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Mauritania Legislative and Municipal Elections, 19
DELEGATION OF OBSERVERS MUNICIPAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN MAURITANIA (19 November 2006) Report by Alain Hutchinson, Head of Delegation Annexes: I. Programme II. Joint press release III Preliminary statement by the EU Election Observation Mission 17 January 2007 PR\649046EN.doc PE 373.825 EN EN On 28 September 2006 the European Parliament’s Conference of Presidents decided on the basis of a recommendation by the election coordination group to send a delegation to Mauritania for the municipal and parliamentary elections on 19 and 26 November 2006. Parliament’s political groups followed their internal rules in appointing the following Members for the first round of elections: · Alain Hutchinson (PSE, Belgium) · Milan Horáček (Verts, Germany) · Ryszard Czarnecki (Europe des Nations, Poland) After some hesitation, the second round of elections was set for 3 December. The political groups had not appointed enough Members to send a delegation for the second round. The delegation met for the first time on 18 October 2006 in Brussels and appointed Alain Hutchinson as its head. It discussed the mission programme and had a meeting with a Commission representative and the Mauritanian ambassador in Brussels. The delegation visited Mauritania from 16 to 22 November 2006. It worked closely with the EU Election Observation Mission (EOM), particularly the Chief of Mission, Marie Anne Isler Béguin. The delegation met Mrs Isler Béguin on several occasions and her suggestions were duly incorporated into the preliminary statement. At the press conference after the first round of elections, the Head of Delegation published a joint press release with the EOM (Annex II). -
General Assembly Security Council Seventy-First Session Seventy-First Year Items 15, 17, 34, 60, 109 and 127 of the Provisional Agenda*
United Nations A/71/366–S/2016/723 General Assembly Distr.: General 23 August 2016 Security Council Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventy-first session Seventy-first year Items 15, 17, 34, 60, 109 and 127 of the provisional agenda* The role of the United Nations in promoting a new global human order Macroeconomic policy questions The situation in the Middle East Permanent sovereignty of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and of the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan over their natural resources Measures to eliminate international terrorism Cooperation between the United Nations and regional and other organizations Letter dated 19 August 2016 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Mauritania to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General I have the honour to forward to you a letter dated 14 August 2016 from the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, to which are attached the resolutions issued by the Arab League Council at its 27th ordinary session, held at the summit level in Nouakchott on 25 July 2016 (see annex). I should be grateful if the present letter and its annex could be circulated as a document of the seventy-first session of the General Assembly, under items 15, 17, 34, 60, 109 and 127 of the provisional agenda, and of the Security Council. (Signed) El Hacen Eleyatt Chargé d’affaires a.i. Chairman of the 27th ordinary session of the Arab League Council held at the summit level in Mauritania on 25 July 2016 * A/71/150. -
Political Parties in the Middle East the Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ΩϭοϭϣϟϤϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : ΈηϧϟΦϳέύη
The Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ Political Parties in the Middle East The Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ΔϣΩϘΗϣϟΕΎγέΩϟϭΙΎΣΑϸϟϝΑϘΗγϣϟίϛέϣ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ Political parties and coalitions, often referred to as the ³establishment´parties or the parties sponsored by the regime and the president, face in the coming months escalating crises impacting their performance, their alliances, and their survival. These crises are evident in the current state of the dominant parties in the Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Mauritania, Djibouti, Syria, Iraq, and Turkey. These parties suffer from a legacy of repeated failure in attaining domestic achievements, the escalation of conflicts involving party leadership, and the formation of fluid institutional party alliances. In addition, there is increasing intersection between executive functions and party roles, conflicts on the fringes of party coalitions, the absence of ideological harmony between these ruling coalitions, and the purging of the party structure from dissenting elements. Furthermore, there are doubts being cast on the legitimacy of their social representation, as well as the incompetence of party leadership in confronting major crises and their alliances with armed militias. Mainstream literature on ruling parties and coalitions in the region seeks to explain their failure to carry out their political functions to the detriment of internal stability through the following factors:The Legacy of the Past:1- Repeated failures to attain domestic achievements: These failures are epitomized by the experience of Egyptian political parties. The regime¶s parties have failed over six decades, beginning with the July 23rd Revolution of 1952 until the June 30th Revolution of 2013, to attain domestic success. -
