Gulf: even close to Qeshm, on Hengm Island immediately to the south, Arabic dominates (or did so until recently31); and on Larak Island and Hormuz Island to the east, Laraki and Bandari respectively are spoken.
–Language use and vitality In general, Keshmi people are proficient in a number of language varieties: Keshmi, Bandari, Standard Persian and, to some degree, Arabic. In most situations where Keshmi people meet together with other members of the language community, they speak Keshmi. However, when they encounter people from outside of the language community, they most often use Persian and Bandari; in each case, the choice of a language depends on the primary language of the people they are speaking with. In the contexts of government-related services such as school and medical facilities, and even with local merchants who come from the interior of Iran, they are obliged to speak Persian. There are also a couple of domains in which Keshmi speakers use other languages among themselves. At the mosque, Arabic plays an important role: spontaneous prayer (P. do’) as well as ritual prayer (P. namz) is conducted in Arabic, and preaching may be conducted in either Arabic or
31 See Najmabadi 1988, p. 69.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 175 9/03/16 07:57 176 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
Persian. At weddings, Arabic and Persian songs are sung along with Keshmi songs. There are no television or radio programs in Keshmi, nor are there any written publications. However, there are numerous recordings of sung music in the language. Recorded in Dubai, well-known music is performed by artists including Ali Mahbub, Mohammad Mansur, and Ali Mir Shekl. Responses to the sociolinguistic interview reveal ambivalent indicators of language vitality. On the one hand, the Keshmi appear to have a strong sense of ethnic pride and solidarity. There are few marriages between Keshmi people and those outside the ethnic group. The Sunni Muslim adherence of the language community appears to be correlated to a general preference for local language rather than Persian, but it also entails a posi- tive attitude toward Arabic and Bandari in domains such as religion, music and media. On the other hand, there are clear indicators of pressure on the language from Persian. Respondents indicated that Persian is ubiquitous in education and media and that, under the influence of both of these domains, the language of younger speakers is becoming more similar to Persian. Keshmi is the mother tongue of most Keshmi children, but there are a few families who speak Persian to their children at home. The linguistic data gathered as part of this study confirm the structural influence of Persian in two ways. First, there are many items for which two words are used: one Keshmi item, and one item borrowed from Persian (often but not always via Bandari). For many of the latter items, respon- dents explicitly indicated that the word was “new”, and was used more by younger speakers than by older speakers. Examples of such doublets are gemiz / šš ‘urine’, laha / xna ‘house’, ehna / tešna ‘thirsty’, andaku / kam ‘little (amount)’ and lek / por ‘full’. When the doublet constitutes a pair of cognate items, Keshmi forms are being displaced by those of their Persian counterparts: garg > barg ‘leaf’, estla > estra ‘star’, kohra > kohna ‘old (thing)’, šawz > sawz ‘green’, sa r > sahr ‘desert, plain’, ankabut > ankabut ‘spider’. In fact, in the speech of many younger Keshmi speakers, the pharyngeal consonants (as seen in the last two items here) are no longer used in any words. This highlights a second pattern: that the influence of Persian is phonological as well as lexical.
DIALECTOLOGY AND LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE From the perspective of Keshmi speakers—in contrast to most of the assessments found in the literature above—their language is neither Persian nor Arabic. Rather, they view their speech as a distinct variety, more similar to Bandari than to any other language, and possibly even a variety of Bandari. Of the Bandari dialects, they note that those most similar to
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 176 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 177
Keshmi are found on the coast immediately across from the island in towns such as Bandar Khamir and Bandar Abbas. The Keshmi data do show some influence from Arabic in phonology, morphology and lexicon, as will be discussed in several of the sections below. However, the basic linguistic structure of the language, along with a series of historical sound changes in particular, confirms that the primary affiliation of the language is Southwestern Iranian in nature. The phonolo- gical inventory of Keshmi is similar to that of Persian and even closer to that of the neighbouring Bandari dialects. In the morphology, personal pro- nouns are likewise similar (see the final wordlist items in the Appendix). The verb system has not been analyzed in depth but appears to have key features in common with Bandari. Finally, there is a high degree of lexical similarity with Southwestern varieties (see “Lexicon” below): in the 100- item Swadesh wordlists, this is clear from comparisons with Standard Persian (88% apparent lexical similarity), the Minabi dialect of Bandari (92%), and the Laraki dialect of Kumzari (79%). In contrast, only 5% of items in the wordlist are cognate with Arabic. After an overview of the internal classification of Keshmi varieties, each of these topics will be treated in more detail below.
–Varieties of Keshmi Findings on the internal organization of Keshmi are based on speakers’ assessments as expressed in the sociolinguistic interviews from the research site at Dargahn (see supra). No sociolinguistic or linguistic data were collected in other sites to confirm these assessments. Interview respondents said that, although they consider Keshmi to be a linguistic unity, each community has its own, identifiably different way of speaking. Still, certain community-level varieties may be grouped together, and across the island as a whole they recognize three major dialect areas.32 The groupings proposed by respondents, along with their specific locations, are as follows: - North-eastern dialect area: roughly coinciding with the Markazi District (P. baxš), but also including part of the Rural Sub-district (P. dehestn) of Salakh (Tabl) in Shahb District. This dialect area can be further divided into three sub-varieties: a primarily coastal variety spoken in the eastern part of this dialect area in Qeshm Town and Dargahn, and in other communities along the north-east shore of the
32 It is interesting to note that the three dialect areas correspond roughly to the admi- nistrative divisions of the island, and an open question remains as to whether the administrative divisions have been established based on ethnolinguistic conside- rations, and/or whether respondents’ perceptions follow administrative lines.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 177 9/03/16 07:57 178 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
island in Humeh District; another variety spoken in the Ramkn Rural Sub-district; and a third variety spoken in the Lft area in the northern part of Salakh District. - South-eastern dialect area: roughly corresponding to Suz Town and the surrounding Suz Rural Sub-district in Shahb District. - Western dialect area: the two remaining Rural Sub-districts of the Shahb District—Dulb and Salakh—with the exception of the north- ern part of Salakh and a small portion of its south-eastern corner. There are two sub-varieties in this dialect area, and these correspond gene- rally to the two rural sub-districts. These dialect divisions, along with the administrative divisions discussed above, are shown on the map in Fig. 2.
Ĉn
Ĉn
Ĉ Ĉ
SHAH B Ĉm DulĈb
! " !#
Fig. 2: Distribution and dialect areas of Keshmi.
