The Cosmology of Inca Huacas. Phd Thesis, James Cook University

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The Cosmology of Inca Huacas. Phd Thesis, James Cook University This file is part of the following reference: Gullberg, Steven Roland (2009) The cosmology of Inca huacas. PhD thesis, James Cook University. Access to this file is available from: http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/10346 26 Part I: Introduction Chapter 1 1.1 Introduction The Incas honored and venerated many features of their natural landscape such as mountains, snow peaks, caves, springs, lakes, and rocks, all felt to be endowed with meaning and sacred power. In Quechua these shrines were known as huacas and at the time of the Spanish conquest there were many hundreds of them. The most powerful huacas required care and maintenance that included gifts made to the powers of the shrines. Sacrifices were offered to these shrines and those of animals or produce were often used to support the huaca’s attendants. The Incas organized the administration of huacas along lines called ceques , and the existence of such a system has been well explored for the area that surrounds Cusco. Stone huacas are the principle focus of this study, most of which were elaborately carved and shaped. The Incas revered and venerated stones and the emperor, Pachacuti, apparently believed he could “improve” upon the work of his co-creator and father, the sun, by the sculpting of rocks. As a direct result these carved outcrops retain an immense amount of information about the sacred and ritual world of the Incas. Susan Niles (1987: 204-205) suggests that a fairly limited number of motifs were used in the shaping of huacas: "The pattern does not suggest a tolerance of innovation. It is unlikely that the Incas would encourage individual graffiti artists to practice their skills on sacred rocks. Certainly, the improvements on nature seen in Inca shrines...must have been officially controlled." An element of Pachacuti’s architectural style was to incorporate carefully fitted stone masonry into natural outcrops such as at Machu Picchu where “building seemed to grow organically out of the bedrock….and the boundary between the work of the architect and the Creator is blurred” (Niles 2004: 62). The huacas most central to Inca worship were dedicated to the sun and moon, sometimes designed with associated orientations. Certain shrines may have been constructed or carved so as 27 to cast shadows at solstice, equinox, or with the zenith and anti-zenith sun. The concept of anti- zenith is discussed in section 8.6.1.4. Basins might have been crafted so their waters would make specific reflections of the light of the sun or moon. Standing stones could have been used as gnomons to cast shadows, or to mark solar horizon positions. Zuidema (1977) described a ceque system for Cusco that comprises 328 huacas (shrines) on 41 ceques (lines) and discussed a complex ritual calendar system employing ceques and huacas, functioning with the worship of each huaca in turn on a specific day. Twelve sidereal months, each with 27 1/3 days, yield a total of 328 days (which corresponds to the number of days in a lunar sidereal year). He states that the missing 37 days are similar to the approximate period that the Pleiades are masked by the sun and when taken together this gives 365 days. The 41 ceques might also have functioned to denote 41 eight-day weeks (328/8 = 41). Certain huacas might have been used to identify the days of the year that the sun would be at either solstice, and perhaps others specified dates for crop management. Descriptions by Bernabe Cobo (1990: 51-84) of the shrines that radiated from Cusco support Zuidema’s count of 328. Additional huacas existed that were not part of the state system, instead of a more private nature associated with the dead of particular families and used for special sacrifices and ceremonies. It has not yet been shown comprehensively which of the carved limestone outcrops surrounding Cusco were designed with astronomical orientations. One of the purposes of this study is to explore light and shadow effects of these rocks, some of which may be associated with the dates of major solar horizon events. 1.2 Statement of Purpose The goals of this research are to elucidate the characteristics of the astronomical aspects of the landscape of the Incas and to explore further the interrelations of architecture, religion, landscape, and astronomy. While many of the huacas described by Cobo were destroyed by Spanish priests in their efforts to eradicate all idol worship, some did survive - primarily those of geographical features and carved outcrops of rock. These rock huacas have not yet been systematically studied with regard to astronomical orientations. This investigation will examine existing carved rock huacas for potential astronomical significance. Light and shadow effects will be observed and orientations measured to determine whether or not these huacas yield evidence of Inca astronomy. 28 This research is an attempt to identify astronomical aspects of specific huacas and to place this information in context with other aspects of Inca culture. 