Regime Change in North Africa and Implications
Journal of Language, Technology & Entrepreneurship in Africa Vol. 4 No. 1 2013 Regime Change in North Africa: Possible Implications for 21st Century Governance in Africa Frank K. Matanga [email protected] Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kenya. Mumo Nzau [email protected] Catholic University of Eastern Africa (CUEA), Kenya. Abstract For most of 2011, several North African countries experienced sweeping changes in their political structures. During this period, North Africa drew world attention to itself in a profound way. Popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt forced long serving and clout wielding Presidents out of power. Most interestingly, these mass protests seemed to have a domino-effect not only in North Africa but also throughout the Middle East; thereby earning themselves the famous tag- “Arab Spring”. These events in North Africa have since become the subject of debate and investigation in academic, social media and political and/or political circles. At the centre of these debates is the question of “Implications of the Arab Spring on Governance in Africa in the 21st Century”. This Article raises pertinent questions. It revisits the social and economic causes of these regime changes in North Africa; the role of ICT and its social media networks and; the future of repressive regimes on the continent. Central to this discussion is the question: are these regime changes cosmetic? Is this wind of change transforming Africa in form but not necessarily in content? In this light the following discussion makes a critical analysis of the implications of these changes on 21st century governance in Africa. -
Political Parties in the Middle East the Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ΩϭοϭϣϟϤϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : ΈηϧϟΦϳέύη
The Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ Political Parties in the Middle East The Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ΔϣΩϘΗϣϟΕΎγέΩϟϭΙΎΣΑϸϟϝΑϘΗγϣϟίϛέϣ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ Political parties and coalitions, often referred to as the ³establishment´parties or the parties sponsored by the regime and the president, face in the coming months escalating crises impacting their performance, their alliances, and their survival. These crises are evident in the current state of the dominant parties in the Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Mauritania, Djibouti, Syria, Iraq, and Turkey. These parties suffer from a legacy of repeated failure in attaining domestic achievements, the escalation of conflicts involving party leadership, and the formation of fluid institutional party alliances. In addition, there is increasing intersection between executive functions and party roles, conflicts on the fringes of party coalitions, the absence of ideological harmony between these ruling coalitions, and the purging of the party structure from dissenting elements. Furthermore, there are doubts being cast on the legitimacy of their social representation, as well as the incompetence of party leadership in confronting major crises and their alliances with armed militias. Mainstream literature on ruling parties and coalitions in the region seeks to explain their failure to carry out their political functions to the detriment of internal stability through the following factors:The Legacy of the Past:1- Repeated failures to attain domestic achievements: These failures are epitomized by the experience of Egyptian political parties. The regime¶s parties have failed over six decades, beginning with the July 23rd Revolution of 1952 until the June 30th Revolution of 2013, to attain domestic success. -
Africa Update Leading the News
ML Strategies Update David Leiter, [email protected] Georgette Spanjich, [email protected] Katherine Fox, [email protected] ML Strategies, LLC Sarah Mamula, [email protected] 701 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Washington, DC 20004 USA 202 296 3622 202 434 7400 fax FOLLOW US ON TWITTER: @MLStrategies www.mlstrategies.com DECEMBER 4, 2014 Africa Update Leading the News West Africa Ebola Outbreak On November 25th, the United Nations (U.N.) World Health Organization (WHO) announced that Ebola response targets set for December 1st would not be met in some areas. However, the WHO reported the identification of patient contacts for daily monitoring has reached 99 percent. The WHO’s update on the Ebola situation in West Africa was provided here. On November 25th, U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) described the classes offered by the Department of Defense (DOD) Ebola Treatment Training Team. The classes, which are held at the National Police Training Academy (NPTA) in Monrovia, Liberia, as well as mobile classes that go out to more remote locations, are intended to help train health care workers in caring for Ebola patients. More information was shared here. On November 25th, the U.S. Defense Logistics Agency (DLA) announced it will send more than 1.5 million medical personal protective sets to American aid workers working to contain the Ebola virus in West Africa. Items procured by DLA include medical clothing and textiles and construction equipment that will be used to help protect U.S. service members and other NGO personnel working in the region. Nearly 50,000 protective suits have already been provided. -
