Political Parties in the Middle East the Problems of the ³Establishment´ : Ωϭοϭϣϟ΍Ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : Έηϧϟ΍Φϳέύη

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Political Parties in the Middle East the Problems of the ³Establishment´ : Ωϭοϭϣϟ΍Ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : Έηϧϟ΍Φϳέύη The Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϡγ΍ Political Parties in the Middle East The Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : έηϧϟ΍ΦϳέΎΗ ΔϣΩϘΗϣϟ΍ΕΎγ΍έΩϟ΍ϭΙΎΣΑϸϟϝΑϘΗγϣϟ΍ίϛέϣ : ΏΗΎϛϟ΍ϡγ΍ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ Political parties and coalitions, often referred to as the ³establishment´parties or the parties sponsored by the regime and the president, face in the coming months escalating crises impacting their performance, their alliances, and their survival. These crises are evident in the current state of the dominant parties in the Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Mauritania, Djibouti, Syria, Iraq, and Turkey. These parties suffer from a legacy of repeated failure in attaining domestic achievements, the escalation of conflicts involving party leadership, and the formation of fluid institutional party alliances. In addition, there is increasing intersection between executive functions and party roles, conflicts on the fringes of party coalitions, the absence of ideological harmony between these ruling coalitions, and the purging of the party structure from dissenting elements. Furthermore, there are doubts being cast on the legitimacy of their social representation, as well as the incompetence of party leadership in confronting major crises and their alliances with armed militias. Mainstream literature on ruling parties and coalitions in the region seeks to explain their failure to carry out their political functions to the detriment of internal stability through the following factors:The Legacy of the Past:1- Repeated failures to attain domestic achievements: These failures are epitomized by the experience of Egyptian political parties. The regime¶s parties have failed over six decades, beginning with the July 23rd Revolution of 1952 until the June 30th Revolution of 2013, to attain domestic success. This was one of the main reasons behind the refusal of Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi to set up a new political party to enhance his popular backing, in addition to the stipulation in the Egyptian constitution that a president may not join a party, and must suspend any party membership prior to taking office.Vast segments of the Egyptian population participated in two uprisings within two and a half years, first to depose the ruling National Democratic Party under President Hosni Mubarak, then to depose the Freedom and Justice Party under President Mohamed Morsi. These uprisings express an undermining of the regime¶s legitimacy under two different administrations. Authoritarianism was also rampant under the ruling parties during the tenure of Presidents Gamal Abdel Nasser and Anwar Sadat, the Socialist Union under the former, and the Egypt Party (which later became the National Democratic Party) under the latter. Because of this history of failure, Sisi wishes to avoid the founding of a ³June 30th Party´an initiative proposed by Dr. Huda Abdel Nasser. Prior experiences of ruling parties in Egypt have strengthened the current president¶s convictions that the regime¶s parties, despite their differences in name and formation and the context of their function, presented more a burden upon the president than an asset to his political and popular appeal. In light of this, it would not be feasible to replicate old circumstances given new transformations, transformations which are resistant to the formation of regime-sponsored party with no vision or role in policy-making except for propagandistic support for the president¶s decisions. This was illustrated by the journalist Abdallah El-Sennaw who wrote: ³there is a different between a political ally which supports and one which simply pledges loyalty´Leaders of the Chinese Communist Party had suggested to President Sisi, during his visit to Chinain December 2014, the establishment of a political party to aid his rule. They offered support from the Communist Party in training the cadres of such a party, especially in communicating with support bases among the population. President Sisi replied that it was too early to consider such a move, and would later state his desire not to establish such a party during the National Youth Convention on the 27th of October 2016. This was significant, as it was rumored that the attendees of this conference would form the backbone of a political entity which the President would lead in the coming period. Factional Conflicts:2-The intensifying conflicts among political leadership: The National Liberation Front, the ruling party of Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, has suffered from repeated struggles over its leadership. The most prominent manifestation of this struggle occurred over the last two years, during which Abdelaziz Belkhadem was excluded from becoming the party¶s General Secretary, and the resignation of the incumbent