Of the three Keshmi dialect areas, respondents suggested that the eastern part of the North-Eastern dialect area, which includes the variety spoken in Qeshm town (as well as Dargahn, where the interview took place), acts as a standard for the island, and enjoys greater prestige. However, they acknowledged that the variety spoken in Qeshm town is less pure, and more influenced by Persian. Respondents stated that a particular domain in which dialects differed is the verbal system. From their own North-eastern dialect area, they gave the example of ešmord ‘s/he counted’, which they maintained is šošmord in the South-eastern dialect area; respondents mentioned further that other verbs in this dialect area follow a similar morphological pattern.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 178 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 179
–Sound changes and classification Important historical sound changes confirm that Keshmi, along with Persian and Bandari, belongs to the Southwestern division of the Iranian language family. This is evident, for example, from the sound changes which resulted in d in idono ‘s/he knew’ and demeston ‘summer’, and z in zaneka ‘woman’ and iza ‘s/he hit’.33 A number of other more specific sound changes have taken place in Keshmi. The ways in which they have applied variously underline the Southwestern nature of the Keshmi variety, its regional character, its close connection to Bandari varieties in particular, and its distinctive structures. Some of the noteworthy historical sound changes are as follows: > o. As in many Southwestern varieties (many Persian dialects, Bandari, Larestani, Luri; but not in ketbi Persian or Kumzari), has been raised before nasals: K. gardon ‘neck’, zonu ‘knee’, mom ‘mother’, nom ‘name’, bong ‘call to prayer’. However, in Keshmi this sound change also extends sporadically to non-nasal contexts: gozi ‘playing’, moi ‘fish’, xoli ‘empty’, forsi ‘Persian’. a > e. This sound change appears in two contexts in Keshmi. First, as in other Bandari dialects,34 the Middle and New Persian low front vowel a is often reflected in Keshmi as the vowel e in the context of nasals: nem ‘dew’, nemek ‘salt’, hen ‘iron’, me ‘I’. Secondly, it also takes place often in open unstressed syllables,: kemar ‘back’, dem ‘nose’, beal ‘upper arm’, ser ‘house’; counterexamples: zabon ‘tongue’, zanek ‘woman’. This sound change has not taken place to such an extent in this second context in other Bandari dialects such as Minabi, but it is reminiscent of an even more widespread a > e shift in nearby Fars dialects such as Jami in eastern Bushehr Province.35 i, u > e, o before consonant clusters in verbs: irext ‘s/he poured’, soxt ‘it burned (intr.)’, as in other Bandari varieties36 and Southwestern varieties such as Luri and Bakhtiari.37 b > w after low vowels: haw ‘water’, aftaw ‘sun’, law ‘mouth’ (cf. P. lab ‘lip’), šawz ‘green’; exception: abr ‘cloud’ (P. abr). As is evident from the first two examples, an accompanying > a merger has also taken place in the resulting context. These sound changes have also occurred in many other Southwestern varieties (some Persian dialects,
33 See Oranskij 1977, p. 211, Sims-Williams 1998, pp. 133-136. 34 Mohebbi Bahmani 2006, p. 80, 82. 35 Ali Youssefi, personal communication 2006. 36 Mohebbi Bahmani 2006, p. 82. 37 Anonby & Asadi 2014.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 179 9/03/16 07:57 180 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
Bandari, Larestani, Luri; although only b > w has occurred in Kumzari).38 Ø > h. The glottal fricative h appears in two basic items which are vowel- initial in most other Southwestern Iranian languages: haw ‘water’, hond ‘s/he came’. In this regard, Keshmi patterns with other Bandari dialects and with the nearby Laraki (but not Musandam) dialect of Kumzari. š > h before a nasal, as occurs sporadically across Southwestern varieties: ehm ‘eye’, ehna ‘thirsty’. g corresponding to Persian b. This correspondence, which is also attested from other Bandari dialects,39 is found in the items garg ‘leaf’ and gozi ‘playing’. g > . There are several Keshmi items in the data in which Middle Persian g has become : ri ‘sand’ (cf. P. rig ‘pebble’), sa ‘dog’ (P. sag) and jear ‘liver’ (P. jegar). This sound change has also taken place in cognates in Minabi and Laraki. q > k or g. In Keshmi, a historical uvular stop q has merged with stops at a velar place of articulation: kraku ‘knife’, kešm ‘Qeshm’, agrab ‘scorpion’, xolg ‘throat’ (cf. Luri halq, Arabic alq). As the accompa- nying Minabi wordlist and Mohebbi Bahmani (2006, pp. 49-50) show, this change (specifically, q > k) has also taken place in some Bandari words; it is further attested from the Koroshi dialect of Balochi spoken in Hormozgan Province.40 This contrasts with Persian and most other Southwestern varieties, which have either (a) undergone a merger between the uvular stop q and the voiced uvular fricative , as in Stan- dard Persian and other northern varieties of Persian or (b) as in the case of the Luri languages and some southern varieties of Persian such as those spoken in Kerman Province, q has been retained as a phoneme distinct from other uvular and velar sounds.
–Phonological system The phonological system of Keshmi is similar to that of other varieties of Bandari. The consonantal inventory is shown in Table 2.
38 For Minabi Bandari, see Mohebbi Bahmani 2006, p. 78. 39 Mohebbi Bahmani 2006, p. 82. 40 Maryam Nourzaei, personal communication 2012.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 180 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 181
Table 2: Consonant inventory of Keshmi
palatal labial alveolar velar uvular pharyngeal glottal palato-alveolar /
voiceless stops p t k
voiced stops b d j g
voiceless fricatives f s š x h
voiced fricatives (w) nasals m n liquids and w l / r y approximants
As in many Southwestern varieties, including Bandari, the glottal stop is not phonemic (or only marginally so, depending on phonological inter- pretation), and a uvular stop q is not attested. The presence of voiceless and voiced pharyngeal fricatives and (e.g., sa r ‘field’, da w ‘quarrel (n.)’, abr ‘cloud’) distinguishes Keshmi from Bandari, and from most other Southwestern Iranian langu- ages. The only other Southwestern languages reported to have pharyngeal fricatives are the Tat (Southwestern) varieties of the Caucasus region41 and the nearby Kumzari language (which has only 42). In all three of these languages, pharyngeal fricatives occur primarily but not exclusively in words of Arabic origin. There are two notable patterns of complementary distribution that should also be mentioned, since alternative analyses would have impli- cations for the consonant inventory: 1) The liquid r is realized as an alveolar flap [&] word-initially (ri ‘sand’) and between vowels (bor ‘brother’), and as an alveolar trill [r] word-finally (šir ‘milk’). As the first member of a consonant cluster (borg ‘eyebrow’, mardek ‘man’), its realization alternates between the two allophones. 2) The labial consonant w is realized as a labial-velar approximant [w] in a coda (aftaw ‘sun’, haw ‘water’, šawz ‘green’), but as a rounded
41 Daniel Paul, personal communication 2014. 42 Anonby 2011; van der Wal Anonby 2013.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 181 9/03/16 07:57 182 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
bilabial fricative [ w] in other positions: word-initially (wust ‘s/he stood up’), after a consonant (da w ‘quarrel (n.)’) and between vowels (bw ‘father (vocative), haw ‘wind’, sewh ‘tomorrow’, ešnawi ‘s/he heard’), including analogous positions across word boundaries (daw ikan ‘s/he ran’). The phonetic realization of this consonant as [w] reflects other languages in the area, including Arabic, Kumzari, and Balochi but not Persian; and its bilabial fricative pronunciation is reminiscent of western Indo-Aryan languages.43 The Keshmi vowel inventory, along with typical phonetic realizations of each vowel, may be schematized as in Table 3.