The Arab Spring's Contagion
The Arab Spring’s Contagion: The Fight against Slavery in Mauritania between Military Coups and the Protests of the Youth Movement Giuseppe Maimone Ph.D. Student in History, Institutions and International Relations of Modern and Contemporary Africa – University of Cagliari IT BRISMES – BRItish Society for Middle Eastern Studies GRADUATE CONFERENCE 2012 Change and Continuity in the Arab World Abstract - In 1981, military regime formally abolished slavery in Mauritania and some El-Hor leaders – who fought against slavery since 1974 – obtained marginal ministries. In reality, the government did not set up any measures to fight slavery and the Haratines – slaves, former slaves and their descendants – continued to be trapped in slavery. The 1980s saw the birth of another movement, which gave emphasis to the ‘Africanity’ of the Haratines. FLAM (African Liberation Forces of Mauritania) was immediately opposed by the regime, declared illegal and forced into exile in Senegal. The Arabs continued to deny the persistence of slavery, then an El-Hor leader abandoned the movement in 1995 to create SOS-Esclaves, to help people still in bondage. In 2007, the first democratic President of Mauritania enacted laws against the persistence of slavery. The following year, a new military coup brought the fight against slavery to silence. Inspired by democratic developments in the Arab world, to which the Mauritanian elite referred since independence, in 2011 young students took to the street asking for democracy and the fight against slavery had once more become a tool to oppose entrenched powers. The paper uses archival sources, associations' documents and oral interviews to study this subject. -
Background to the Study
Statelessness and the Democratic Transition in Mauritania The Situation of Mauritanian Expellees in Context April 2007 Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa Open Society Justice Initiative 1 1. Executive Summary This is a key moment for Mauritania to break with its long-held policies of disrespect for human rights. In April 1989, approximately 75,000 black Mauritanians1 were stripped of their proof of citizenship and forcibly expelled to Senegal and Mali. These expulsions took place in the context of wider ethnic unrest and human rights violations in Mauritania, including extrajudicial executions, torture, and systematic ethnic discrimination. Over the last 18 years, some of these expellees have returned to Mauritania; some have been resettled, and some remain in ‘camps’2 in Senegal and Mali in a state of poverty and marginalization. In 2000, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (hereinafter referred as ACHPR) found that the expellees had been arbitrarily deprived of their nationality and were entitled to return to Mauritania, receive valid proof of their citizenship and compensation for their lost land and goods. However, this decision has never been implemented: the government of Mohammed Ould Taya, which perpetrated the expulsions, remained in power until August of 2005, and maintained that the Commission’s decision had no validity. In August 2005, Ould Taya was overthrown in a coup d’etat. Since then, Mauritania has adopted a new constitution and held parliamentary, municipal and presidential elections. The final round of the presidential elections was held on 25 March 2007 and were accepted by the international community as free and fair. -
Executive Summary Historically, Mauritania Has Been Relatively Open
Executive Summary Historically, Mauritania has been relatively open to foreign direct investment, especially in the fishing, mining, and hydrocarbon sectors. In June 2012, to encourage further investment, the government updated provisions in the Investment Code to enhance the security of investments and facilitate administrative procedures. The Code provides for free repatriation of foreign capital and wages for foreign employees. The Civil and Commercial Codes protect contracts, although court enforcement and dispute settlement can be difficult. The judicial system remains weak, unpredictable, and inefficient in its application of the law. Judges lack training and experience in commercial and financial law and are prone to accept bribes to influence their decisions. The tax system is opaque. Tax rates on businesses begin at 25 percent on profits and two percent on revenue; moreover, procedures required to pay taxes lack transparency and are time- consuming. Recent efforts to combat corruption have resulted in businesses facing extraordinary tax bills that they previously could have avoided through bribes paid to tax inspectors and assessors. Labor laws and conditions of employment are complex, with numerous limitations on hiring, duration of work, and dismissals. Likewise, potentially costly environmental, health, and safety laws and policies exist but are rarely enforced. The country’s political framework remains stable but suffers from a history of coups d’état. There have been two non-democratic transfers of power in Mauritania since 2005. Both were bloodless and non-violent. The most recent coup, which occurred on August 6, 2008, deposed Mauritania’s first democratically elected president, Sidi Mohamed Ould Cheikh Abdallahi. For the first time in Mauritania’s history, there was political opposition to a coup, so the new president, Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, agreed to an official dialogue with the opposition. -
