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Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016
Journal of US-China Public Administration, August 2016, Vol. 13, No. 8, 499-517 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2016.08.001 D DAVID PUBLISHING Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016 Chung Fun Steven Hung The Education University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong, politicization inevitably followed democratization. This paper intends to evaluate how political parties’ politics happened in Hong Kong’s recent history. The research was conducted through historical comparative analysis, with the context of Hong Kong during the sovereignty transition and the interim period of democratization being crucial. For the implementation of “one country, two systems”, political democratization was hindered and distinct political scenarios of Hong Kong’s transformation were made. The democratic forces had no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which caused a decisive fragmentation of the local political parties where the establishment camp was inevitable and the democratic blocs were split into many more small groups individually. It is harmful. It is not conducive to unity and for the common interests of the publics. This paper explores and evaluates the political history of Hong Kong and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation. Keywords: election politics, historical comparative, ruling, democratization The democratizing element of the Hong Kong political system was bounded within the Legislative Council under the principle of the separation of powers of the three governing branches, Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. Popular elections for the Hong Kong legislature were introduced and implemented for 25 years (1991-2016) and there were eight terms of general elections for the Legislative Council. -
Civic Party (Cp)
立法會 CB(2)1335/17-18(04)號文件 LC Paper No. CB(2)1335/17-18(04) CIVIC PARTY (CP) Submission to the United Nations UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) CHINA 31st session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council November 2018 Introduction 1. We are making a stakeholder’s submission in our capacity as a political party of the pro-democracy camp in Hong Kong for the 2018 Universal Periodic Review on the People's Republic of China (PRC), and in particular, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Currently, our party has five members elected to the Hong Kong Legislative Council, the unicameral legislature of HKSAR. 2. In the Universal Periodic Reviews of PRC in 2009 and 2013, not much attention was paid to the human rights, political, and social developments in the HKSAR, whilst some positive comments were reported on the HKSAR situation. i We wish to highlight that there have been substantial changes to the actual implementation of human rights in Hong Kong since the last reviews, which should be pinpointed for assessment in this Universal Periodic Review. In particular, as a pro-democracy political party with members in public office at the Legislative Council (LegCo), we wish to draw the Council’s attention to issues related to the political structure, election methods and operations, and the exercise of freedom and rights within and outside the Legislative Council in HKSAR. Most notably, recent incidents demonstrate that the PRC and HKSAR authorities have not addressed recommendations made by the Human Rights Committee in previous concluding observations in assessing the implementation of International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). -
Chapter 6 Hong Kong
CHAPTER 6 HONG KONG Key Findings • The Hong Kong government’s proposal of a bill that would allow for extraditions to mainland China sparked the territory’s worst political crisis since its 1997 handover to the Mainland from the United Kingdom. China’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s auton- omy and its suppression of prodemocracy voices in recent years have fueled opposition, with many protesters now seeing the current demonstrations as Hong Kong’s last stand to preserve its freedoms. Protesters voiced five demands: (1) formal with- drawal of the bill; (2) establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality; (3) removing the designation of the protests as “riots;” (4) releasing all those arrested during the movement; and (5) instituting universal suffrage. • After unprecedented protests against the extradition bill, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam suspended the measure in June 2019, dealing a blow to Beijing which had backed the legislation and crippling her political agenda. Her promise in September to formally withdraw the bill came after months of protests and escalation by the Hong Kong police seeking to quell demonstrations. The Hong Kong police used increasingly aggressive tactics against protesters, resulting in calls for an independent inquiry into police abuses. • Despite millions of demonstrators—spanning ages, religions, and professions—taking to the streets in largely peaceful pro- test, the Lam Administration continues to align itself with Bei- jing and only conceded to one of the five protester demands. In an attempt to conflate the bolder actions of a few with the largely peaceful protests, Chinese officials have compared the movement to “terrorism” and a “color revolution,” and have im- plicitly threatened to deploy its security forces from outside Hong Kong to suppress the demonstrations. -
Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia
Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia Series Editors Bill Hebenton Criminology & Criminal Justice University of Manchester Manchester, UK Susyan Jou School of Criminology National Taipei University Taipei, Taiwan Lennon Y. C. Chang School of Social Sciences Monash University Melbourne, VIC, Australia This bold and innovative series provides a much needed intellectual space for global scholars to showcase criminological scholarship in and on Asia. Reflecting upon the broad variety of methodological traditions in Asia, the series aims to create a greater multi-directional, cross-national under- standing between Eastern and Western scholars and enhance the field of comparative criminology. The series welcomes contributions across all aspects of criminology and criminal justice as well as interdisciplinary studies in sociology, law, crime science and psychology, which cover the wider Asia region including China, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Korea, Macao, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Vietnam. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14719 Kam C. Wong Public Order Policing in Hong Kong The Mongkok Riot Kam C. Wong Xavier University (Emeritus) Cincinnati, OH, USA Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia ISBN 978-3-319-98671-5 ISBN 978-3-319-98672-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98672-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018956287 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and trans- mission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. -
Six-Monthly Report on Hong Kong 1 July to 31 December 2016
THE SIX-MONTHLY REPORT ON HONG KONG 1 JULY TO 31 DECEMBER 2016 Deposited in Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs 24 FEBRUARY 2017 1 Contents FOREWORD .............................................................................................................. 4 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................ 7 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTIONS ...................................................................... 7 Confirmation Form...................................................................................................... 8 Allegations of manipulation and intimidation .............................................................. 9 Sixth Legislative Council .......................................................................................... 10 Swearing-in of legislators ......................................................................................... 10 Judicial reviews ........................................................................................................ 10 Legislative Council adjournments ............................................................................. 11 Court hearing and NPCSC interpretation of the Basic Law ...................................... 11 Outcome of judicial proceedings .............................................................................. 14 Further legal action.................................................................................................. -
The Growth of “Localism” in Hong Kong
Current affairs China perspectives The Growth of “Localism” in Hong Kong A New Path for the Democracy Movement? YING-HO KWONG series of political protests in recent years, including localist rallies maintain harmonious relations, and supported the reversion of sovereignty for the June 4 Massacre, anti-parallel trading protests, and the Mong from Britain to China after 1997 under the principle of “One Country, Two AKok Riot, have triggered concerns over the development of “localism” Systems.” (4) In fact, Hong Kong’s democrats have always been divided by (bentu zhuyi 本土主義 ) in Hong Kong. For decades, traditional pan-demo - ideological differences, but have sought room for co-operation on political cratic parties ( fan minzhupai 泛民主派 ) have been struggling with the Chi - issues. The collaboration among democrats strengthened during and after nese government over political development. Although many of them have the Tiananmen Massacre. During the 1989 democracy movement in China, persistently bargained with the Beijing leaders, progress towards democracy Hong Kong democrats formed the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patri - remains stagnant. Thus, Hong Kong’s democrats have been beset by “tran - otic Democratic Movements in China to support the Beijing protesters. In sition fatigue,” which commonly exists in hybrid regimes that combine both the meantime, disagreements among democrats generally decreased be - democratic and authoritarian elements. (1) A growing number of Hong Kong cause the majority shared the common goal of supporting democratic de - people, especially youngsters, have become impatient, disappointed, and velopment in China against the bloody clampdown by the authorities. (5) sceptical towards the existing pan-democratic parties, and have shifted into The wave of democracy movements further intensified after 1997. -
“Localism” in Hong Kong a New Path for the Democracy Movement?