Table 3: Vowel inventory of Keshmi FRONT BACK HIGH i [i] u [u] MID e [ ] o [ ] LOW a [a] ["]
There are two salient elements in this vowel chart, both of which are common to Bandari dialects in general: first, vowel length is not contras- tive (as in New Persian, the macron on the symbol has come to refer to a primary distinction of quality rather than length); and second, the low back vowel is rounded. Important realizations of vowels in addition to those given in the table here are as follows: 1) The low front vowel a is raised to [e] before y and i (xayle ‘much, many’, xanda ike ‘s/he laughed’), and raised and backed to [ ] before w (haw ‘wind’, taw ‘fever’). While the first realization ([e] before y and i) is widespread among Iranian languages, the realization of a as [ ] before w second is reminiscent of the Luri languages44 and dialects of Larestani and Bandari. 2) The mid vowels e and o are phonetically limited to a short transi- tional vowel ([$] and [)] respectively) in most unstressed open syllables (gemiz [#$miz], zanek [zan$k"] ‘woman’, gorh [#)&"h] ‘warm (weather)’). In addition, they are devoiced after a voiceless consonant (kelin [k lin t], sobok [s b k]), giving the impression that the consonants beside them form a cluster. However, since opposition between rounded and unrounded transitions persists, and since speakers of the language maintain that there
43 Cf. Masica 1991, pp. 99-100; IAL 2012. 44 Anonby 2003, pp. 87-88.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 182 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 183
is indeed a vowel between the consonants, it is appropriate to posit an intervening phonemic vowel. This situation is transitional between a) New Persian on the one hand, where all onset clusters have been broken up with phonemic vowels and, on the other hand, b) Keshmi’s ancestor Middle Persian, as well as its geographic neighbour Kumzari, in both of which initial onset clusters are permitted. Word stress (marked here with the IPA diacritic [']) falls on the final syllable of stems from the major word classes: nouns (demes'ton ‘winter’), verbs (ido'no ‘s/he knew’), adverbs ('l ‘now’) and adjectives (go'rh ‘hot (weather)’). From the limited data gathered for this study, it is clear that not all suffixes are stressed, for example 'so-t ‘three (count form)’.
–Morphology This article does not give a full overview of Keshmi morphology, but several interesting patterns can be observed from the data. First, the ezfe (genitive) construction is marked with -a on at least some consonant-final roots (sang-a kuek ‘small rock’), but is unmarked before vowel-final roots (p telaw ‘big foot’). It also appears to be absent on some consonant-final roots, although this could just be because these roots are parts of a fused compound stem (tox mor ‘egg (of chicken)’, pus deraxt ‘bark (of tree)’), or because the second element is pronominal (bam me ‘my father’). This partial ezfe marking resembles that of Bakhtiari, which is also marked after consonants but not after vowels;45 it also appears to be transitional to the type of system found in the neighbouring Kumzari language (and in the dominant regional language Gulf Arabic), where the genitive function is unmarked in the morphology. A second structure which can be noted from the data is the morpholo- gical marking of transitivity, at least on the past forms of verb. There, transitive verbs are marked with the prefix i-: iji ‘s/he saw (something), ilapi ‘s/he sucked (something)’, iferest ‘s/he sent (something)’, imošt ‘s/he swept (something)’. Intransitive verbs are, however, unmarked: ra ‘s/he went’, ka ‘s/he fell’, mord ‘s/he died’, soxt ‘it burned (intr.)’. Historically, the Keshmi prefix i- likely originated as a cliticized marker of the proximal third person singular pronoun i. Transitivity is similarly marked on the verb in several neighbouring varieties: other dialects of Bandari,46 Koroshi Balochi,47 and Kumzari.48 Finally, the morphology of numbers shows a couple of interesting features. It seems that count constructions (formed in Keshmi with -t) are
45 Anonby & Asadi 2014. 46 Mohebbi Bahmani 2006. 47 Nourzaei et al. 2015 (in press). 48 van der Wal Anonby 2015.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 183 9/03/16 07:57 184 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
obligatory for the numbers when used without an explicit counted item. This is similar to what is found in Kumzari.49 Also, the form for yat ‘one (count)’ is notable because, in contrast to many Iranian languages, the -t suffix is used invariably for all numbers, including the number ‘one’.
–Lexicon The appendix provides a list of 240 lexical items in Keshmi, with equi- valents in Persian, the Minabi dialect of Bandari, the Laraki dialect of Kumzari, and Arabic. Comparisons between the lists reveal a number of regionally typical lexical items. Lexical forms in the data shared between the two Bandari dialects in particular, Keshmi (=K) and Minabi (=M), include kelin (K) / kelen (M) ‘finger’, pin (K) / pen (M) ‘nail (finger-)’, nk ‘navel’, dang ‘seed’, prg (K) / pr (M) ‘root’, kak ‘bite (n.)’ and tawš ‘throw (n.)’. Vocabulary characteristic of both Bandari dialects as well as the neigh- bouring Laraki (=L) dialect of Kumzari includes the words law ‘mouth’ (cf. Persian lab ‘lip’), xr ‘bone’ (cf. Persian ‘thorn’), gemiz (K, M) / gm" (L) ‘urine’, derz (K, M) / dr" (L) ‘tall’ (cf. Persian ‘long’), bap ‘father’, emak (K) / amak (M) / maki (L) ‘dance (n.)’, and imošt (K) / mošt (M) / maštiš (L) ‘s/he swept’. Additional Keshmi items which differ from Standard Persian but which are found in neighbouring varieties (M/L) and are attested from other, sometimes geographically distant languages include xolg ‘throat’ (M. xolk, Luri halq, Arabic alq), gap ‘big’ (=M., L., Luri, Larestani), xlu ‘maternal uncle’ (= M., L.; Luri hlu, Arabic xl), duš ‘yesterday’(= M., Luri; L. dšn), sewh ‘tomorrow’ (Bakhtiari sow; M., Larestani sab), jon ‘good’ (similar to L. and Balochi jwn ‘good’, cf. Persian javn ‘young’) and azab ‘pain’ (L. ’adaba; Arabic ta aab ‘hurt (v.)’). Percentages of lexical similarity between each the five language varieties have been extracted for the 240-item wordlist as a whole, and also for the 100-item Swadesh wordlist, which forms a subset of the longer list. This ensures that values for lexical similarity will be equivalent to measures elsewhere in the literature, where the 100-item Swadesh wordlist is commonly used. The 240-item extended Swadesh wordlist, based on the template found in Anonby & Yousefian (2011), includes more non-basic vocabulary; consequently, in addition to providing a slightly deeper picture of the lexicon, it is more sensitive to contact-induced changes and thus provides a fuller representation of the language within its areal context. The percentages of lexical similarity presented here are the result of the author’s judgments of apparent cognicity rather than an exhaustive
49 Ibid.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 184 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 185
understanding of historical connections among all of the items. Because of this, and also because of fundamental limitations in the quantification of lexical similarity,50 the results of comparison should only be interpreted as a general indication of structural tendencies. Percentages of lexical similarity between Keshmi and the other varie- ties, as derived from comparisons between each pair of wordlists in the Appendix, are shown in Tables 4 and 5 below.
