Radiography of Attacks
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Moldova: from Oligarchic Pluralism to Plahotniuc's Hegemony
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 208 | 07.04.2016 www.osw.waw.pl Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony Kamil Całus Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democra- tic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahot- niuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judi- ciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat. Plahotniuc, whose power and position depends directly on his control of the state apparatus and financial flows in Moldova, is not interested in a structural transformation of the country or in implementing any thorough reforms; this includes the Association Agreement with the EU. This means that as his significance grows, the symbolic actions so far taken with the aim of a structural transformation of the country will become even more superficial. -
The Russian Laundromat – a $70 Billion Money-Laundering Scheme Facilitated by Moldovan Political Elites
The Russian Laundromat – a $70 billion money-laundering scheme facilitated by Moldovan political elites Authors: Sergiu Tofilat, Community WatchDog.MD Veaceslav Negruta, Transparency International Moldova Chisinau, June 2019 Abbreviations AML Anti-money laundering NAC National Anticorruption Center NBM National Bank of Moldova OPFML Office for Prevention and Fight against Money Laundering SCM Supreme Council of Magistracy SCS Supreme Council of Security Executive summary In 2014, public opinion worldwide was staggered by revelations of a massive money laundering scheme in Eastern Europe published by the investigative journalists from OCCRP and dubbed the “Russian Laundromat”1. During 2010-2014, billions of US dollars from Russian banks were laundered through Moldovan banks, using illicit court rulings on defaulted fake debts. The laundered funds were further transferred to a group of shell companies having accounts in Western banks. Although law enforcement officers from Moldova pretend to have tracked down $20 billion of suspicious money, publicly available evidence shows that the real amount of laundered funds amounted to as much as $70 billion. Not a single person from the Moldovan banking supervisory or prosecution authorities has been sentenced so far for allowing this to take place on their watch. Moreover, several individuals directly involved were recently promoted to the Constitutional Court. This research summarizes the arguments on how Moldovan supervisory and prosecution authorities, captured by and subordinated to certain political elites, knowingly turned a blind eye on suspicious activities, while the Parliament and the Constitutional Court approved legislative changes to facilitate the money laundering scheme. 1. How the money was moved from Russia to Moldova and onward The laundered Russian money may have come from unsecured bank loans, fictitious acquisitions related to government contracts, misappropriation of funds from the Russian treasury, tax evasion and smuggling. -
Jurnalistii 9.Indd
Jurnaliștii contra corupţ iei9 Chişinău, 2014 CZU 328.185(478)(082)=135.1=161.1 J 93 Pictor: Ion Mîţu Această lucrare este editată cu suportul fi nanciar al Fundaţiei Est-Europene, din mijloacele oferite de Guvernul Suediei şi Ministerul Afacerilor Externe al Danemarcei. Opiniile exprimate în ea aparţin autorilor şi nu refl ectă neapărat poziţia Transparency International – Moldova şi a fi nanţatorilor. Difuzare gratuită Descrierea CIP a Camerei Naţionale a Cărţii Jurnaliştii contra corupţiei: [în Rep. Moldova] / Transparency Intern. Moldova; pictor: Ion Mâţu. – Ch.: Transparency Intern. Moldova, 2014 (Tipogr. “Bons Offi ces” SRL). – ISBN 978-9975-80-108-9 [Partea] a 9-a. – 2014. – 280 p. – Text: lb. rom., rusă. ISBN. 978-9975-80-864-4 800 ex. – 1. Jurnalişti – Corupţie – Republica Moldova – Combatere (rom., rusă). Copyright © Transparency International - Moldova, 2014 Transparency International - Moldova Str. „31 August 1989”, nr. 98, of. 205, Chişinău, Republica Moldova, MD-2004 Tel. (373-22) 203484, e-mail: offi [email protected] www.transparency.md ISBN 978-9975-80-108-9 ISBN 978-9975-80-864-4 Cuprins: Cuvânt înainte .................................................................................................... 6 Copiii satului şi afacerile primarului, Tudor Iaşcenco .................................. 7 Imperiul lui Plahotniuc, Mariana Rață........................................................ 11 Interesele avocatului copilului sau pentru cine lucrează Tamara Plămădeală?, Natalia Porubin ..................................................................... 16 Locuinţe ieftine pentru procurori bogaţi, Olga Ceaglei ..............................21 Localitatea Ghidighici, „afacerea” familiei Begleţ, Lilia Zaharia .............. 25 Сага о недоступе к информации, Руслан Михалевский ........................ 27 Cât l-a costat pe Nichifor luxul de la puşcărie?, Iana Zmeu ....................... 33 Averile şi veniturile ascunse ale procurorului Gherasimenco. „El se temea să nu-l afl e lumea că are casă aşa de mare”, Pavel Păduraru .......... -