China Perspectives 2016/3 | 2016 China’s Policy in the China Seas The Growth of “Localism” in Hong Kong A New Path for the Democracy Movement? Ying-ho Kwong Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/7057 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.7057 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 September 2016 Number of pages: 63-68 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Ying-ho Kwong, « The Growth of “Localism” in Hong Kong », China Perspectives [Online], 2016/3 | 2016, Online since 01 September 2016, connection on 14 September 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/7057 © All rights reserved Current affairs China perspectives The Growth of “Localism” in Hong Kong A New Path for the Democracy Movement? YING-HO KWONG series of political protests in recent years, including localist rallies maintain harmonious relations, and supported the reversion of sovereignty for the June 4 Massacre, anti-parallel trading protests, and the Mong from Britain to China after 1997 under the principle of “One Country, Two AKok Riot, have triggered concerns over the development of “localism” Systems.” (4) In fact, Hong Kong’s democrats have always been divided by (bentu zhuyi 本土主義 ) in Hong Kong. For decades, traditional pan-demo - ideological differences, but have sought room for co-operation on political cratic parties ( fan minzhupai 泛民主派 ) have been struggling with the Chi - issues. The collaboration among democrats strengthened during and after nese government over political development. Although many of them have the Tiananmen Massacre. During the 1989 democracy movement in China, persistently bargained with the Beijing leaders, progress towards democracy Hong Kong democrats formed the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patri - remains stagnant. -
'Political Screening in Hong Kong'
‘Political screening in Hong Kong’ The disqualification of candidates and lawmakers ahead of the March by-elections Hong Kong Watch 1 Foreword by Sir Malcolm Rifkind, QC “This Report makes very disturbing reading. In a measured, thoughtful and factual way it demonstrates that the obligations that the Chinese Government accepted in 1997 are being eroded. The steps being taken as regards disqualification of candidates are not only unacceptable. They reinforce the concern, that has already been expressed, that there may be a strategy to diminish Hong Kong’s autonomy in a step by step process over the years. Such measures do not go unnoticed and are leading to growing criticism and controversy not just from the people of Hong Kong but, also, from Hong Kong’s and China’s friends throughout the world.” Sir Malcolm Rifkind QC Sir Malcolm Rifkind, QC is a patron of Hong Kong Watch, who served as the United Kingdom’s Foreign Secretary from 1995- 1997 and Defence Secretary from 1992-1995. He held other senior positions in the Cabinet under Prime Ministers John Major and Margaret Thatcher. Hong Kong Watch 2 Foreword by Sir Geoffrey Nice, QC “This detailed Report demonstrates, line by line and law by law how things have developed for true democracy in Hong Kong once: ‘The two lawmakers from Youngspiration, Baggio Leung Chung-hang and Yau Wai- Ching, referred to China as ‘Chee-na’ which is widely considered to be offensive. Yau Wai-Ching also referred to China with a swearword’ (see body of Report).’ Hong Kong Watch supports ‘one country, two systems’, not Hong Kong Independence and its Report does not divert from that position. -
The Public Order Ordinance Has Been Used to Crackdown On, and Imprison, Protestors from Across Hong Kong’S Political Opposition
A TOOL OF LAWFARE : THE ABUSE OF HONG KONG’S PUBLIC ORDER ORDINANCE SINCE 2014 SUMMARY On 22 May 2019, Ray Wong Toi-yeung and Alan Li publicly announced that they were granted refugee status by the government of Germany in May 2018.i Undoubtedly one of the key reasons that the German government made the bold step of granting political asylum to two young Hong Kongers is because of the punitive way that the Public Order Ordinance has been used to crackdown on, and imprison, protestors from across Hong Kong’s political opposition. Mr Wong and Mr Li were facing trial under this law, and therefore could not be guaranteed a fair trial. Hong Kong Watch will publish an in-depth report on this subject in the coming months. This briefing summarises one key argument: that the legislation has been a key tool in the Hong Kong government’s campaign of “lawfare” against Hong Kong’s political opposition. Since the Umbrella Movement, more than 100 democracy activists and protestors have been prosecuted under the Public Order Ordinance, a law which has been repeatedly criticised by the United Nations Human Rights Committee for curtailing freedom of assembly. Following pressure from the government to increase the ‘deterrence effect’ of the legislation in 2017, judges have interpreted offences in recent verdicts using the Public Order Ordinance following a simple approach: maximise the probability of conviction and minimise leniency. This not only further raises the costs of protest and has detrimental effects on civil liberties and political freedoms, it also sets a dangerous precedent for the rule of law. -
“The Consciousness Evolution”: Identification and Re-Identification After the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong Chan Wai Yin, H