Table 4: Percentages of lexical similarity, 100-item wordlist. Persian Minabi 89 Keshmi 83 88 Laraki 72 76 73 Arabic 8 8 5 12
Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic
Table 5: Percentages of lexical similarity, 240-item wordlist. Persian Minabi 84 Keshmi 71 80 Laraki 63 66 61 Arabic 8 5 5 10
Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic
Several important patterns can be deduced from these tables. First, in both lists, it is Minabi that shows the greatest level of lexical similarity with Keshmi. Second, in terms of lexical similarity with Persian, Keshmi is situated midway on a continuum of the three varieties in the Strait of Hormuz region, with Minabi showing significantly more lexical similarity to Per- sian, and Laraki significantly less. It may suggest that the genetic relation- ship between Minabi and Persian is closer than that of Keshmi and Persian;
50 Kessler 2001.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 185 9/03/16 07:57 186 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
however, an additional reason for Minabi’s greater similarity with Persian is the presence of many doublets in Minabi, where speakers are shifting from an inherited form—analogous to Keshmi—to a Persian form: some of the numerous examples of such doublets in Minabi include galu / xolk ‘throat’ (P. golu, K. xolg), ostoxon / xr ‘bone’ (P. ostoxn, K. xr), baa / uk ‘child’ (P. baa, K. uk), and boland / derz ‘tall’ (P. boland, K. derz). While Keshmi also contains a significant quantity of doublets (see “Language use and vitality” above), their incidence is even higher in Minabi. Third, the level of lexical similarity between Keshmi and Persian is higher in the 240-item wordlist than in the 100-item wordlist. The same tendency is evident for Minabi and Laraki. Since the 100-item wordlist contains more core vocabulary, this suggests that core vocabulary inherited from the three varieties’ presumed common Middle Persian proto-language has changed less than more peripheral vocabulary. This scenario makes sense, since the core of the lexicon tends to be more stable over time than its periphery.51 Finally, there is a low level of lexical similarity between Keshmi and Arabic. This is surprising, given the longstanding dominance of the Arabic language in the regional context (and, though not supported by speakers of the language themselves, the purported origins of the Keshmi population as Arabs; see “Ethnic origins and identification” above). Even Persian, which has resisted influence from Arabic in its core vocabulary, shows a higher level of lexical similarity with Arabic than Keshmi does. Only in Laraki Kumzari does lexical similarity with Arabic climb, and this is likely due to a higher level of contact with language communities in Arabia, including the main dialect group of the Kumzari language.52
CONCLUSIONS AND PROSPECTS The present study provides an initial account of the Keshmi dialect of Qeshm Island and the context in which it is spoken. In contrast to existing sources which mention ethnicity and language on Qeshm Island, the infor- mation presented here confirms that the language of the island is neither Persian nor Arabic, but rather a distinct Southwestern Iranian dialect most closely related to Bandari. This assertion is supported by historical and comparative data as well as data on the Keshmi phonological system, aspects of its morphology, and its lexicon. Since the study is based on data from a single location on the island, research at additional sites is still needed to verify respondents’ evaluations
51 Aikhenvald 2006, p. 5. 52 Anonby & Yousefian 2011, pp. 45-51.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 186 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 187
of ethnolinguistic composition and identity for the island as a whole. It would also allow for the testing of respondents’ assessments of the unity of Keshmi as a dialect and of the distribution of Keshmi varieties across the island. Important areas for future investigation of the linguistic structure of Keshmi include the collection and analysis of texts, and an investigation of morphology, with special attention to the verb system.
Erik ANONBY Department of French and School of Linguistics and Language Studies, Carleton University, 1125 Colonel By Drive, Ottawa, ON, K1S 5B6 Canada
APPENDIX
COMPARATIVE WORDLIST
The following wordlist shows 240 lexical items in Keshmi. The wordlist template, written in English and Persian, is taken from the Wordlist for Iranian Languages found in Anonby & Yousefian (2011, pp. 124-142), and is based on Swadesh’s extended wordlist. Words from the original Swadesh 100-item wordlist, which (with the exception of the taboo item ‘breast’) is included as part of the larger wordlist, are underlined in the English column. Three additional wordlists are provided for comparison: the Minabi dialect of the Bandari dialect group (based on data from H. Mohebbi Bahmani, personal communication 2010), the nearby Laraki dialect of Kumzari (data from Anonby & Yousefian 2011, pp. 124-142), and Arabic. The order of the wordlists, with Keshmi in the middle, reflects the transitional nature of the varieties on a continuum between Persian and Arabic. Phonological transcription is provided for all of the Iranian wordlists, and for Keshmi a phonetic transcription is also given using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA 2005).
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 187 9/03/16 07:57 188 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
1. head sar, sar, sar [sar], sar ra’s kalle kalla kalla [kal.a]
2. hair mu mud mu [mu] m ša r
3. eye ešm ehm ehm [t hm] um ayn
4. nose bini, dam dem [d$m"'] nuxrit ’anf dam
5. ear guš guš guš [#u(] gš ’uun
6. mouth dahn, law law [l w] law, fam dahan kra
7. tooth dandn dandon dandon dnn sinn [dand n]
8. tongue zabn zabon zabon [zab n] "wn lisn
9. neck gardan gardon gardon [ad n] gardin unq, raqaba(t)
10. throat golu, xolk, xolg [ l#] mraq alq, galu galu anjara(t)
11. arm dast, dast, das(t) [das(t)], bal ir bzu (upper) boal beal [b$'al] (upper)
12. hand dast dast das(t) [das(t)] dist yad
13. finger angošt kelen kelin [k lin t(] linkit ’i ba
14. nail nxon pen pin(j) nixn ufr [pin (pin d *)]
15. stomach šekam oškom eškom [+%(k m] ’iškum ba!n (belly)
16. navel nf nk nk [n"k] nwa surra(t)
17. back pošt pošt kemar [k mar] kmar ahr
18. leg p p p [p"] p rijl
19. knee znu znu zonu [z nu] rukbit rukba(t)
20. foot p p p [p"] p qadam
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 188 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 189
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
21. skin pust pust pus(t) [pus(t)] pst, jild p !
