School WP5 17Th-22Nd February 2019 EPHE, Paris

School WP5 17th-22nd February 2019 EPHE, Paris

Handbook

Summary A treasure of Tibetan culture: the Alexander W. Macdonald archives at the Centre de documentation sur l’aire tibétaine (CDAT) ...... 3 Fonds Paul Ricoeur, Institut Protestant de Théologie ...... 8 EPHE Wladimir Golenischeff Egyptology Research Center and Library ...... 10 Chinese Epigraphy at the École française d’Extrême-Orient, Maison de l’Asie ...... 15 The so-called Labat collection: 600 cuneiform texts in the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes ...... 51 Henry Corbin and the EPHE’s Shiite Archive ...... 64 A scholar’s little museum. The Byzantine and Christian collection of Gabriel Millet at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes ...... 74 The collections of the Institut Français d’Études Byzantines (IFEB, French Institute for Byzantine Studies) ...... 77

A treasure of Tibetan culture: the Alexander W. Macdonald archives at the Centre de documentation sur l’aire tibétaine (CDAT) Emanuela Garatti (EPHE) – Jean-Marc Fontaine (Ministère de la Culture)

Besides its collections of monographies, Tibetan format books, and a large photographic fund, the CDAT (Centre de Documentation sur l’Aire Tibétaine) of the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes holds a unique archive: 54 magnetic tapes recorded by the late Alexander W.Macdonald between 1959 and the beginning of the 70s in Northern India and Nepal. These tapes contain different kinds of material: records of religious ceremonies, theater and, most importantly, a huge corpus of the Tales of the Corpse (Tibetan: RO sgrung), a Tibetan version of the Indian Vetâlapanchavimshatika (The tales of the Vampire). The importance of this tape lies in the fact that this version of The Tales of the Corpse, chanted by a Tibetan Buddhist monk, is the oldest existing record of this corpus, and it greatly differs from the written versions. Recently digitalized, the Alexander W.Macdonald archive is not only composed by magnetic tapes, but also by notebooks and pictures taken by Macdonald, items that are accompanied by two French scholars’ recent first analysis of the content of the tapes.

Alexander W. Macdonald (1923-2018)

1. Alexander Macdonald (1923-2019) Alexander Macdonald was one of the pioneers of Himalayan ethnology. His intellectual influence has been considerable on a whole generation of European researchers. Born in Scotland in 1923, the young Alexander Macdonald dreamed of travelling. During the Second World War, he enlisted as soon as he could in the Indian army because, in his words:

“From what I read, India seemed like a fascinating country; I wanted to experience for myself other forms of war than being bombed by the Germans in England.” In 1942, he arrived in Bangalore, South India, and in June 1943 he was sent to a regiment of Nepalese of the Gurkha ethnic group, then stationed in the Kangra Valley in northwest India, now Himachal Pradesh. This was his first contact with Nepalese people. He learned their languages through daily gorkhali classes given by the army. In September 1943 he was sent with his unit to Burma, where he served until the end of the war. After the war, he settled in Paris where he followed the teaching of the prestigious orientalists then in activity. He joined the CNRS and started working under the direction of Rolf A. Stein, then professor at the EPHE. He began to translate two Tibetan manuscripts of the “Tales of the Dead Man”, which we will discuss later. In September 1958, he left for a two-year mission to Kalimpong, in northern India, where a Tibetan community had long been established and where he intended to study the economic and social functioning of a monastery.

The map shows the different places where Macdonald went: Himachal Pradesh, Burma and Nepal, where he would make many field trips afterwards. The red mark indicates the location of Kalimpong, where Mcdonald met an almost illiterate bard named Tenzin Trinlé in 1958. Tenzin Trinlé was originally from eastern Tibet. He had made monastic studies in central Tibet where he became a warrior monk (dobdob). He had been living in Kalimpong since 1957, after fleeing Tibet where he had committed a murder. Although he was still drunk, this bard agreed to record, for Macdonald, episodes of Gesar's famous Tibetan epic, but also his version of the Tales of the Dead Man. Macdonald recorded it for 11 months and then the bard suddenly disappeared. During his later missions, mainly to Nepal, Macdonald continued his recordings, with other interlocutors and other content: mostly Nepalese storytellers and singers of different ethnic groups, but also Tibetan Buddhist rituals. Even today, most of these recordings remain unpublished.

The Bard Tenzin Trinlé (bsTan 'dzin 'Phrin las), 1959

2. The CDAT sound archive In 2003, Alexander Macdonald, who was 80 years old, deposited 42 magnetic tapes recorded by him on his first mission in 1958-1959 and, for some, on his second mission to Nepal a few years later. He also submitted 22 handwritten notebooks. Subsequently, new tapes were brought to the CDAT by Alexander Macdonald and later by his wife, Anne Vergati. Other audio documents recorded by A. Macdonald are currently spread over several Parisian documentary sites. The Nanterre Ethnomusicology Laboratory (CREM) has digitized and put online the recordings kept at the Musée de l'Homme. They are mainly recordings of music, songs and rituals. The documents are of very varied nature and content; recorded in different parts of Asia, particularly in North India or Nepal, with different speakers and from different backgrounds (bards, monks, laity), speaking different languages or dialects. The tapes contain material spoken in Central Tibetan from Lhasa, Tibetan from Khams, in Eastern Tibet, but also songs in Nepalese languages, such as Tamang or Yolmo dialect. These recordings have a diverse content: theatre pieces, including A che lha mo (Tibetan Sung Theatre), music excerpts, songs, Buddhist ceremonies, episodes of an epic, and stories. The first donation in 2003, of 42 bands, was composed as follows: 35 tapes of the “Tales of the Dead Man” (“Les Contes du Cadavre”), 4 tapes with episodes of the Gesar epic, 3 tapes of Nepali songs. The following donation, the date of which is unknown, consists of 3 tapes entitled "Padmasambhava Ceremony" and a tape entitled "Tibetan Sung Theatre" (A che lha mo). The 2017 donation consists of 8 strips of Tales of the Dead Man that exactly complement the corpus of Tales of the Dead Man from the 2003 donation. In addition, there is a recent addition of 7 Nepali magnetic tapes, which are currently on deposit at CDAT.

