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Report 1, Ijc, May 1-14, 2015
Media Monitoring during the Campaign for Local General Elections on 14 June 2015 Report no.1 1–14 May 2015 This report has been produced by the Independent Journalism Center with support of the East Europe Foundation from resources provided by the Government of Sweden through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. The opinions herein are those of authors and may not reflect the opinions of the East Europe Foundation, the Government of Sweden, Sida or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. 1. General information 1.1 Project goal: To monitoring and to provide information to the public about mass media behavior during the election campaign, including candidates’ access to mass media and pluralism of opinions presented. The monitoring aims to analyze reporting trends that might affect mass media performance and compromise their ability to provide correct, unbiased, and pluralistic information to the public. 1.2 Monitoring period: 1 May–14 June 2015 1.3 Criteria for selecting media outlets to monitor: • Audience-impact: national, quasi-national • Type of mass media: broadcasting, online • Ownership: public, private • Language: Romanian, Russian 1.4 List of mass media outlets monitored: Broadcasting media Moldova 1 “Mesager (Messenger)” newscast at 21:00: public television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Prime TV “Primele Ştiri (First news)” newscast at 21:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Canal 2 “Reporter” newscast at 19:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian TV 7 “Ştiri (News)” newscast at 20:30: private television station, regional coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Accent TV “Accent info” newscast at 20:00: private television station, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian. -
Moldova: from Oligarchic Pluralism to Plahotniuc's Hegemony
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 208 | 07.04.2016 www.osw.waw.pl Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony Kamil Całus Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democra- tic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahot- niuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judi- ciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat. Plahotniuc, whose power and position depends directly on his control of the state apparatus and financial flows in Moldova, is not interested in a structural transformation of the country or in implementing any thorough reforms; this includes the Association Agreement with the EU. This means that as his significance grows, the symbolic actions so far taken with the aim of a structural transformation of the country will become even more superficial. -
The Russian Laundromat – a $70 Billion Money-Laundering Scheme Facilitated by Moldovan Political Elites
The Russian Laundromat – a $70 billion money-laundering scheme facilitated by Moldovan political elites Authors: Sergiu Tofilat, Community WatchDog.MD Veaceslav Negruta, Transparency International Moldova Chisinau, June 2019 Abbreviations AML Anti-money laundering NAC National Anticorruption Center NBM National Bank of Moldova OPFML Office for Prevention and Fight against Money Laundering SCM Supreme Council of Magistracy SCS Supreme Council of Security Executive summary In 2014, public opinion worldwide was staggered by revelations of a massive money laundering scheme in Eastern Europe published by the investigative journalists from OCCRP and dubbed the “Russian Laundromat”1. During 2010-2014, billions of US dollars from Russian banks were laundered through Moldovan banks, using illicit court rulings on defaulted fake debts. The laundered funds were further transferred to a group of shell companies having accounts in Western banks. Although law enforcement officers from Moldova pretend to have tracked down $20 billion of suspicious money, publicly available evidence shows that the real amount of laundered funds amounted to as much as $70 billion. Not a single person from the Moldovan banking supervisory or prosecution authorities has been sentenced so far for allowing this to take place on their watch. Moreover, several individuals directly involved were recently promoted to the Constitutional Court. This research summarizes the arguments on how Moldovan supervisory and prosecution authorities, captured by and subordinated to certain political elites, knowingly turned a blind eye on suspicious activities, while the Parliament and the Constitutional Court approved legislative changes to facilitate the money laundering scheme. 1. How the money was moved from Russia to Moldova and onward The laundered Russian money may have come from unsecured bank loans, fictitious acquisitions related to government contracts, misappropriation of funds from the Russian treasury, tax evasion and smuggling. -
Rspounsul Mass Media
Monitoring media in the post-election period: TV coverage of the protests of 6–7 April 2009 in the Republic of Moldova 6–10 April 2009 This study is funded by the Eurasia Foundation through the Swedish Agency for Development and International Cooperation (Sida/Asdi) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The opinions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the donors. This study is made possible by the support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of the Independent Journalism Center and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. Introduction Information and communication are crucial when reporting on political processes or for building public opinion and guiding society towards democracy. The role of media is to inform society about major events so that people can make rational decisions. This role is crucial during conflicts as media can then be a major contributor to solving them. First and foremost among the dangers to media during conflicts is losing neutrality and reporting in an unbalanced, biased manner. Another danger is to sensationalize coverage instead of presenting reality.1 Media outlets can also report on conflicts by saying virtually nothing about their substance or the positions of the initiators of events. By presenting reports without substance and by focusing on unsubstantiated details, media outlets can neutralize the truth, amplify a conflict and be used by politicians to achieve certain objectives, including disinformation and manipulation. -
ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
1 DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova De
DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova de legislatura a XIX-a SESIUNEA a VII-a ORDINARĂ – NOIEMBRIE 2013 Ședința din ziua de 22 noiembrie 2013 (STENOGRAMA) SUMAR 1. Declararea ședinței ca fiind deliberativă. (Onorarea Drapelului de Stat al Republicii Moldova.) 2. Dezbateri asupra ordinii de zi și aprobarea ei. 3. Dezbaterea și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.299 din 3 iulie 2013 pentru modificarea și completarea Legii nr.297-XIV din 24 februarie 1999 cu privire la adaptarea socială a persoanelor eliberate din locurile de detenție (art.1, 4, 11 ș.a.). 4. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului de Lege nr.437 din 5 noiembrie 2013 pentru modificarea și completarea Codului contravențional al Republicii Moldova nr.218-XVI din 24 octombrie 2008 (art.2911, 2912, 2933 ș.a.). 5. Dezbaterea, aprobarea în primă lectură și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.464 din 19 noiembrie 2013 pentru modificarea anexei nr.2 la Legea bugetului de stat pe anul 2013 nr.249 din 2 noiembrie 2013. 6. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului de Lege nr.259 din 14 iunie 2013 privind fondurile de pensii facultative. 7. Prezentarea și dezbaterea Raportului asupra administrării și întrebuințării resurselor financiare publice și a patrimoniului public pe anul 2012. Proiectul nr.2305 din 9 octombrie 2013. (Raportor – Serafim Urechean, președintele Curții de Conturi.) S-a propus întreruperea dezbaterilor și s-a votat cu majoritatea voturilor. 8. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului de Lege nr.1239 din 7 iunie 2012 pentru modificarea și completarea Legii nr.139 din 2 iulie 2010 privind dreptul de autor și drepturile conexe 9. -
E-Journal, Year IX, Issue 176, October 1-31, 2011
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Policy Documentation Center Governance and democracy in Moldova e-journal, year IX, issue 176, October 1-31, 2011 "Governance and Democracy in Moldova" is a bi-weekly journal produced by the Association for Participatory Democracy ADEPT, which tackles the quality of governance and reflects the evolution of political and democratic processes in the Republic of Moldova. The publication is issued with financial support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, in framework of the project "Promoting Good Governance through Monitoring". Opinions expressed in the published articles do not necessarily represent also the point of view of the sponsor. The responsibility for the veracity of statements rests solely with the articles' authors. CONTENTS I. ACTIVITY OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS........................................................................................................ 3 GOVERNMENT ................................................................................................................................................ 3 1. Events of major importance ...................................................................................................................... 3 Premier’s report regarding assaults on share stocks of some banks ........................................................ 3 2. Nominations. Dismissals .......................................................................................................................... -
Gatekeeping in Action: Moldova's Parliament Attempts to Recapture
www.transatlantic.org Gatekeeping in Action: Moldova’s Parliament Attempts to Recapture its Government from Oligarchy By Max Levites, Fellow, Next Generation of Transatlantic Leaders In their book How Democracies Die, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt note that the responsibility of keeping authoritarians out of power falls on political parties and party leaders, “democracy’s gatekeepers.” They write that “whenever extremists emerge as serious electoral contenders, mainstream parties must forge a united front to defeat them.” Unfortunately, extreme polarization has prevented such bold unions from forming in many of the West’s governments, leading to the electoral and political success of right-wing and authoritarian parties. However, in Moldova, two parties with significant ideological differences have formed a coalition to keep power out of the hands of one of the country’s most powerful oligarchs, setting off a constitutional crisis that could lead to, as one journalist stated, “the world’s first democratic overthrow of a ‘captured state’.” Moldova’s parliamentary elections in February resulted in a hung legislature with no party in the majority, leaving the parliament in deadlock until a surprise announcement on June 8th that the pro-Russian Socialist party of the country’s president, Igor Dodon, had struck a deal with an alliance of liberal pro-EU parties known as ACUM. A coalition was formed on the basis of keeping the Democratic Party, led by the country’s richest man, Vladimir Plahotniuc, from power and to rid the country of oligarchy. Maia Sandu, a former education minister and World Bank advisor, was chosen as the new Prime Minister, promising sweeping reforms and closer relations with the EU. -
Studia Politica 1 2016