Secretary, Amar Saidani, on the 22nd of October 2016. This occurred despite the latter¶s instrumental role in the removal of the head of Algerian intelligence, known as the Department of Intelligence and Security, Lieutenant General Mohamed Mediene. Mediene, often referred to as ³General Toufik´was known as Algeria¶s ³kingmaker´(or president maker in this case), to the extent that he would be referred to as the ³lord of Algeria´Due to the increase of Saidani¶s power, influential elements within the military and the office of the presidency sought to either dismiss him or have him resign due to health concerns. The ruling party¶s central committee approved of the appointment of Djamel Ould Abbes as Saidani¶s successor, in recognition of his seniority, an indication of the existence of a µcorrective¶campaign taking place within the party, which maintains the balance of power within the small groups charged with decision making in Algeria. Fluid Alliances:3-The formation of new institutional party alliances: Studies reveal new alliances being formed with an eye on the future of the rulership of Algeria after 2019, the year in which the current term of President Bouteflika ends. Certain civilian groups seek to nominate the president for a fifth term despite him having not addressed the Algerian public since May 7th, 2012. The pro-Bouteflika camp is led by Prime Minister Abdelmalek Sellal, the incumbent General Secretary of the ruling party Damel Ould Abbes, and the former Minister of Trade Amara Benyounès. 9/24/2021 10:06:47 AM 1 / 3 In this context, the General Secretary stated the following in an interview with the newspaper ³Al-Hayaa´on November 5th, 2016: ³whoever stands behind Bouteflika¶s program is with us´In contrast, the former General Secretary Amar Saidani is at the head of the faction backing the Minister of Defense and the Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Ahmed Gaid Salah. Though Saidani had made public his support for a fifth-term for Bouteflika upon his election as General Secretary in 2015, he received a note of congratulation from General Gaid during that time, an act of decorum that the General had not displayed with any other party leader. This would suggest an understanding between the two men and a desire on General Gaid¶s part to run for the presidency. Such a run would require the backing of a political party with widespread popularity among the populace and a strong presence in municipal councils and the parliament. The Gaid-Saidani alliance has irked the pro-Bouteflika powers, which either support his election for a new term or him choosing his own successor. This faction is known as the ³President¶s clique´a group that is convinced that Bouteflika will appoint the man who succeeds him. This may explain the ruling party¶s support for Bouteflika, and his appearance at certain grand openings such as the Algerian Opera, the µInternational Conference Palace¶and the µGreat Mosque Workshop¶in the capital¶s eastern suburb, which sends a clear message that the President is physically able to rule for another term. What amplifies this message is a constitutional amendment carried out by the President at the beginning of this year: the annulment of an article which allowed the incumbent to the presidency to remain so for life. The constitution now holds that a president can only rule for two terms, which would effectively have Bouteflika starting at term zero as opposed to his fifth, allowing him to stay on for two more. It is in this context that the ruling party¶s General Secretary Abbes expressed the party¶s support for another Bouteflika term. Yet the President does not appear to share this sentiment, especially when one considers his initial refusal to run for a fourth term after suddenly falling ill.Political Overreach:4-Increasing overlap between executive functions and party roles: This phenomenon is most apparent in the experience of the Nidaa Tounes (Call of Tunisia) Party. It was founded by current Tunisian President Beji Caid Essebsiin the middle of 2012, and was the most successful party in the parliamentary elections held on the 26th of October, 2014. The party has since been the stage of a conflict between two blocs, with each sideplaying its cards in the media and external backing and support from powerful players within the state and society. One bloc seeks to support President Essebsi¶s son Hafedh, whereas the other backs the former General Secretary of the party Mohsen Marzouk for the presidency, and seeks to curtail the power of Essebsi¶s family.The pro-Essebsibloc succeeded in allocating the premiership of the government to Youssef Chahed, while simultaneously occupying the leadership of Nidaa Tounes. This situation has led the party to resemble what may be termed a sick man, as it simultaneously reflects both a crisis within the party and a crisis within the ruling regime. The party leadership has sought to monopolize vital roles within the state, with Chahed as prime minister, Essenbsi as president, while party member Mohamed Ennaceur heads the parliament. Nidaa Tounes appears oblivious to the example of the Ennahda Party, which proved the inability of a single political faction to shoulder the burden of rule alone.
