ii THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ASSAM, 1932–1947 The fragmentation of Bengal and Assam in 1947 was a crucial moment in India’s socio-political history as a nation state. Both British Indian provinces were divided as much through the actions of the Muslim League as through those of Congress and the British colonial power. Attributing partition largely to Hindu communalists is, therefore, historically inaccu- rate and factually misleading. The Partition of Bengal and Assam, 1932–1947 provides a review of constitutional and party politics as well as of popular attitudes and percep- tions. The primary aim of this book is to unravel the intricate socio- economic and political processes that led up to partition, as Hindus and Muslims competed ferociously for the new power and privileges to be con- ferred on them with independence. As shown in the book, well before they divorced at a political level, Hindus and Muslims had been cleft apart by their socio-economic differences. Partition was probably inevitable. Bidyut Chakrabarty is Professor and Chair of Political Science at the Uni- versity of Delhi, India. THE PARTITION OF BENGAL AND ASSAM, 1932–1947 Contour of freedom Bidyut Chakrabarty First published 2004 by RoutledgeCurzon 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2004. RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group © 2004 Bidyut Chakrabarty All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN 0-203-39111-X Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-67199-6 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-415-32889-6 (Print Edition) DEDICATED TO PABLO, BARBIE AND TUTUN FOR THEIR CRITICAL APPRECIATION OF MY CREATIVITY CONTENTS List of tables viii Acknowledgements ix Abbreviations x Introduction 1 1 The Hindu–Muslim differences: the socio-economic and cultural dimensions 36 2 Divide and rule: the Communal Award and its implications in Bengal 55 3 Politics of accommodation and confrontation: the second partition of Bengal 85 4 An alternative to partition: the united Bengal scheme 132 5 Redefining borders: the Boundary Commission and the partition of Bengal 154 6 Construction and consolidation of identities: the Sylhet referendum and partition 176 7 History of partition or partition of history? The fractured and wounded voice of the people 209 Conclusion 239 Glossary 251 Bibliographical essay 253 Bibliography 262 Index 273 vii TABLES 1.1 Categories of agricultural workers as a percentage of the total agricultural workforce in British Bengal, 1911–31 37 1.2 Percentage of total population and rent-receivers in majority Muslim divisions, 1911 38 1.3 Changes in cultivated areas in the moribund and active delta regions 39 1.4 Collection of rents in some east Bengal districts, 1928–41 40 1.5 The increase in voters between 1920 and 1937 50 2.1 Elected members of the District Boards in Bengal, 1928 58 2.2 Increase in Muslim seats in the Bengal and Punjab legislatures 60 2.3 The Communal Award: distribution of seats 63 2.4 Election results, 1937 78 3.1 Numbers of abducted women, dead and injured in the riots in Tippera and Noakhali 106 3.2 Distribution of the 30 000 Armed Forces 110 4.1 Percentage of Muslims and non-Muslims by district according to the Census of India 1941 148 5.1 Breakdown of population according to the Census of India, 1941 158 5.2 Voting pattern in referendum held on 6–7 July 1947 159 5.3 District of Murshidabad: proportions of Muslims and non-Muslims, 1941 166 5.4 Demographic composition of each police station in the district of Nadia 166 5.5 Subdivisions of Barasat and Bashirhat: proportions of Muslims and non-Muslims, 1941 167 5.6 Demographic composition of police stations in Malda, 1941 167 6.1 Subdivisions of Sylhet 177 6.2 Demographic composition of Sylhet 179 6.3 Labourers from outside Sylhet 180 6.4 Results of the Sylhet Referendum, 6–7 July 1947 188 6.5 Percentage of Hindus voting for remaining in Assam 194 viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I have thought about and written parts of this book over the last couple of years, but put it together in a draft form during my Cambridge sojourn in 2003. Without the support of Dr Gordon Johnson, the President of Wolfson College, Cambridge, it would not have been possible. I am thank- ful to Professor Partha Chatterjee for having supported the project since it was mooted. Despite his teaching and other commitments at Harvard, Sugato was always very helpful during the preparation of this book. My children – Urna and Pablo – always provided emotional resources by shift- ing my attention away when I was stuck while articulating my thoughts. By descending at regular intervals, my best critic made me realise the import- ance