Republica Moldova. N-Ar Fi Rău Să Fie Bine
RepUblIca MolDova N-ar fi rău să fie bIne RepUblIca moLdoVa N-ar fi rău să fie bIne O colecție de articole, interviuri, emisiuni podcast realizate în cadrul proiectului Moldova-Romania. A network of stories, derulat între septembrie 2018-iunie 2019 de către Asociația de Investigații Media în Balcani – BIRN Romania. E-bookul rezultat în urma acestui proiect își propune să ofere publicului din Republica Moldova și România informație și analiză de context pe o serie de teme de comun interes, din politică, economie, societate. Nu în ultimul rând, sperăm să ajute la o mai bună înțelegere a realităților de dincolo de Prut de către publicul român. Proiectul Moldova-Romania. A network of stories a fost derulat cu sprijin financiar de la The Black Sea Trust for Regi- onal Cooperation – A project of the German Marshall Fund. Opiniile exprimate în cadrul proiectului nu reflectă neapărat poziția The Black Sea Trust sau a partenerilor săi BotcalA moldoVenească ÎN LOC DE INTRODUCERE entru cine nu știe, să spunem întâi de toate că botcală este cuvântul folosit în Republica Moldova pentru drojdia din care se Pfăcea pâinea ”în vremea buneilor”. După ce fermenta vinul, se culegea spuma iar aceasta se amesta cu făina de porumb, după care se usca. Iar apoi, desigur, se folosea ca plămadă pentru făcut pâine. Am zis să folosim acest cuvânt - unul arhaic și plin de semnificații, fără discuție - pentru a încerca să explicăm cum a ”dospit aluatul” proiectului ce a dus la apariția volumului electronic (e-book) pe care îl aveți în față. Întâi de toate, ar fi vorba de o formă de exasperare. -
Puterea Hibridă Și Actorii
IDIS „Viitorul” reprezintă o instituţie de cercetare, instruire și iniţiativă publică, care Institutul pentru Dezvoltare și Iniţiative Sociale (IDIS) „Viitorul” activează pe o serie de domenii legate de: analiză economică, guvernare, cercetare politică, planificare strategică și management al cunoștinţelor. IDIS activează în calitate de platformă comună care reunește tineri intelectuali, preocupaţi de succesul tranziţiei spre economia de piaţă și societatea deschisă în Republica Moldova. Institutul pentru Dezvoltare și Iniţiative Sociale (IDIS) „Viitorul” este succesorul de drept al Fundaţiei Viitorul, și păstrează în linii mari tradiţiile, obiectivele și principiile de acţiune ale Institutul pentru Dezvoltare şi Iniţiative Sociale (IDIS) „Viitorul” fundaţiei, printre care se numără: formarea de instituţii democratice și dezvoltarea unui spirit de responsabilitate efectivă printre oamenii politici, funcţionari publici și cetăţenii ţării noastre, consolidarea societăţii civile și spiritului critic, promovarea libertăţilor și valorilor unei societăţi deschise, modernizate și pro-europene. RAPORT DE PREVENIRE PUTEREAA CRIZELOR HIBRIDĂ Ianuarie - Aprilie 2011 ȘI ACTORII SĂI Operațiunea „Laundromat”: ANALIZA ACTORILOR ȘI ACȚIUNILOR ÎNTREPRINSE Cornel Ciurea Leonid Litra Operațiunea „Laundromat”: ANALIZAVeaceslav ACTORILOR Berbeca ȘI ACȚIUNILOR ÎNREPRINS E Alexandru Fala 1 1 Veaceslav BERBECA Ion TĂBÂRȚĂ Peer Review: Igor MUNTEANU Institutul pentru Dezvoltare str. Iacob Hâncu 10/1, Chișinău 373 / 22 221844 tel offi[email protected] Monitor de și -
Good Governance Contents
NO. 24 | OCTOBER – DECEMBER 2019 GOOD GOVERNANCE CONTENTS GOOD GOVERNANCE A NEW GOVERNMENT—OTHER PLANS, BUT WITHOUT A New Government—Other Plans, but Without Public Consultations ......................... 1 PUBLIC CONSULTATIONS 2019 POB: Moldovans Dissatisfied with Anticorruption Efforts, On 6 November 2019, the SANDU Government assumed the responsibility for amend- Have the Highest Confidence in the Church .........2 ing the Law on the Prosecution to ensure the election of an independent prosecutor What Result Did the Autumn 2019 general. On 12 November 2019, the MPs from the Party of Socialists of the Republic Local Election Have, after All? ............................... 3 of Moldova (PSRM) and the Democratic Party of Moldova (DPM) passed the censure Parliamentary Committee Suspects Civil Servants of Abuse in the Privatization motion against the Government led by Maia SANDU. The vote of censure resulted in of Air Moldova ........................................................ 3 the dismissal of the SANDU Government. In just two days, on 14 November 2019, Chişinău International Airport—the the Parliament granted a vote of confidence to a new Cabinet of Ministers, led by “Generator” of Criminal Cases with an Unknown Beneficiary ............................................. 4 Ion CHICU. The same day, the Cabinet of Ministers took the oath and released the Program for Government, which covered only the period until the presidential election JUSTICE Republic of Moldova among expected in autumn 2020. the European Countries Where Justice is Done Fastest.......................................... 5 On 6 December 2019, the member organizations of the Moldovan National Platform After a Couple of Attempts, Minister Nagacevschi Gives Up the External Assessment of Judges and of the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum expressed their concern in a public Prosecutors ........................................................... -