Recommended publications
  • General Assembly Security Council Seventy-First Session Seventy-First Year Items 15, 17, 34, 60, 109 and 127 of the Provisional Agenda*
    United Nations A/71/366–S/2016/723 General Assembly Distr.: General 23 August 2016 Security Council Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventy-first session Seventy-first year Items 15, 17, 34, 60, 109 and 127 of the provisional agenda* The role of the United Nations in promoting a new global human order Macroeconomic policy questions The situation in the Middle East Permanent sovereignty of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and of the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan over their natural resources Measures to eliminate international terrorism Cooperation between the United Nations and regional and other organizations Letter dated 19 August 2016 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Mauritania to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General I have the honour to forward to you a letter dated 14 August 2016 from the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, to which are attached the resolutions issued by the Arab League Council at its 27th ordinary session, held at the summit level in Nouakchott on 25 July 2016 (see annex). I should be grateful if the present letter and its annex could be circulated as a document of the seventy-first session of the General Assembly, under items 15, 17, 34, 60, 109 and 127 of the provisional agenda, and of the Security Council. (Signed) El Hacen Eleyatt Chargé d’affaires a.i. Chairman of the 27th ordinary session of the Arab League Council held at the summit level in Mauritania on 25 July 2016 * A/71/150.
    [Show full text]
  • Shaping Identity a Study of the Construction of National Identity in Two Royal Speeches by Jacob Berntson
    Lund University Centre for Languages and Literature ARAK01, Bachelor thesis Shaping Identity A study of the construction of national identity in two royal speeches By Jacob Berntson Supervisor: Maria Persson 1 Abstract This study examines the construction of national identity in two speeches, held respectively by King Abdullah II of Jordan and King Mohammed VI of Morocco, during the height of the Arab Spring in 2011. These speeches were a response to public uprisings and contained numerous reforms, which may have been instrumental for the continued rule of the Jordanian and Moroccan regimes. Using theories on national identity rooted in linguistics and sociology, this thesis investigates if and how national identity was emphasised and linguistically constructed in these two speeches. Given the political situation in the countries and the entire Middle East at the time, the kings should have been eager to unite their people around a common goal, an exercise in which a strong national identity might play a crucial part. This study is of interest due to the numerous similarities these speeches and speechmakers share, including the countries they rule, the outcome of their speeches and personal similarities between the kings themselves. Through the analysis of the speeches, it became evident that both kings emphasised and linguistically constructed a national identity for their respective countries. However, this was done employing different means and arguably to various extents. Keywords: National identity, King Abdullah II, King Mohammed VI, Jordan, Morocco, political speeches, construction of national identity 2 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 4 2. Purpose and Research Question ..................................................................................................... 5 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Daring to Care Reflections on Egypt Before the Revolution and the Way Forward
    THE ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL CIVIL SERVANTS IN EGYPT Daring To Care Reflections on Egypt Before The Revolution And The Way Forward Experts’ Views On The Problems That Have Been Facing Egypt Throughout The First Decade Of The Millennium And Ways To Solve Them Daring to Care i Daring to Care ii Daring to Care Daring to Care Reflections on Egypt before the revolution and the way forward A Publication of the Association of International Civil Servants (AFICS-Egypt) Registered under No.1723/2003 with Ministry of Solidarity iii Daring to Care First published in Egypt in 2011 A Publication of the Association of International Civil Servants (AFICS-Egypt) ILO Cairo Head Office 29, Taha Hussein st. Zamalek, Cairo Registered under No.1723/2003 with Ministry of Solidarity Copyright © AFICS-Egypt All rights reserved Printed in Egypt All articles and essays appearing in this book as appeared in Beyond - Ma’baed publication in English or Arabic between 2002 and 2010. Beyond is the English edition, appeared quarterly as a supplement in Al Ahram Weekly newspaper. Ma’baed magazine is its Arabic edition and was published independently by AFICS-Egypt. BEYOND-MA’BAED is a property of AFICS EGYPT No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without prior permission of AFICS Egypt. Printed in Egypt by Moody Graphic International Ltd. 7, Delta st. ,Dokki 12311, Giza, Egypt - www.moodygraphic.com iv Daring to Care To those who have continuously worked at stirring the conscience of Egypt, reminding her of her higher calling and better self.