22. bone ostoxn ostoxon, xr [ "r] xr am xr
23. blood xun xun xun [ un] xwaym dam
24. urine edrr, gemiz, gemiz [#$miz], gm", bawl šš šš šš [("(] (new) šš
25. heart del, del del [d l] dil qalb alb
26. liver jegar jegar, jear [d $'ar] jir kabd jeer
27. person dam, dam dam [+"dam] ’dim šax šaxs
28. man mard bmard mardek mark rajul [mard$k"]
29. woman zan dzan zanek [zan$k"] "ank ’imra’a(t)
30. child baa, uk, uk [t (uk] rr !ifl baa baa
31. father pedar bap, bap [bap], bap ’ab, bw bw [b" w"] wlid (vocative)
32. mother mdar mom, mom [m m] mm ’umm, mom wlida(t)
33. brother bardar berr kk [k"k"], brr ’ax bor(r) [b)&"(r)]
34. sister xhar xwah dd [d"d"], xw ’uxt xah [ ah]
35. uncle dyi xlu xlu [ "lu] xl xl (maternal)
36. name esm, nom, nom [n m] nm ’ism nm esm
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 189 9/03/16 07:57 190 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
37. chief xn (il) xn, riš safid [&i( kadxda, šayx, (tribal) rays safid] (elder), kim ra’s šix [(i ] (religious)
38. dog sag sa sa [sa'] s kalb
39. goat boz kahra kahra [kah&a] gsin ma za(t)
40. chicken mor morg morg [m ] mr dajja(t)
41. ox, bovine gv g g [#"] g baqara(t) (cow-bull)
42. horn (cow) šx šx šx [(" ] qarn qarn
43. tail dom dum, dom dum [dum] dm anab, ayl
44. claw nxon, som pin(j) [pin nixn mixlab som (/pin d *)]
45. feather par par bl [b"l] par rša(t)
46. camel šotor oštor eštor [+%(t r] jmal jamal
47. lion šir (hayvn) šir šir [(ir] šr ’asad
48. snake mr mr mr [m"r] mr ayya(t), ’af an
49. fish mhi moy moi [m i] mh samaka(t)
50. bird parande paranda dar [dar] !r !ayr
51. ant mure moruk moruk [m)&uk] gra namla(t) (small), sumsum (large)
52. spider ankabut peliekoni ankabut jla ankabt [,akabut], ankabut [+akabut] (new)
53. scorpion arab akrab agrab [+a#&ab] ’aqrab aqrab (not ,a#&ab)
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 190 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 191
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
54. louse šepeš šoš šuš [(u(] šiš qamla(t)
55. tree daraxt daraxt (no generic šajara šajara(t) term), deraxt [d$&a t] (new)
56. branch šxe šxa, nl [n"l] šanit, far dawl šunit
57. leaf barg barg garg [#a&#], warq waraqa(t) barg [ba&#] (new)
58. bark puste daraxt postal-e pus deraxt [pus pst, qišr daraxt d$&a t] p !
59. root riše pr, prg [p"&#] ’irq jir riša
60. flower gol gol gol [ l] gul, zahra(t) ward
61. seed bazr, dang, dang [da#] barr bizra(t), dne, bazr, bara(t), toxm toxm abba(t)
62. grass alaf giy, giy [#ij"], giya ušb, alaf alaf [,alaf], ašš alaf [+alaf] (new)
63. sky semn samon samon ’smn sam’ [+"sam n]
64. cloud abr abr abr [,abr ], nim sa ba(t) abr [+abr ] (new)
65. sun ftb aftaw, aftaw [+aft w], ’intf šams xoršid, ruz [&uz] ruz
66. moon mh mh mh [m"h] mahtw qamar
67. night šab šaw šaw [( w] šaw layla(t)
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 191 9/03/16 07:57 192 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
68. star setre setra, estla [ st"la], strg, najma(t) setla estra [ st"&a] ’istrg
69. wind bd bd bd [b"d], kawl r haw [h w"]
70. dirt, earth xk xk xk [ "k] r, turb (material) r, sabaxa
71. mountain, kuh kuh, kuh [kuh] k jabal hill tappa
72. rock sang, sang san(g) [sa(#)] bard axra(t) (large, xre, e.g., 1m) saxre
73. sand mse, msa, ri [&i'] r/r f, raml šen šen s
74. dust gard (xk) xk, gard garda xk br ubr o xk [#a&d! "k]
75. pebble rig ri xorda san(g) t ab jirjar a (t) [ d! sa(#)], sanga kuek [sa kut k]
76. water b haw haw [h w] hw m’
77. dew šabnam šawnem nem [n m] nd !all
78. rain brn bron, bron [b n] bram ma!ar brom
79. river (- rudxne ruxona rudxna flaj nahr, course) [&ud "na] wd
80. fire teš teš teš [+"t%(] htiš nr, arq
81. smoke dud dud dud [dud] dr duxn
82. ash xkestar por por [p r] xraštn ramd
83. year sl sl sl [s"l] sl m, sana(t)
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 192 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 193
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
84. summer tbestn garm garm [#a&m"] hmn ayf
85. winter zemestn zemeston demeston dimistan, šit’ [d m st n] "imistan
86. village deh, deh, deh [d h], qarya, qarya(t) rust, šahr rust [&ust"] rit bdi
87. field, plain dašt, dašt, sa r [sa&"], qyit sahl, sahr sahr biybon wa!’ [bij"b n]
88. path jdde, jdda, jdda [d *"d.a], rasta, sabl rh rh rh [&"h] jadda (new)
89. house xne xona laha [laha](old), xna bayt ser [s &"], xna [ "na]
90. bed taxte xb taxt korsi [k si], syam, sarr taxt [ta t] (new) karpya, kurpya
91. rubbish šl šl kaara [kat (a&a] jum’at nufy(t), (piece) zabla(t), ’awsx
92. clothing lebs labs jima [d *ima] xt (men’s malbas (piece) robe)
93. saddle zin zin plon [p"l n], xrjn sarj zin [zin] (new)
94. pot (metal) dig kbloma manjal qu"’an ’a [man d *al]
95. meat gušt gušt, gušt [#u(t] gošt la m lahm
96. salt namak nemek nemek [n$m k] xw mil (eating)
97. oil, grease rawan ruan rawan rwin zayt, [&ow'an] samn
98. egg (e.g., toxme mor tox morg tox morg [t xyg bay a(t) chicken) m ]
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 193 9/03/16 07:57 194 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
99. milk šir (nušidan) šir, šir [(ir] šr alb tze
100. hungry gorosne gošna gušna [#u(na] gišna j n
101. thirsty tešne tošna ehna [t hna], ahna a!šn tešna [t%(na] (new)
102. rope tanb, ban ban(d) [ban(d)] ban abl rismn, band
103. iron han hen hen [+"h n] an add (metal)
104. knife u, krt kraku akk sikkn krd [k"&t(aku], krd [k"&d ]
105. war jang jang, jang [d *a#] jang arb dw (war), da w [da, w"] (quarrel)
106. one yek yak yat [-jat"], yak (list), w id, yakt [-jakt"] t (modifier) ’a ad
107. two do do dott [-d t."] dita ’inn
108. three se so, sot [-s t"] sita ala(t) se
109. four ahr r rt [t("&t"] rta ’arba a(t)
110. five panj panj panjt [-pãjt"] panjta xamsa(t)
