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COTE D'ivoire May 2013

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COTE D'IVOIRE May 2013 Head of State: President Alassane Dramane Human Development Index: 168/186 OUATTARA (UNDP, 2013) Head of Government : Prime Minister Democracy Index: 136/167 (EIU, 2012) Daniel Kablan DUNCAN Minister of Foreign Affairs: Minister of Corruption Perception Index: 130/176 (TI, State Charles Koffi DIBY 2012) Capital: Abidjan (seat of government and World Press Freedom Index: 159/179 economic) and Yamoussoukro (official) (RSF, 2012) Population: 20 million (estimated) GDP per Capita (PPP): 1,789 USD (WB 2011) BRIEF HISTORY Remarkable economic development during the first 2 decades of independence attracted important foreign investment and large number of immigrants from neighbouring countries (today representing 25% of total population). It was followed in the late 1980s by recession and stagnation with strong social turmoil. In this climate, the death in 1993 of President Felix Houphouet-Boigny who had ruled the country since independence in 1960, was the start up of a "war of succession" between his "political heirs"; his Prime Minister, Alassane Ouattara, his dauphin, Parliament Chairman, Henry Konan Bédié who became president, and his eternal opponent, Laurent Gbagbo. Bédié tried to consolidate his power through xenophobic rhetoric, introducing the concept of "ivoirité" (true "ivorianship"), which in principal assimilated the northern, largely Muslim population, with the immigrants, placing doubts on their civic rights. This triggered a long series of political crises: the military putsch in December 1999 that ousted Bédié from power, Gbagbo's rise to power in October 2000 after tumultuous elections and his continuation of xenophobic policies, the armed rebellion in the North in September 2002 that led to the partition of the country between the Gbagbo's government (in the south) and the Forces Nouvelles (ex-rebellion) under Guillaume Soro (in the north). Ouattara's victory in the long awaited presidential elections of October and November 2010 was not accepted by Gbagbo, who refused to step down and established a terror regime. Gbagbo was captured the 11th April after two weeks of civil war. The regular army who had hitherto remained loyal to him, pledged allegiance to Ouattara, who was officially installed as the country's 4th president on the 21st May 2011. POLITICAL SITUATION: Elections: legislative elections were conducted in December 2011/February 2012, boycotted by the ex-President political party (FPI). The party of President Ouattara won the absolute majority of seats. Guillaume Soro, Secretary General of the ex-rebels and ex-Prime Minister was later elected chairman of the newly elected National Assembly. Regional and Municipal elections were conducted on April 21 2013, again boycotted by the FPI. Governement: The executive is run by the RHDP (Rassemblement des Houphouëtistes pour la Démocratie et la Paix), coalition composed by the Ouattara's party (RDR) and by the PDCI party. The PM is Daniel Duncan Kablan, from PDCI. Much remains to be done to restore the rule of law in the whole national territory. The ex-rebels integrated into the Forces Républicaines de Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI) are de facto 1 militarily controlling the whole country and often replacing police and gendarmerie in the maintenance of public order, without having the necessary skills and sensitivity to human rights. The military’s return to the barracks and full redeployment of equipped and effective police and gendarmerie is therefore urgent. Governance in the security sector is still very bad. The ex-rebels consolidated their power within the army. Special military forces with faithful elements have been created. This further divides the security and defence forces and creates frustration among them. Numerous cases of abuses (killings, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture) by the FRCI in Abidjan and in the South West of the country have been reported. The rules of the arms embargo have not been respected by Pdt Ouattara. SECURITY SITUATION Despite some isolated attacks, general security situation improved, in particular thanks to the positive collaboration of Ghana after Presidential elections. The Western regions in particular are characterised by tensions since decades. The root causes are land disputes in an overpopulated and ethnically mixed rural area. Clashes between communities are frequent and have increased during the various crises. The post-electoral crises was particular violent in this part of the country, causing hundreds of dead and thousands of refugees and IDPs. Irregular militias are still active. The 9,000 strong UN peace keeping mission, UNOCI, backed by the 900 strong French Licorne detachment, deployed in 2004 is still in place and is likely to