    [Show full text]
  • 36687838.Pdf
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Oregon Scholars' Bank AVOIDING THE ARAB SPRING? THE POLITICS OF LEGITIMACY IN KING MOHAMMED VI’S MOROCCO by MARGARET J. ABNEY A THESIS Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts June 2013 THESIS APPROVAL PAGE Student: Margaret J. Abney Title: Avoiding the Arab Spring? The Politics of Legitimacy in King Mohammed VI’s Morocco This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in the Department of Political Science by: Craig Parsons Chairperson Karrie Koesel Member Tuong Vu Member and Kimberly Andrews Espy Vice President for Research and Innovation; Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2013 ii © 2013 Margaret J. Abney iii THESIS ABSTRACT Margaret J. Abney Master of Arts Department of Political Science June 2013 Title: Avoiding the Arab Spring? The Politics of Legitimacy in King Mohammed VI’s Morocco During the 2011 Arab Spring protests, the Presidents of Egypt and Tunisia lost their seats as a result of popular protests. While protests occurred in Morocco during the same time, King Mohammed VI maintained his throne. I argue that the Moroccan king was able to maintain his power because of factors that he has because he is a king. These benefits, including dual religious and political legitimacy, additional control over the military, and a political situation that make King Mohammed the center of the Moroccan political sphere, are not available to the region’s presidents.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties in the Middle East the Problems of the ³Establishment´ : Ωϭοϭϣϟ΍Ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : Έηϧϟ΍Φϳέύη
    The Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϡγ΍ Political Parties in the Middle East The Problems of the ³Establishment´ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Political Parties in the Middle East 21/11/2016 : έηϧϟ΍ΦϳέΎΗ ΔϣΩϘΗϣϟ΍ΕΎγ΍έΩϟ΍ϭΙΎΣΑϸϟϝΑϘΗγϣϟ΍ίϛέϣ : ΏΗΎϛϟ΍ϡγ΍ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ Political parties and coalitions, often referred to as the ³establishment´parties or the parties sponsored by the regime and the president, face in the coming months escalating crises impacting their performance, their alliances, and their survival. These crises are evident in the current state of the dominant parties in the Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Mauritania, Djibouti, Syria, Iraq, and Turkey. These parties suffer from a legacy of repeated failure in attaining domestic achievements, the escalation of conflicts involving party leadership, and the formation of fluid institutional party alliances. In addition, there is increasing intersection between executive functions and party roles, conflicts on the fringes of party coalitions, the absence of ideological harmony between these ruling coalitions, and the purging of the party structure from dissenting elements. Furthermore, there are doubts being cast on the legitimacy of their social representation, as well as the incompetence of party leadership in confronting major crises and their alliances with armed militias. Mainstream literature on ruling parties and coalitions in the region seeks to explain their failure to carry out their political functions to the detriment of internal stability through the following factors:The Legacy of the Past:1- Repeated failures to attain domestic achievements: These failures are epitomized by the experience of Egyptian political parties. The regime¶s parties have failed over six decades, beginning with the July 23rd Revolution of 1952 until the June 30th Revolution of 2013, to attain domestic success.
    [Show full text]
  • Regime Change in North Africa and Implications