www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties. -
Alexandru Cimbriciuc, Ion Butmalai, Vadim Vacarciuc, Vadim Cojocaru, Valeriu Guma, Oleg Ţulea, Ceea Ce Corespunde Art
¡ ¢ £ ¤ ¥ ¦ ¢ § ¨ © ¢ § ¦ ¢ § £ © ¢ § ¦ § ¢ £ © ¤ ¤ ¥ £ © ¢ § ¢ £ © ¤ ¥ ¨ © ¡ § ¦ ¤ ¡ ¥ ¦ © © © ¡ ¢ £ ¡ ¤ ¤ ¡ ¥ ¦ © ¦ § ¦ § ! " # " este un grup de deputaţi în Parlament, autor nemijlocit - Alexandru Cimbriciuc, Ion Butmalai, Vadim Vacarciuc, Vadim Cojocaru, Valeriu Guma, Oleg Ţulea, ceea ce corespunde art. 73 din Constituţie şi art. 47(44) din Regulamentul Parlamentului. propus este lege organică, ceea ce corespunde art. 72 din Constituţie şi art.art. 6-11, 35 din Legea privind actele legislative, nr. 780-XV din 27 decembrie 2001. Proiectul este elaborat în scopul definirii clare a competenţelor, drepturilor şi sarcinilor persoanelor care desfăşoară activitate de detectiv şi pază. Considerăm că argumentele invocate de autori în nota informativă justifică necesitatea promovării proiectului. Autorul a specificat condiţiile care au determinat elaborarea acestuia, principalele prevederi şi locul actului în sistemul legislaţiei în vigoare. Elaborarea proiectului este binevenită şi necesară, însă din nota informativă nu poate fi dedusă necesitatea şi oportunitatea stabilirii exprese, în calitate de condiţie pentru obţinerea licenţei şi desfăşurării activităţii particulare de detectiv, a lipsei sancţiunii repetate , în decursul unui an calendaristic, pentru contravenţii ce atentează la ordinea şi securitatea publică. De asemenea, este lipsit de claritate de ce doar pentru acest tip de contravenţii persoanelor care doresc să desfăşoare o activitate particulară de detectiv li se interzice să obţină licenţa în domeniu, precum este neclară şi retragerea licenţei pentru detectivii care au comis asemenea fapte repetat în decursul unui an calendaristic. Suplimentar, prin specificarea tipului contravenţiilor pentru comiterea repetată a cărora va fi retrasă licenţa pentru activitatea particulară de detectiv, autorii lasă loc liber pentru interpretări în ceea ce priveşte acordarea sau retragerea licenţei de detectiv pentru comiterea altor tipuri de contravenţii, indiferent de numărul acestora pe parcursul unui an calendaristic. -
1 DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova De
DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova de legislatura a XIX-a SESIUNEA a VII-a ORDINARĂ – SEPTEMBRIE 2013 Ședința din ziua de 26 septembrie 2013 (STENOGRAMA) SUMAR 1. Declararea deschiderii sesiunii de toamnă și a ședinței plenare. Intonarea Imnului de Stat al Republicii Moldova. (Intonarea Imnului de Stat al Republicii Moldova și onorarea Drapelului de Stat al Republicii Moldova.) 2. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Comuniștilor din Republica Moldova – domnul Vladimir Voronin. 3. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Liberal Democrat din Moldova – domnul Valeriu Streleț. 4. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Democrat din Moldova – domnul Dumitru Diacov. 5. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Liberal – domnul Ion Hadârcă. 6. Dezbateri asupra ordinii de zi și aprobarea ei. 7. Dezbaterea, aprobarea în primă lectură și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.341 din 15 iulie 2013 pentru ratificarea Convenției Consiliului Europei privind accesul la documentele oficiale. 8. Dezbaterea, aprobarea în primă lectură și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.343 din 26 iulie 2013 pentru ratificarea Acordului cu privire la colaborarea în domeniul pregătirii specialiștilor subdiviziunilor antiteroriste în instituțiile de învățămînt ale organelor competente ale statelor membre ale Comunității Statelor Independente. 9. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului Codului transporturilor rutiere. Proiectul nr.267 din 14 iunie 2013. 10. Dezbaterea proiectului de Lege nr.352 din 2 septembrie 2013 cu privire la locuințe. În urma dezbaterilor, s-a luat decizia de a transfera proiectul pînă la pregătirea raportului comisiei. -
Moldovan Governance and Accountability
MOLDOVAN GOVERNANCE AND ACCOUNTABILITY Testimony for a Hearing of the U.S. Commission for Security and Cooperation in Europe March 10, 2020 William H. Hill Global Fellow Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars I wish to thank the Helsinki Commission, in particular Chairman Hastings and Co-Chairman Wicker, for this opportunity to address important developments and ongoing issues in the Republic of Moldova. Events over the past year in Moldova have once again raised hopes that this country was finally shaking off the persistent ills of its post-Soviet history and embarking on a clear path of reform and movement toward fuller rule of law and economic prosperity. Unfortunately, similar to what happened a decade ago, hopeful movement toward real reform has strayed into a familiar pattern of cronyism, political reprisals, and geopolitical posturing. There is a growing, real fear that Moldova has lost its opportunity and movement toward constructive change, and lapsed back into a familiar pattern of continued corruption, impoverishment, and depopulation. Moldova is not a large, powerful, or obviously influential country, but it is important for Europe and the United States in a number of ways. The weakness of Moldova’s institutions and the country’s enduring poverty hamper the capacity of the broader international community to address regional security issues, such as smuggling, trafficking, migration, organized crime, and public health. Institutional weakness, social discord, and poverty on the right bank of the Nistru River contribute to the continuing failure to resolve the Transdniestrian conflict. As a result, the continuing existence of the unrecognized separatist entity on the left bank benefits corrupt elites, not only in the separatist entity, but throughout Moldova, other countries in the region, and around the globe.