remain at least until end 2015 (next presidential elections). NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND JUSTICE The reconciliation process is very complex and fragile. In January 2013 an encouraging political dialogue between government and opposition has finally started, with no concrete results until now. A Dialogue, Truth and Reconciliation Commission (DTRC) has been set up under former Prime Minister and BCEAO governor Charles Konan Banny, charged with highlighting human rights violations committed during the post-election period. The mandate of this Commission is unclear and few activities have been undertaken. The Ivorian justice has launched judicial procedures only against supporters of former president Gbagbo, giving the impression of a "Justice of the winners". The final report of the "National Commission of Inquiry" released on 8 August 2013, denounced crimes committed by both pro-Gbabgo (2/3) and pro-Ouattara forces (1/3) but, until now, no further action has been given to this report. Still no high-rank FRCI are being prosecuted for crimes committed during the post-electoral crisis and human rights violations by them continue as publicly denounced by the UN appointed Independent Expert on Human Rights and by international and national NGOs. The International Criminal Court (ICC), invited by President Ouattara, has launched an investigation into crimes committed during the post-electoral crisis and an arrest warrant against Laurent Gbagbo, who has been transferred to The Hague in November 2011. An arrest warrant has recently been launched against his wife Simone Gbagbo, but the Ivorian government has not decided yet whether hand her over to the ICC or prosecute her in Côte d'Ivoire. 2 SOCIO-ECONOMIC SITUATION Côte d'Ivoire is a middle income country and one of 3 non LDCs in West Africa (the other being Nigeria and Ghana). Its position as largest cocoa producers in the world (almost 40% of world production) has brought much wealth in the past. Two decades of mismanagement and political crises, have, however, deteriorated its economy, far below is potential. Increasing poverty is shown by regressing MDG indictors. The post-electoral crisis further deteriorated the situation. Now the economy is recovering and significant efforts have been made to improve governance through a credible "National Development Plan". But additional efforts are necessary to reduce corruption and parallel "taxation systems" put in place by the ex-rebels. The foreign investment needed to foster growth requires improved security conditions and governance in order to promote a sound investment climate. The country reached end of June the completion point for the HIPC, resulting in cancellation of its debt by the Paris Club. INTERNATIONAL DIPLOMACY President Ouattara has gained a solid international standing and benefits from strong international support. He has been elected President of ECOWAS. He is now a key actor in the resolution of the crisis in Mali and in Guinea Bissau. RELATIONS WITH THE EU Political relations: throughout the crisis that followed the presidential elections of end 2010, the EU supported Ouattara as legitimate President through diplomatic action and targeted sanctions. Through several Council decisions, the EU adopted restrictive measures against 11 legal entities and 121 individuals supporting the illegitimate regime of ex-president Gbagbo and considered as threats to peace and reconciliation. Progressively the EU lifted restrictions against all legal entities and individuals, with the exception of the 8 who are still under UN sanctions + 7 who are still considered as a threat. Development Cooperation: The National Indicative Programme under 10th EDF (2008- 2013) amounts to €218 million. Its concentration sectors are "Peace consolidation/good governance" and "Social cohesion-rehabilitation". Other instruments mobilised are the Instrument for Stability, EIDHR, Water and Electricity facilities, Banana and Sugar protocols. ECHO has committed €99 M€ for humanitarian needs since the beginning of the post- electoral crisis. Total EU development cooperation for 2011-2014 (ongoing and already decided) amounts to 550 M€. The focal sectors identified at this stage of the 11th EDF programming (2014-2020) are: a) State building & peace consolidation, b) Agriculture & Food security and c) Energy. Commercial relations: EU-Côte d'Ivoire trade amounts to €5.2 billion (2012). It represents 0.1% of EU exports and 0.2% of its imports, but 50% of Côte d'Ivoire's exports and 30% of its imports. Exports to EU amounts to €3.3 billion, of which around 82% agricultural products (of which 70% is cocoa products, 12% rubber products and the rest bananas, fish and coffee) and 15% petroleum products. Imports from EU represent €1.9 million, basically machinery and transport equipment, food, chemicals,
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