    Journal of Language, Technology & Entrepreneurship in Africa Vol. 4 No. 1 2013 Regime Change in North Africa: Possible Implications for 21st Century Governance in Africa Frank K. Matanga [email protected] Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kenya. Mumo Nzau [email protected] Catholic University of Eastern Africa (CUEA), Kenya. Abstract For most of 2011, several North African countries experienced sweeping changes in their political structures. During this period, North Africa drew world attention to itself in a profound way. Popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt forced long serving and clout wielding Presidents out of power. Most interestingly, these mass protests seemed to have a domino-effect not only in North Africa but also throughout the Middle East; thereby earning themselves the famous tag- “Arab Spring”. These events in North Africa have since become the subject of debate and investigation in academic, social media and political and/or political circles. At the centre of these debates is the question of “Implications of the Arab Spring on Governance in Africa in the 21st Century”. This Article raises pertinent questions. It revisits the social and economic causes of these regime changes in North Africa; the role of ICT and its social media networks and; the future of repressive regimes on the continent. Central to this discussion is the question: are these regime changes cosmetic? Is this wind of change transforming Africa in form but not necessarily in content? In this light the following discussion makes a critical analysis of the implications of these changes on 21st century governance in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Zerohack Zer0pwn Youranonnews Yevgeniy Anikin Yes Men
    Zerohack Zer0Pwn YourAnonNews Yevgeniy Anikin Yes Men YamaTough Xtreme x-Leader xenu xen0nymous www.oem.com.mx www.nytimes.com/pages/world/asia/index.html www.informador.com.mx www.futuregov.asia www.cronica.com.mx www.asiapacificsecuritymagazine.com Worm Wolfy Withdrawal* WillyFoReal Wikileaks IRC 88.80.16.13/9999 IRC Channel WikiLeaks WiiSpellWhy whitekidney Wells Fargo weed WallRoad w0rmware Vulnerability Vladislav Khorokhorin Visa Inc. Virus Virgin Islands "Viewpointe Archive Services, LLC" Versability Verizon Venezuela Vegas Vatican City USB US Trust US Bankcorp Uruguay Uran0n unusedcrayon United Kingdom UnicormCr3w unfittoprint unelected.org UndisclosedAnon Ukraine UGNazi ua_musti_1905 U.S. Bankcorp TYLER Turkey trosec113 Trojan Horse Trojan Trivette TriCk Tribalzer0 Transnistria transaction Traitor traffic court Tradecraft Trade Secrets "Total System Services, Inc." Topiary Top Secret Tom Stracener TibitXimer Thumb Drive Thomson Reuters TheWikiBoat thepeoplescause the_infecti0n The Unknowns The UnderTaker The Syrian electronic army The Jokerhack Thailand ThaCosmo th3j35t3r testeux1 TEST Telecomix TehWongZ Teddy Bigglesworth TeaMp0isoN TeamHav0k Team Ghost Shell Team Digi7al tdl4 taxes TARP tango down Tampa Tammy Shapiro Taiwan Tabu T0x1c t0wN T.A.R.P. Syrian Electronic Army syndiv Symantec Corporation Switzerland Swingers Club SWIFT Sweden Swan SwaggSec Swagg Security "SunGard Data Systems, Inc." Stuxnet Stringer Streamroller Stole* Sterlok SteelAnne st0rm SQLi Spyware Spying Spydevilz Spy Camera Sposed Spook Spoofing Splendide
    [Show full text]
  • Africa Update Leading the News
    ML Strategies Update David Leiter, [email protected] Georgette Spanjich, [email protected] Katherine Fox, [email protected] ML Strategies, LLC Sarah Mamula, [email protected] 701 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Washington, DC 20004 USA 202 296 3622 202 434 7400 fax FOLLOW US ON TWITTER: @MLStrategies www.mlstrategies.com DECEMBER 4, 2014 Africa Update Leading the News West Africa Ebola Outbreak On November 25th, the United Nations (U.N.) World Health Organization (WHO) announced that Ebola response targets set for December 1st would not be met in some areas. However, the WHO reported the identification of patient contacts for daily monitoring has reached 99 percent. The WHO’s update on the Ebola situation in West Africa was provided here. On November 25th, U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) described the classes offered by the Department of Defense (DOD) Ebola Treatment Training Team. The classes, which are held at the National Police Training Academy (NPTA) in Monrovia, Liberia, as well as mobile classes that go out to more remote locations, are intended to help train health care workers in caring for Ebola patients. More information was shared here. On November 25th, the U.S. Defense Logistics Agency (DLA) announced it will send more than 1.5 million medical personal protective sets to American aid workers working to contain the Ebola virus in West Africa. Items procured by DLA include medical clothing and textiles and construction equipment that will be used to help protect U.S. service members and other NGO personnel working in the region. Nearly 50,000 protective suits have already been provided.