1.3 Research Hypotheses 1. For millennia the people of Andean cultures preceding the Inca Empire believed the world to be filled with animate beings, some of which were ancestors , with powers to influence the living. The great snow mountains, rivers, springs, rocky outcrops, or other more subtle features of the landscape could be alive and powerful and, often, required offerings . People interacted with these animate beings, who could be supplicated, consulted with the help of an oracle, battled, abducted, and even destroyed. The Incas incorporated all of these features of the living and sacred landscape into their system of huacas, each of which they believed had power and wisdom. Since the sun was the primary deity of the Incas, it is reasonable that many of these huacas were associated with solar worship. In the early 16 th Century there were over 400 huacas in the Cusco Valley. While originally in the minority, those that remain primarily were huacas that had been designed in rock. My first hypothesis is: The majority of the currently identified rock huacas in the Cusco Valley, the Sacred Valley, and surrounding Machu Picchu are associated with visual solar phenomena. 2. Part of Inca claims for legitimacy were based upon the assertion that the Inca royalty were direct descendants of the sun. Demonstrations of that genealogical link with the sun could occur during public festivals when the sun would rise on the horizon at a location predicted by the Inca king and priests, the most likely times being identifiable elements of the solar cycle. The second hypothesis is: Those huacas found to be associated with visual solar phenomena (solar huacas) exhibit orientations related to the solstices, equinoxes, zenith suns and anti-zenith suns. 29 3. A long-standing Andean tradition involved the concept of camay whereby inanimate objects were brought to life and made sacred and powerful, one means by which emanated from flowing water . The huacas that were energized by such waters were thought to be prominent living entities. During preliminary field work I observed that while all huacas were not associated with water, solar huacas were adjacent to water courses such as stone lined or carved channels. Based upon these preliminary observations I developed the third hypothesis: All solar huacas are associated with flowing water. 4. Part of the perceived power of carved huacas may have been derived from the inclusion of long standing Andean sacred symbols such as stairways for shamanic ascent and descent, caves, niches for sacred objects, seats for spirits, sacred animal carvings, channels for ceremonial fluids, fountains, and basins for viewing reflections in liquids of the sun, moon, and stars. The majority of huacas consisted of natural features, but those made of rock could be enhanced through carving. The fourth hypothesis is: Solar huacas in the form of carved rocks contain traditional Andean motifs. This study presumes that the design and carving of rock huacas followed an established tradition that included cosmology, astronomy, and mythology. Meaning was encoded into ceremonial structures in the form of light and shadow effects, features framing or pointing to distant views or points on the horizon, and elements relating to origin myths such as caves, basins, and fountains. The carving and shaping of huacas was not spontaneous and was instead planned in accordance with a specific iconic repertory with shared meaning and purpose, as listed in Table 3-1. This thesis investigates shrines, especially those carved from rock, as symbolic representations of astronomical knowledge and meaning. Through observation of the sun’s light and shadow effects on significant days of the Inca calendar, field research tested the hypothesis that there is astronomical function encoded in the carving, orientation, and geographic context of certain shrines. Furthermore I examined dates for such orientations and established commonality of the features of water, stairs, seats and niches at huacas with astronomical orientations. 30 In this study I consider that many interpretations of huacas (astronomical, abstract sculpture, ritual, divination, worship, and ceremonial) are relevant, taking into account the multiple levels of meaning that people in traditional societies attach to significant landscape features. The approach of this study is holistic in that it considers cultural motifs carved into the stones, their topographic and astronomical contexts, sightlines to other huacas or prominent features of the landscape, and light and shadow effects throughout the year, especially on ceremonial or agriculturally important dates. Astronomical interpretations cannot be separated from the overall cultural significance of these objects. This project is not looking for “observatories,” but for evidence regarding the roles of astronomical phenomena and observations in Inca culture. The Spanish conquest abruptly curtailed much of Inca culture and resulted in a loss of much of its conceptual depth.
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