111. six šeš šeš, šešta [-(%(t"] šašta sitta(t) šiš
112. seven haft haft haft [-haft"] hafta / afta sab a(t)
113. eight hašt hašt hašt [-ha(t"] hašta / ašta amnya(t)
114. nine noh noh noht [-n ht"] nahta tis a(t)
115. ten dah dah daht [-daht"] dahta ašara(t)
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 194 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 195
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
116. eleven yzdah yzdah yzzat y""ata ’a ad ašar [j"-z.at"]
117. twenty bist bist bist [-bist"] bsta išrn
118. one sad sad satt [-sat."] atta mi’a(t) hundred
119. much, xayli, xayle, xayle [ ejl ] xayl kar many ziyd xayli
120. little kam kam, andaku handak qall (amount) ya pe [+andaku], yaeku [jat ($ku], kam [kam](new)
121. all hame, hama hama [hama] hamm kull, kolli jam
122. good xub xob jon [d n] jwn xayr, !ayyib, zayn
123. bad bad bad bad [bad], banj sayyi’, xorb [ &"b] l xayr, l zayn
124. old (thing) kohne kohna kohna [k hna], kahna atq kohra [k h&a], battori [bat. i]
125. new naw, naw naw [n w] n jadd jadid
126. hot (fire) d, d, gorh [#)&"h] garm rr, garm garm (weather), min garm [#a&m] (new)
127. cold sard sard sard [sa&d] sard brid
128. tall boland, boland, derz [d$&"z] dr", !awl adboland derz bland
129. short kuth, kuth, paht [paht] kta qa r (height) adkuth kadkuth, kopol
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 195 9/03/16 07:57 196 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
130. long derz, derz, derz [d$&"z] dr", !awl (thing) boland boland bland
131. short kuth kuth paht [paht] kta qa r (length)
132. heavy sangin sangin sangin [sa#in] sang / aql sangn
133. light sabok sabok, sobok [s b k] swk xaff sobok
134. full por por lek [l k], palla mal’ por [p r] (new)
135. empty xli xli xoli [ li] xl xlin, fri
136. clean tamiz, tamiz, pk [p"k] pk na f pk pk
137. dirty kasif shr, ganda [#anda], xays muttasix, sohr sehr [s h"r], wasix pelašt [pla(t] (person), eland [t ( land] (person)
138. dry xošk xošk xošk [ k] hišk jff
139. big bozorg gap gap [#ap], gap kabr telaw [t l w]
140. small kuek kuak kuek [kut k] ikk ar
141. round gerd gerd gerd [ d] dawwr mudawwar (spherical), halka [halka] (circular)
142. green sabz šawz, šawz [( wz], saw" ’ax ar šabz sawz [s wz]
143. yellow zard zard zard [za&d] "ard ’a far
144. red ermez, sorx sorx [s ] sirx ’a mar sorx
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 196 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 197
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
145. black siyh siyh siy [sij"] siya ’aswad
146. white sefid safid safd [safid] ’ispr ’abya
147. leave (3s raft raw ra [&a] raft ahab, past/ tarak complete)
148. come mad hond hon(d) [h n(d)] hmad j’
149. arrive resid rasi rasi(d) [&asi(d)], rsid wa al hon(d) [h n(d)]
150. get up, boland šod, werest bolan wu [b)lan rf wwut, qm, stand bar xst wu], qyim waqaf p wu [p" wu], wwut wust [ wust"]
151. sit nešast nešt ništ [ni(t] ništ qa ad, jalas
152. lie down derz kešid derzi kaši xft [ "ft] xwnidiš ’istalq xw, madda xwu gudiš
153. fall oftd kaw ka [ka] kaft waqa , saqa!
154. walk adam zad kadami za ra [&a] mš gudiš maš
155. run david dawi daw ikan [d w burwad ad, ikan] raka , jar
156. swim šen kard ešnawi ke ešnaw ike ’išnw gudiš saba , [+%(n w ik ] m
157. fly (bird) parid, bli ke pari [pa&i] prid !r parvz kard
158. see did didi idi [+idi], mšidiš ra’ iji [+id *i]
159. hear šenid ešnawti ešnawi(d) ’išnaftiš sami [+%(n w wi(d)]
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 197 9/03/16 07:57 198 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
160. smell (a buid buwi ke bu ike [bu ik ] šamma šamm scent) gudiš
161. give birth zid zoi uk iw [t (uk "d walad i w"]
162. die mord mord mord [m d] murd mt
163. sleep xbid xaw xft [ "ft] xwaft nm
164. blow (on) fut kard ofi ke šof ike [ f ik ], ’uff gudiš nafax fuk id [fuk id"]
165. whistle sut zad, suti za eškaw iza aw awa afar (with sut kard [+%(k w iza], gudiš mouth) fištak iza [f%(tak iza] (new)
166. swell motavarem bdi ke bd ike [b"d paydam waram šod ik ] gudiš
167. suck mekid makidi ilapi [+ilapi] ma a gudiš ma (finger)
168. spit tof andxt tofi ke tofka ikardi tuf gudiš ba aq, [t fke ika&di] lafa
169. cough sorfa kard kolei za kol iza [k la' qu u gudiš ka , iza] sa al
170. vomit estefr bloi w, bl id [b"l" ršad taqayya’, kard deli hond id"] qaaf
171. bark (dog) prs kard lway za / wawaw ike wa wa a naba lway ke [ w w w ik ] gudiš
172. bite gz gereft kaki ge kak ikan [kak xridiš a (animals) ikan]
173. eat xord xwa ixa [+i a] xwdiš ’akal
174. drink xord, xwa ixa [+i a] šaraba šarib nušid gudiš
175. want xst xst itawst wtidiš ’ard [+ita w"st]
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 198 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 199
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
176. fear tarsid tersidi tarsi [ta&si], tarsid xf zahrai ira [zah&ei i&a]
177. know (som dnest, donesti, idono(st) dnidiš araf e-thing) balad bud ešnhti [+id n (st)]
178. think fekr kard fekri ke šawr ike [( w& fakara gudiš fakkar ik ]
179. count šemord ešmrdi ešmord ’išmridiš add [+%(m d]
180. suffer, have dard kard dardi ke dard ike [da&d dar gudiš ’alim, pain (body) ik ], ta aab azab ike [,azab ik ]
181. laugh xandid, xanday za xanda ike xnid a ik xande kard [ ande ik ]
182. cry gerye kard geriki ke ger ike [ ik ] giryad bak
183. say goft gofti, igo(ft) [+i (ft)] gaftiš ql gohti
184. ask porsid, porsidi iporsi [+ip si], swl gudiš sa’al sol kard su l ike [s ,"l ik ], sork ige [s &"k i ]
185. sing vz xnd wzi tarna ixond qawala ann xond [ta&"ne i nd] gudiš
186. dance rasid ami, emak ike maki raqa amaki ke [t ( mak ik ] gudiš
187. play bzi kard gzi ke gozi ike [ zi b" gudiš, la ib (child) ik ] b" gudiš
188. give dd ddi id [+id"] ddiš ’a !