of a family ambience in creativity. It would not be improper to record my appreciation for my mother, who managed the children when I was struggling to meet the dateline. I am grateful to Rajinder, who was always available when needed. I remember Bhuwan, who was equally helpful. I appreciate Prakash for his support. My gratitude goes to Ashok and Minu for their help in making my campus life most interesting and memorable. I am indebted to Mamatadi and Piklu for having made my stay in London during the preparation of this book most comfortable and exciting. Some of the ideas in this book were presented in seminars in different parts of the globe. I am thankful to those who helped in streamlining my arguments and thoughts on such a complex subject as the formation of nation in a transitional society. I gratefully acknowledge the support given by the publishers of my articles on related themes in Modern Asian Studies (Cambridge 23, 3, 1998), Indian Economic and Social History Review (Sage 39, 4, 2003) and South Asia (South Asian Studies, Australia 26, 2, 2003). Bidyut Chakrabarty Delhi, India ix ABBREVIATIONS ABP Amrita Bazar Patrika AICC All India Congress Committee BLC Bengal Legislative Council BPC Bengal Provincial Congress BPCC Bengal Provincial Congress Committee CPI Communist Party of India CSASC Centre for South Asian Studies, Cambridge IAR Indian Annual Register IESHR Indian Economic and Social History Review IOR India Office Records IS Indian Struggle JAS Journal of Asian Studies JNP Jawaharlal Nehru Papers JNSW Jawaharlal Nehru Selected Works JPS Journal of Peasant Studies KPP Krishak Praja Party MAS Modern Asian Studies ML Muslim League NAI National Archives of India NMML Nehru Memorial Museum and Library PCC Provincial Congress Committee WBSA West Bengal State Archives x INTRODUCTION The 1947 Great Divide is the most significant signpost in the evolution of South Asia as a socio-political unit.1 After having drawn the boundaries of two independent states, India and Pakistan, the British had finally with- drawn. If there was cause to rejoice at the end of colonialism, the celebra- tions were undoubtedly marred by a tragic partition along religious lines which took an unacceptable toll in human life and suffering. The process of decolonisation was, on the one hand, a clear failure of the nationalist leadership who strove hard to sustain India’s political unity since Pakistan was born on the basis of two-nation theory. On the other hand, for those supporting the demand for a separate Muslim state, colonialism came to an end with a clear positive note. Partition is therefore centrally constitu- tive of nationhood. Not only was India redefined; Pakistan was also articu- lated in socio-political terms in the wake of the struggle, and spearheaded by the Muslim League, linking Muslims irrespective of socio-economic status to form a sovereign Muslim state. Partition is a moment of contest as well. Both the Hindus and Muslims redefined their identities through a process of contestation of vision, contestation of beliefs and contestation of history. The period between 1932 and 1947 sharply shows the mutation in the formation of Hindus and Muslims as communities opposed to each other in the political arena. What was distinctive about this period was the growth of the communities as political units in a permanent adversarial relationship. This was further consolidated following the introduction of the communal electorate in the 1937 provincial elections. With the accep- tance of the principle of majority, Muslims automatically became the most powerful community in Bengal and Punjab by their sheer demographic strength. In other words, religious identity as a demographic category became probably the single most crucial criterion in determining the distri- bution of governmental power in these Muslim-majority provinces. Yet it would be entirely wrong to gloss over the internal differences among the Muslims that rallied around the campaign for Pakistan as a bloc. So, the questions that need to be asked are how and why did the idea of Pakistan cause such excitement? How could so many disparate groups attain the 1 INTRODUCTION goal of Pakistan? How could a highly stratified community, united only by religious ties, act in unison to fight for Pakistan? What were the factors that bridged the regional, class and sectional chasms to develop overriding interests in a separate Muslim state? In other words, how and why did the two-nation theory strike roots undermining the syncretistic tradition? Answers to these questions may not be easily available, although, drawing upon empirical materials from Bengal and Assam, an attempt will be made here to tackle some of them.