“The Consciousness Evolution”: Identification and Re-Identification after the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong Chan Wai Yin, Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong The European Conference on the Social Sciences 2016 Official Conference Proceedings Abstract Stemmed from the Umbrella Movement in September of 2014, Hong Kong had experienced dramatic social and political changes that people were being “decontaminated” from titling as political apathetic animals which were constructed under the historical manufacturing. The unprecedented integration of politics and society keeps fermenting and one of the most conspicuous narratives in the society is the identity of Hong Kong people. Hong Kong people have undergone an evolution on the consciousness of social identification as many terminologies and corresponding epitomizations have been sprung up: Yellow Ribbon v. Blue Ribbon (Movement identity in the Umbrella Movement), Mainlander v. Hongkonger (Hong Kong identity), Anti-localism v. Localism (Hong Kong identity), Old Lion Rock Spirit v. New Lion Rock Spirit (which symbolizes the core values in Hong Kong) etc. This study aims at exploring the consciousness and identity evolution on the Hong Kong people, especially revived from the Umbrella Movement in 2014 to 2016. The interplays and correlations between movement identity, Hong Kong identity and so- called local identity would be further examined. On top of that, whereas identification and re-identification is transpiring in the society, this study would further review symbiotic relations between the mentioned identities and corresponding values by delving into several Hong Kong social and political issues. Keywords: Hong Kong, Social and Political Identity, Consciousness, The Umbrella Movement, Social Movement, Indigeneity iafor The International Academic Forum www.iafor.org Introduction It is ineluctable that to recount the reverberations of the Umbrella Movement in 2014, especially there are ceaseless and considerable altercations on the mutation of the Hong Kong identity after the Umbrella Movement. -
Hong Kong: Ten Years After the Handover
Order Code RL34071 Hong Kong: Ten Years After the Handover June 29, 2007 Michael F. Martin Analyst in Asian Political Economics Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Hong Kong: Ten Years After the Handover Summary In the 10 years that have passed since the reversion of Hong Kong from British to Chinese sovereignty, much has changed and little has changed. On the political front, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) has selected its first Chief Executive, only to have him step down and be replaced in a process not without some controversy. Meanwhile, belated changes by the British in the makeup of Hong Kong’s Legislative Council (Legco) were initially undone, but subsequent changes in the Legco selection process have brought things back nearly full circle to where they stood prior to the Handover. There is also unease about the independence of Hong Kong’s judicial system and the protection provided by Hong Kong’s Basic Law in light of decisions made by the Chinese government. Similarly, the civil liberties of the people of Hong Kong remain largely intact. In part, this can be attributed to the increased politicization of the people of Hong Kong. The freedom of the press in Hong Kong is still strong, but also faces challenges — both on the legal front and from allegations of self-censorship on the part of the media owners reluctant to antagonize the People’s Republic of China. Yet, even with these challenges, many Hong Kong residents do not appear to perceive a decline in their civil liberties since 1997. -
Hong Kong Election Observation Project SUBMISSION to THE
Hong Kong Election Observation Project SUBMISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE 129TH SESSION, 29 June – 24 July 2020, LIST OF ISSUES 1 INTRODUCTION The Hong Kong Election Observation Project (EOP) is a joint platform initiated by the Comparative Governance and Policy Research Centre of the Department of Government & International Studies at Hong Kong Baptist University 1 and Civil Rights Observer in September 2019 to become an independent academic and civil society platform in the field of electoral integrity study and education. EOP offers support to election monitoring networks in all the 18 districts in Hong Kong and conducts a comprehensive examination on the electoral process. Goal: Promote and support democratic development in Hong Kong through long-term and short-term election observation. Objectives: 1. Enhancing the integrity of electoral processes and minimize election irregularities and election-related human rights violations; 2. Providing accurate, impartial information and analysis on issues related to elections and prospects for democratic development; 3. Enhancing civic engagement on democratic norms and international standards on free and fair elections; and 4. Strengthen EOP operations to carry out effective election observations. For the 2019 District Council Election, for example, EOP built an election monitoring network, supported 30 observers across all 18 districts in Hong Kong, and conducted a comprehensive examination on the electoral process. Our Submission will focus on both institutional and behavioural aspects of electoral developments in Hong Kong. There are in total 8 areas of concerns: 1. Universal and Equal Suffrage Stalled 2. “Small Circle” Chief Executive Election 3. Discrimination against Party Affiliation in Chief Executive Election 4.