    [Show full text]
  • The World's 500 Most Influential Muslims, 2021
    PERSONS • OF THE YEAR • The Muslim500 THE WORLD’S 500 MOST INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS • 2021 • B The Muslim500 THE WORLD’S 500 MOST INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS • 2021 • i The Muslim 500: The World’s 500 Most Influential Chief Editor: Prof S Abdallah Schleifer Muslims, 2021 Editor: Dr Tarek Elgawhary ISBN: print: 978-9957-635-57-2 Managing Editor: Mr Aftab Ahmed e-book: 978-9957-635-56-5 Editorial Board: Dr Minwer Al-Meheid, Mr Moustafa Jordan National Library Elqabbany, and Ms Zeinab Asfour Deposit No: 2020/10/4503 Researchers: Lamya Al-Khraisha, Moustafa Elqabbany, © 2020 The Royal Islamic Strategic Studies Centre Zeinab Asfour, Noora Chahine, and M AbdulJaleal Nasreddin 20 Sa’ed Bino Road, Dabuq PO BOX 950361 Typeset by: Haji M AbdulJaleal Nasreddin Amman 11195, JORDAN www.rissc.jo All rights reserved. No part of this book may be repro- duced or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanic, including photocopying or recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Views expressed in The Muslim 500 do not necessarily reflect those of RISSC or its advisory board. Set in Garamond Premiere Pro Printed in The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Calligraphy used throughout the book provided courte- sy of www.FreeIslamicCalligraphy.com Title page Bismilla by Mothana Al-Obaydi MABDA • Contents • INTRODUCTION 1 Persons of the Year - 2021 5 A Selected Surveyof the Muslim World 7 COVID-19 Special Report: Covid-19 Comparing International Policy Effectiveness 25 THE HOUSE OF ISLAM 49 THE
    [Show full text]
  • Whether Civil War Happened During the Arab
    國立政治大學外交學系 Department of Diplomacy, National Chengchi University 碩士論文 Master Thesis 治 政 大 立 學 論阿拉伯之春期間內戰是否發生:以阿爾及利亞 國 和利比亞為例 ‧ ‧ N a y Whether Civil War Happened Duringt the Arab t i i s o r Spring: Exemplifiedn by Algeria eand Libya a i v l C n heng chi U 指導教授:劉長政 Advisor: Liu, Chang-Cheng 作者:楊邵帆 Author: Yang, Shao-Fan 日期:民國 103 年 6 月 16 日 Date: June 16, 2014 Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... iv Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................... vi Abstracts ............................................................................................................................ viii 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1 1.1. Research Goals .................................................................................................................. 1 1.2. Literature Review ............................................................................................................ 3 1.2.1. Arab Spring in General ......................................................................................................... 3 1.2.2. Situation in Different Country before or During the Arab Spring ...................... 7 1.2.3. Theories for the Onset of Civil War............................治 .................................................. 19 政 大 1.3. Research Design
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Spring's Contagion
    The Arab Spring’s Contagion: The Fight against Slavery in Mauritania between Military Coups and the Protests of the Youth Movement Giuseppe Maimone Ph.D. Student in History, Institutions and International Relations of Modern and Contemporary Africa – University of Cagliari IT BRISMES – BRItish Society for Middle Eastern Studies GRADUATE CONFERENCE 2012 Change and Continuity in the Arab World Abstract - In 1981, military regime formally abolished slavery in Mauritania and some El-Hor leaders – who fought against slavery since 1974 – obtained marginal ministries. In reality, the government did not set up any measures to fight slavery and the Haratines – slaves, former slaves and their descendants – continued to be trapped in slavery. The 1980s saw the birth of another movement, which gave emphasis to the ‘Africanity’ of the Haratines. FLAM (African Liberation Forces of Mauritania) was immediately opposed by the regime, declared illegal and forced into exile in Senegal. The Arabs continued to deny the persistence of slavery, then an El-Hor leader abandoned the movement in 1995 to create SOS-Esclaves, to help people still in bondage. In 2007, the first democratic President of Mauritania enacted laws against the persistence of slavery. The following year, a new military coup brought the fight against slavery to silence. Inspired by democratic developments in the Arab world, to which the Mauritanian elite referred since independence, in 2011 young students took to the street asking for democracy and the fight against slavery had once more become a tool to oppose entrenched powers. The paper uses archival sources, associations' documents and oral interviews to study this subject.
    [Show full text]
  • The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms
    RESEARCH PAPER The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms Zoltan Barany | September 2012 The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms Series: Research Paper Zoltan Barany | September 2012 Copyright © 2012 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center‟s paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world – states and communities – to analyze social, economic, and cultural policies and to provide political analysis from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Street No. 826, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 44199777 | Fax: +974 44831651 www.dohainstitute.org Table of Contents Introduction 1 Varieties of Upheaval 3 Explaining the Different Levels of Upheaval 9 Societal Cleavages 18 Deficiencies of Political Mobilization 20 State Responses 23 Buying Social Peace 23 Political Responses: Carrots and Sticks 25 External Assistance 31 Conclusion 36 THE ARAB SPRING IN THE KINGDOMS Introduction1 The revolutions that have rocked the presidential republics of North Africa and the Middle East since early-2011 have garnered intense scholarly and journalistic interest and, in a short time, spawned an extensive literature.2 The Arab world‟s eight monarchies – Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – with the notable exception of the first, a tiny island kingdom off the coast of Saudi Arabia, have escaped the brunt of the upheaval and received relatively modest attention.
    [Show full text]