North Africa Issue 1, 2015
ISSUE 1, 2015 NORTH AFRICA The Thinker ACCORD is Ranked among Top Think Tanks in the World For the fi fth consecutive year, ACCORD has been recognised by the Global Go To Think Tank Index as one of the top-100 think tanks in the world. The 2014 Global Go To Think Tank Report was produced by the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP) at the University of Pennsylvania, USA. ACCORD is proud to have been ranked out of over 6 600 think tanks globally, of which 467 are based in sub-Saharan Africa, in the following sub-categories: • 32nd in the category ‘Top Think Tanks Worldwide (Non-US)’ (p. 62) and is the highest ranked African institution in this category • 63rd in the category 'Top Think Tanks Worldwide (US and Non-US) (p. 66) • 6th in the category 'Top Think Tanks in Sub-Saharan Africa' (p. 69) • 23rd in the category 'Best Managed Think Tanks' (p. 118) • 31st in the category 'Best Use of Social Networks' (p. 134). Global Distribution of Think Tanks by Region The 2014 GlobalThe 2014 Think Go Report Tank To 27.53% These rankings pay testament to ACCORD’s Knowledge Production, Interventions and Training 30.05% departments, which strive to produce both 16.71% experientially-based and academically rigorous knowledge, derived from our 23 years in the 7.87% confl ict resolution fi eld, relevant to practitioners, governments, civil society and organisations 10.18% within Africa and throughout the world. 7.06% Now in its eighth year, the Global Go To Think 0.59% Tank Index has become an authoritative resource for individuals and institutions worldwide. -
GPPS III Evaluation Report FINAL 07 June 2011 %282%29.Pdf
Global Programme for Parliamentary Strengthening III Evaluation Report Prepared by: Tim Baker May 2011 The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of UNDP or its implementing partners Contents Executive summary .................................................................................1 Introduction ...................................................................................... 8 Section One: Country reports ...................................................... 12 1. Algeria ........................................................................ 15 2. Lebanon ...................................................................... 25 3. Mauritania ................................................................... 32 4. Niger ........................................................................... 41 Section Two: Regional Activities ................................................... 49 5. Arab States Region: PDIAR and BCPR ..................... 51 6. West Africa ................................................................. 60 Section Three: Global Activities .................................................... 63 Section Four: General GPPS III Programme, Administration, Operational Issues & Overall Recommendations ....................... 73 Appendix One: Evaluation Considerations & Constraints ........ 84 Appendix Two: Terms of Reference for the Evaluation ............. 87 Appendix Three: Evaluation Matrix & Questions ...................... 95 Appendix Four: Evaluation -
Mauritania's Campaign of Terror: State-Sponsored Repression of Black Africans
MAURITANIA'S CAMPAIGN OF TERROR State-Sponsored Repression of Black Africans Human Rights Watch/Africa (formerly Africa Watch) Human Rights Watch New York $ Washington $ Los Angeles $ London Copyright 8 April 1994 by Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 94-75822 ISBN: 1-56432-133-9 Human Rights Watch/Africa (formerly Africa Watch) Human Rights Watch/Africa is a non-governmental organization established in 1988 to monitor promote the observance of internationally recognized human rights in Africa. Abdullahi An- Na'im is the director; Janet Fleischman is the Washington representative; Karen Sorensen, Alex Vines, and Berhane Woldegabriel are research associates; Kimberly Mazyck and Urmi Shah are associates; Bronwen Manby is a consultant. William Carmichael is the chair of the advisory committee and Alice Brown is the vice-chair. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was written by Janet Fleischman, Washington representative of Human Rights Watch/Africa. It is based on three fact-finding missions to Senegal - - in May-June 1990, February-March 1991, and October-November 1993 -- as well as numerous interviews conducted in Paris, New York, and Washington. Human Rights Watch/Africa gratefully acknowledges the following staff members who assisted with editing and producing this report: Abdullahi An-Na'im; Karen Sorensen; and Kim Mazyck. In addition, we would like to thank Rakiya Omaar and Alex de Waal for their contributions. Most importantly, we express our sincere thanks to the many Mauritanians, most of whom must remain nameless for their own protection and that of their families, who provided invaluable assistance throughout this project.