189. show nešn dd nešoni d nošon id bar"a/ par"a ’ahar [n) n id"] gudiš
190. send ferestd ferestdi iferest fnidiš ’arsal [+if st"]
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 199 9/03/16 07:57 200 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
191. buy xarid xaridi ixari [+i a&i] xridiš ’ištar
192. marry ezdevj kard hayši ke ayš ike [,ej( raf xna, tazawwaj ik ] "an gudiš (man’s action)
193. fight jangid jangidi da w ike gudan angar rab [da, w" ik ] (quarrel), jang ike [d *a ik ] (war)
194. kill košt košti ikošt [+ik t] kištiš qatal
195. steal dozdid dozi ke idozdi [+id zdi] "diš, saraq "nu gudiš
196. take gereft geti ise [+is ] gudiš ’axa, šl
197. bring vard wrdi iw [+i w"] wdiš jalab, ’add
198. look for josteju kard paydoy ke dumbl igardi jištiš ba a an [dumb"l i#a&di]
199. find payd kard, paydoy ke idi [+idi], bar"a / par"a wajad yft payd ike y gudiš [pejd" ik ]
200. push hol dd holi d jeap id k y ddiš, dafa [d *$'ap id"] dafraka y ddiš
201. pull kešid kašid tond ike [t nd kšidiš jarr ik ]
202. tie bast bast ibast [+ibast], bastiš, raba!, gerehn id ’aqaba y aqad [#$ hn id"] gudiš
203. hit zad zadi iza [+iza] b"ardiš arab, ’a b
204. cut (wood) borid boridi ibori [+ib i] qa a y qa!a , gudiš falaq
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 200 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 201
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
205. scrape xrnd xrondi, ikan [+ikan] akka y xarbaš, xrmondi (scrape), gudiš kaša! goš id [ id"] (scratch, itch)
206. press fešr dd pešri d zur iza [zu& iza] ’a a gudiš aa!
207. wash šost šuhti išu [+i(u] ištiš asal (thing)
208. burn suxt soht soxt [s t] ababa y araq gudiš
209. throw andxt tawši d tawš id [t w( "arra y ram id"] gudiš
210. pour rixt rehti irext [+i t] abba y sakab, gudiš abb
211. bury dafn kard dafni ke, zi xk ike [zi dakka y dafan (person) xki ke "k ik ] gudiš
212. hide yem kard, zafti ke zahb ike [zahb qyim y ’axf, (thing) penhn kard ik ], gudiš xaba’ zaft ike [zaft ik ]
213. work kr kard kri ke kr ike [k"& ik ] kr gudiš amil
214. sweep jru kard jruy ke, imošt [+im t] maštiš kanas mošti
215. weave bft bfti ibft [+ib"ft] "fnu gudiš nasaj (carpet)
216. cultivate zerat kard, kšti, (i)kšt [(+i)k"(t] kšidiš fala kšt, kešwarzi kešt ke
217. cook poxt, poxt, igerast [+i#$&ast] wus y gudiš !abax dorost kard xorki sht
218. this in i i [+i] ’iyyi ha, hihi
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 201 9/03/16 07:57 202 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
219. that n on [ n] ’n ha, hihi
220. here inj ij ij [+id *"] ’w, hun ’jg
221. near nazdik nazik, nazdik [nazdik] n"k qarb nazdik
222. there nj j onj [ n d *"] ’njg, hunk ’ns
223. far dur dur dur [dur] dr ba d
224. (to the) daste rst das rs rst [&"st] rst yamn right
225. (to the) left daste ap das ap ap [t (ap] ap yasr
226. not na na n [n"] na l (for verbs), (for verbs), na [na] m (for nouns) (for nouns)
227. now al’n, hl, iwax [+i wa ], st ’al’n hl aln, l [+"l"] hamwah
228. yesterday diruz duš duš [du(] dšn ’ams
229. tomorrow fard sab sewh [s w"h] bi ad
230. where koj kaw kiy [kij"] kms, ’ayn gy
231. when kay, kay, e wax [t ($ kay lamma, e vaxt e wah wa ], mat kay [kej]
232. how etawr otawr eto [t ($t ] b kayf
233. who ki, ke ke [k ] kiy, man e kasi k
234. what i, e e [t ] , m, e i m
235. I man me me [m ] m ’ana
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 202 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 203
English Persian Minabi Keshmi Laraki Arabic (modern (modern standard) standard)
236. you (sg.) to to to [t ] t ’anta (m.), ’anti (f.)
237. he/she u i [+i] (proximal) ’iyyi huwa (m.), on [ n] (distal) hiya (f.)
238. we m m m [m"] m na nu
239. you (pl.) šom šom šem [( m"] ’išm ’antum (m.), ’antunna (f.)
240. they išn šon išon [+i n] ’nšnan, hum (m.), (proximal), ša hunna (f.) onšon [ n n] (distal)
REFERENCES
Aikhenvald 2006 Aikhenvald, A., “Grammars in contact: A cross-linguistic perspective,” in Grammars in contact: A cross-linguistic typology, A. Aikhenvald and R.M.W. Dixon (eds.), Oxford - New York: Oxford University Press 2006, pp. 1-66. Anonby 2003 Anonby, E., A phonology of Southern Luri, Munich: Lincom Europa, 2003. ——— 2011 Anonby, E., “Illustrations of the IPA: Kumzari,” Journal of the Inter- national Phonetic Association 41/3 (2011), pp. 375-380. Anonby & Asadi 2014 Anonby, E.; A. Asadi, Bakhtiari studies: Phonology, texts, lexicon, Studia Iranica Upsaliensia 24. Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2014. Available online: uu.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2:758171. Anonby & Mohebbi Bahmani 2013 Anonby, E.; H. Mohebbi Bahmani, “Discovery of an Indo-Aryan langu- age in Iran,” paper presented at the 5th International Conference of Iranian Linguistics [ICIL5], Universität Bamberg, August 24-26, 2013 [Proceedings in press, C. Jahani et al. (eds.), Studia Iranica Upsaliensia 43]. Anonby & Yousefian 2011 Anonby, E.; P. Yousefian, Adaptive multilinguals: A survey of language on Larak Island, Studia Iranica Upsaliensia 16, Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2011. Available online: uu.diva-portal.org/smash/record. jsf?pid=diva2:458175.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 203 9/03/16 07:57 204 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