Why Is Progress Towards Rule of Law So Challenging? the Cases of Ukraine and Moldova
Why Is Progress Towards Rule of Law So Challenging? The Cases of Ukraine and Moldova Why Is Progress Towards Rule of Law So Challenging? The Cases of Ukraine and Moldova John Lough and Iulian Rusu Why Is Progress Towards Rule of Law So Challenging? ABOUT THE AUTHORS John Lough is an associate fellow of the Russia and Eurasia Programme at Chatham House and is the co-author of several reports of the Chatham House Ukraine Forum, including its inaugural publication (with Iryna Solonenko) Can Ukraine Achieve a Reform Breakthrough? (2016). He is also the author of the Chatham House report The Influence of Systema in Ukraine (forthcoming). Iulian Rusu is deputy executive director of the Institute for European Policies and Reforms in Chisinau where he is responsible for the justice, rule of law and DCFTA sectors as well as the preparation of shadow progress reports on the implementation of the EU-Moldova Association Agreement. The authors are grateful to Oksana Basystyuk who provided valuable assistance with the research for this study. 4 Contents Contents 1. Instead of a preface: Why (read) this study? 6 2. Introduction 9 2.1 What is rule of law? 9 2.2 The west’s loss of allure 9 2.3 Scale of the challenge in Ukraine and Moldova 10 2.4 Serving leaders, not citizens 11 2.5 Entrenched interests thwart real change 11 3. Ukraine 16 3.1 The Yanukovych legacy 16 3.2 After the revolution, brakes on progress 17 3.3 Justice sector reforms 2014–2020 18 3.3.1 Halting start for new anti-corruption bodies 18 3.3.2 Judiciary 19 3.3.3 Prosecution Service 21 3.3.4 Police 22 3.3.5 Security Service (SBU) 23 3.4 Half measures yield predictable results 23 3.5 Lessons learned 24 4. -
Cartea Neagră a Risipei Banilor Publici in Republica Moldova 2019 Cuvânt Înainte
Coordonatori: Petru Macovei Sergiu Boghean Redactor: Viorica Zaharia Autori: Svetlana Cernov Victor Moșneag Anatolie Eșanu Tudor Iașcenco Viorica Zaharia Natalia Cozma Mariana Colun Mariana Raţă Paginarea computerizată: Angela Ivanesi Chișinău 2019 Lucrarea a fost publicată de către Biroul Regional pentru Europa de Sud-Est al Fundaţiei Friedrich Naumann pentru Libertate (Sofia, Bulgaria), cu suportul financiar al Ministerului Afacerilor Externe al Republicii Federale Germane, în cadrul proiectului „Dezvoltarea cooperării cu societatea civilă în ţările Parteneriatului Estic și Rusia”. Fundaţia Friedrich Naumann pentru Libertate, dar și Ministerul Afacerilor Externe al Republicii Federale Germane, nu sunt responsabile pentru conţinutul publicaţiei. Părerile exprimate în această publicaţie sunt exclusiv ale autorilor. Acestea nu reflectă obligatoriu opiniile Fundaţiei Friedrich Naumann pentru Libertate, dar nici ale Ministerului Afacerilor Externe al Republicii Federale Germane. Această publicaţie poate fi reprodusă, stocată sau transmisă sub orice formă sau prin orice mijloace doar cu permisiunea scrisă a editorului. Întrebările referitoare la reproducerea în alte condiţii decât cele prezentate trebuie adresate Fundaţiei Friedrich Naumann pentru Libertate la adresa: [email protected] Cuvânt înainte ....................................................................................................... 4 Milioane de lei delapidate la Criuleni dintr-un proiect transfrontalier .......................................................................................................5 -
Moldova: Small Country – Big Problem! Corruption and a Mono-Garchy
Moldova: Small country – big problem! Corruption and a mono-garchy Petrus C. Van Duyne and Brendan Quirke1 Introduction What is corruption? One of the many answers to this question is: “It is a misuse of public office for private gain” (Svensson, 2005: 19). Though this short definition is widely used, it is imprecise. It intends to cover a too wide range of law breaking, from bribery to embezzlement to fraud, clientelism and secret dealings. We prefer to bring all these modes of conduct under the umbrella of breach of integrity. However, the concept of integrity needs further precision. The online Oxford Dictionary brings us one step further with the following definition of integrity: “The quality of being honest and having strong moral principles.” That leaves us to define the constituting elements of honesty and moral principles. We suggest that these concern truthfulness and behaving according to yardsticks. According to Van Duyne (2001), what is central in the concept is the decision making ac- cording to yardsticks: corruption erodes the integrity of decision making and leads to bending or evading its standards which an honest decision maker should refuse. Van Duyne (2001) formulates it as follows: “Corruption is an improbity or decay in the decision-making process in which a decision-maker (in a private corporation or in a public service) consents or demands to deviate from the criterion, which should rule his decision making, in exchange for a reward, the promise or expecta- tion of it”. We will use the concepts of corruption and integrity breaches interchange- ably, but always within the framework of the integrity of decision making. -