Barbera 2005 Barbera, G., “Lingua e cultura a Minâb (Iran sud-orientale). Profilo grammaticale testi e vocabolario” [Language and culture in Minab, south-east Iran: Grammatical sketch, texts and vocabulary], Ph.D. dissertation, Naples: L’Orientale University, 2005. Bastaki 1359/1980 Bastaki, H. A. A., Farhang-e Bastaki [Bastaki dictionary], Tehran: [publisher unknown], 1359sh./1980. Bayshak 2002 Bayshak, M. S., “Hal a3arat as-Ssniyah f lisn al-Šu2 2 wa hal al- Kamzriyah min awjuh 1alik? Al-lahjat al-Ši22iyah f 0aw’ ‘ilm al- lut,” [Are there traces of Sassanian in the language of the Shihuh, and is Kumzari among the affected varieties? The Shihhi dialect in the light of linguistic science], Al-Khaleej (Arabic) 8541 (17 Oct. 2002), p. 12. Bruk & Apenchenko 1964 Bruk, S. I.; V. S. Apenenko (eds.), Atlas narodov mira [Atlas of the world’s peoples], Moscow: Glavnoe Upravlenie Geodezii i Kartografii, 1964. CIA 1982 CIA (Central Intelligence Agency), Peoples of Iran, 1982. Available online: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/iran_peo ples_82.jpg. Eqtedri 1334/1955 Eqtedri, A., Farhang-e Lrestni [Lrestni dictionary], Tehran: Farhang-e Irn Zamin, 1334sh./1955. ——— 1384/2005 Eqtedri, A., Zabn-e Lrestni [The Lrestni language], Tehran: Hamsye, 1384sh./2005. Fathi 1380/2001 Fathi, A., “Sxtr-e fe‘l dar guyeš-e bandari [Verb structure in the Bandari dialect],” Naxostin hamandeši-ye guyeššensi-ye Irn [First seminar on Iranian dialectology], Iranian Academy of Persian Language and Literature, Tehran, Ordibehešt 1380sh./April 2001. Gerschevitch 1985 Gershevitch, I., Philologica Iranica, ed. N. Sims-Williams, Wiesba- den: Dr Ludwig Reichert, 1985. Hormozgan 2009 Iran, Hormozgan, Qeshm, Salkh va Bsa’idu, 2009. http://www.youtube.com/watch?hl=en&v=6kYIgy8fbZA&gl=US. Accessed September 28, 2011. IAL Trust 2012 IAL (Institute of Applied Linguistics) Trust, Swadesh wordlist for the languages of Pakistan, Karachi: The Institute of Applied Linguistics, 2012. Available online: http://ialtrust.com/swadeshlanguagelist/. IPA 2005 IPA (International Phonetic Association), The International Phonetic Alphabet, 2005. Available online: http://web.uvic.ca/ling/resources/ipa/ charts/IPA_chart_(C)2005.pdf. ISC ISC (Saršomri-ye Omumi-ye Nafus va Maskan [Iranian Statistics Centre]), Iran Statistical Annals, Homrozgan Province (Slnmeh-ye mr-e Irn, Ostn-e Hormozgn), Tehran: Ministry of the Interior, Iranian Statistics Centre, 1389/2010, and 1385/2006. Izady 2006 Izady, M. R., Linguistic composition of Iran, 2006. Available online: http://www.farsinet.com/farsi/linguistic_composition_of_iran.html.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 204 9/03/16 07:57 T H E K E S H M I D I A L E C T O F H O R M O Z G A N P R O V I N C E 205
Kamioka & Yamada 1979 Kamioka, K.; M. Yamada, Larestani studies 1: Lri basic vocabulary, Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Cultures of Asia and Africa, 1979. Kessler 2001 Kessler, B., The significance of word lists, Stanford: CSLI Publications, 2001. Lorimer 1908/1915 Lorimer, J. G., Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman, and Central Arabia, Calcutta and Bombay: Superintendant Government Printing, 1908/1915. Mann 1909 Mann, O., “Lârî,” in Kurdisch-persische Forschungen 1: Die Tâjîk- Mundarten der Provinz Fârs, Berlin: Reimer, 1909, pp. 127-131. Masica 1993 Masica, C., The Indo-Aryan languages, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Mohebbi Bahmani 1384sh./2006 Mohebbi Bahmani, H., Barresi va tawsif-e zabnšenxti-ye guyeš-e Minbi [A linguistic study and description of the Minabi dialect], Tehran: Sabzn, 1384sh./2006. Najmabadi 1988 Najmabadi, S., “Identité ethnique contre nationalité: Le cas de l’Île de Lrak (Golfe Persique),” in Le fait ethnique en Iran et en Afghanistan, Jean-Pierre Digard (ed.), Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1988, pp. 65-74. Nourzaei et al. 2015 Nourzaei, M.; C. Jahani; E. Anonby; A. A. Ahangar, Koroshi: A corpus- based grammatical description, Studia Iranica Upsaliensia 13, Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2015. Available at: http://uu.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2:810250. Nourzaei, Jahani & Anonby (forthcoming) Nourzaei, M.; C. Jahani; E. Anonby, “Korosh. 1. Sociolinguistic over- view; 2. Grammatical description of Koroshi,” in Encyclopædia Iranica, E. Yarshater (Gen. Ed.), New York, forthcoming. Oranskij 1977 Oranskij, I., Les langues iraniennes, Institut d’études iraniennes de l’Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle, Paris: C. Klincksiek, 1977. Pelevin 2010 Pelevin, M., “Materials on the Bandari Dialect,” Iran and the Caucasus 14/1 (2010), pp. 57-78. Potts 2004 Potts, D., “Qeshm Island,” Encyclopædia Iranica online, 2004: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/qeshm-island. al-Qasimi 1986 al-Qasimi, S. M., The myth of Arab piracy in the Gulf, London: Croom Helm, 1986. Rashidi 1387/2008 Rašidi, A., “Barresi-ye sxtri-ye guyeš-e Buiri [Structural study of the Buchiri dialect],” MA thesis (unpublished), Zahedan: University of Sistan and Baluchistan, 1387sh./2008. Syebni 1377/1998 Syebni, A., Az Bandar Jerun t Bandar Abbs, Bandar Abbas: i i K, 1377sh./1998. Sims-Williams 1998 Sims-Williams, N., “The Iranian languages,” in The Indo-Euro- pean Languages, A. Giacalone Ramat and P. Ramat (eds.), London and New York: Routledge, pp. 125-153.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 205 9/03/16 07:57 206 E. A N O N B Y StIr 44, 2015
SJS 1365/1986 Szemn-e Jahd Szandegi, Towzi‘-e zabn-e dehestn-e Irn [Language distribution in rural sub-districts of Iran], Tehrn: Szemn-e Jahd Szandegi, 1365sh./1986. Schmitt 1989 Schmitt, R., (ed.), Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum, Wiesbaden: Dr Ludwig Reichert, 1989. Skjærvø 1975 Skjærvø, P. O., “Notes on the dialects of Minab and Hormoz,” Norwegian Journal of Linguistics (NTS) 29 (1975), pp. 113-128. ——— 1989 Skjærvø, P. O., “Languages of Southeast Iran: Lrestn, Kumzr, Baškard,” in Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum, R. Schmitt (ed.), Wiesbaden: Dr Ludwig Reichert, 1989, pp. 363-369. Voskanian & Boyajian-Sureniants 2007 Voskanian, V.; V. Boyajian-Sureniants, “Lexical gleanings from Baš- kard,” Iran and the Caucasus 11/1 (2007), pp. 121-125. van der Wal Anonby 2013 van der Wal Anonby, C., “Traces of Arabian in Kumzari,” paper presented at the Seminar for Arabian Studies, British Foundation for the Study of Arabia, London, July 26-28, 2013. ——— 2015 van der Wal Anonby, C., “A grammar of Kumzari,” Ph.D. dissertation Leiden University, 2015. Windfuhr 2009 Windfuhr, G., (ed.), The Iranian languages, London – New York: Routledge, 2009. Žukovskij 1888 Žukovskij, V. A., Materialy dlja izuenija persidskix nareij, I [Materials for the study of Persian dialects, I], St. Petersburg: [Publisher unknown], 1888. ——— 1922/23 Žukovskij, V. A., Materialy dlja izuenija persidskix nareij, II, III [Materials for the study of Persian dialects, II, III], ed. by A. A. Romaskewicz and S. F. Ol’denburg, St. Petersburg: [Publisher unknown], 1922/23.
98851_Studia Iranica_2015_2.indd 206 9/03/16 07:57