Freedom House, Its Academic Advisers, and the Author(S) of This Report
Moldova By Victor Gotișan Capital: Chisinau Population: 3.5 Million GNI/capita, PPP: $5,670 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 National Democratic 5.75 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 Governance Electoral Process 4.00 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Civil Society 3.75 3.50 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Independent Media 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 Local Democratic 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 Governance Judicial Framework 4.50 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.75 4.75 4.75 5.00 5.00 and Independence Corruption 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 Democracy Score 5.07 5.14 4.96 4.89 4.82 4.86 4.86 4.89 4.93 4.93 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. If consensus cannot be reached, Freedom House is responsible for the final ratings. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Promoting Government Accountability in Moldova
Promoting Government Accountability in Moldova A project supported by the National Endowment for Democracy and implemented by Business News Service /Mold-Street.com during 1 May 2017 - 31 May 2018 The version in English 1 Project coordinator: Eugeniu Rîbca All rights reserved Mold-Street.com © 2 Instead of Pay Raise, Government Prepares Pay Optimization in Public Area Public sector employees – especially in the education area – continue to nourish hopes for a perceptible pay raise. This expectation however is unlikely this year, because the salary bill for teachers and lecturers is al- ready too expensive, the Government says. Earlier protests with education employees forced the Govern- ment to pass a number of decisions regarding the remuneration improvements. One of decisions envisages a salary increase for education staff in public institutions and for other employees based on the Common Tar- iff Network. Pay raise promises Starting May 1, 2017, the public education staff in Moldova will receive a monthly raise of 100 lei (5$) and from September they will get a 10% raise, the Labor and Social Protection Ministry announced. At the same time, current legislation and the 2016 economic performance would allow to raise teachers’ salaries by 5.3% while the Government would be looking for additional funding during the amendment of the 2017 budget. On the other hand, the Government admits in the Additional Memorandum on Economic and Financial Poli- cies with the IMF that it is short of resources to increases the public spending, including salaries. Salary expenses are “too large” "On the expense side the salary expenses in the public sector exceed the targets that have been established in the Memorandum with the International Monetary Fund which was signed on October 24, 2016," the execu- tive said in a press release. -
17-05-2018-Report-Update-Moldova
www.odfoundation.eu The Open Dialog Foundation was established in Poland in 2009 on the initiative of Lyudmyla Kozlovska (who is currently the President of the Foundation). The statutory objectives of the Foundation include the protection of human rights, demoCraCy and the rule of law in the post-Soviet area. The Foundation foCuses its attention on countries in the region in particular, such as: Kazakhstan, Russia, Ukraine and Moldova. The Foundation pursues its goals through the organisation of observation missions, inCluding eleCtion observation and monitoring of the human rights situation in the post-Soviet area. Based on these aCtivities, the Foundation creates its reports and distributes them among the institutions of the EU, the OSCE and other international organisations, foreign ministries and parliaments of EU Countries, analytiCal Centres and media. In addition to observational and analytiCal aCtivities, the Foundation is aCtively engaged in Cooperation with members of parliaments involved in foreign affairs, human rights and relationships with the post-Soviet Countries, in order to support the proCess of demoCratisation and liberalisation of their internal policies. Other significant areas of the Foundation's activities inClude support for programmes for politiCal prisoners and refugees. The Foundation has its permanent representative offiCes in Warsaw, Kyiv and Brussels. Copyright: Open Dialog Foundation, May 2018. 00-580 Warsaw Aleja SzuCha 11а, offiCe 21 Tel. +48 22 307 11 22 E-mail: [email protected] en.odfoundation.eu