All these tapes were recorded by A. Macdonald in the field, using, at least for some of them, a Butoba tape recorder. The tapes, recorded on two tracks, are still quite well preserved and can still be played if you have the appropriate equipment. 3. The different versions of the Tales of the Dead Man The title “Tales of the Dead Man” (in Tibetan Ro sgrung) refers to a cycle of tales in Tibetan. These tales are arranged together on the model of the 1001 nights: a prologue opens the corpus, an epilogue closes it, and both form the "framework narrative". Between the two, a variable number of unrelated tales follow one another, but linked together by the same transition. Emanuela Garatti has identified 27 different versions of the Tales of the Dead Man. The variant versions differ in their prologue. The epilogue varies little. We know two major prologues which, although different, have enough in common to be summarized here. A beggar (or a child, depending on the version) is chased by evil beings who are after his life. The beggar (or child) ends up taking refuge with Nāgārjuna, a meditator in a cave, who saves his life. The beggar (or child) ask Nāgārjuna how to thank him. Nāgārjuna asks him to bring back an enchanted corpse housed in a tree in a famous mass grave in northern India. Indeed, Nāgārjuna, who is also an alchemist, will be able to transform this corpse endowed with magical powers into gold and thus solve the problem of poverty (or longevity, depending on the versions). Nāgārjuna provides his protégé with the necessary accessories to catch the corpse (a rope, a bag, an axe...). Above all, he ordered him never to speak to the corpse, because at the slightest word, the corpse escapes and returns to its tree. The beggar (or child) sets off. When he arrived at the mass grave, he managed to capture the body, put it in a bag and began to bring it back to Nāgārjuna. The corpse begins to tell a story - this is the first tale. At the end of this first tale, the corpse interrupts its narrative and asks the beggar (the child) who transports him what he thinks of this or that character in the tale, or asks him a riddle. The beggar (child), captivated, forgets the instructions of Nāgārjuna and answers. Immediately, the corpse escapes from the bag and returns in the blink of an eye to its mass grave. The beggar (child) is good to go back to looking for him. Thus ends the first tale.

The second tale opens with the beggar who returns to the mass grave, grabs the body, puts it on his back and sets off again. The corpse tells a story, at the end of which the beggar talks, etc. This is as many times as there are stories. At the end of the last tale, the beggar (child) finally remembers the warning from Nāgārjuna, keeps quiet and manages to bring him the body. Nāgārjuna carries out a transmutation operation of the corpse into gold, more or less successful depending on the version. In addition to the prologue, which may differ from one version to another, the Tibetan versions vary in length: they range from 7 tales for the shortest to 75 tales for the longest. The versions I was able to consult range from 13 to 37 stories, the most common being 13 and 21 stories. The twelve versions I have consulted share some, but not all, stories. Only two of them are shared by all the versions consulted: "The Two Brothers" and "The Soothsayer with a Pig's Head". Seven others are found in almost all but one version. This results in a total of just over 60 different stories. Alexander Macdonald contributed to making this series of tales known in France, since he published Matériaux pour l'étude de la littérature populaire tibétaine I et II in 1967 and 1972. These two volumes present an annotated translation of the Tales of the Dead Man, preceded in volume 1 by a scholarly and still relevant introduction. The first volume is the translation of two manuscripts and totals 18 stories. The second is the translation of a "scroll" found by A. Macdonald in Kalimpong, containing three stories, which seemed to complete the first volume, resulting in 18 + 3 = 21 stories.

Alexander Macdonald, Matériaux pour l’histoire de la littérature tibétaine, I (1967).

Bibliography : More generally on Tibet, its society and religions: • Kapstein, Matthew, 2006. The Tibetans. Maiden : Blackwell. (Chapters 7, 8 et 9). • Stein, Rolf A. 1972. Tibetan Civilization. Stanford : Stanford University Press. (Chapters I, IV, V). More in detail on the corpus in question: • Macdonald, Alexander W., 1967. Matériaux pour l'étude de la littérature populaire tibétaine I. Paris : Presses universitaires de France. • Schuh, Dieter, 1973. Tibetische Handschriften und Blockdrucke, Teil V. Wiesbaden : Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH. The full document is available here : https://rep.adw- goe.de/handle/11858/00-001S-0000-0023-9B27-5 • Stein, Rolf A., 1959. Recherches sur l'épopée et le barde au Tibet. Paris : Presses universitaires de France.

Fonds Paul Ricoeur, Institut Protestant de Théologie

Marc Boss, Director of the Fonds Paul Ricoeur

Inaugurated in 2010 by the President of the French Republic, the Fonds Ricœur is a documentary collection of more than 10,000 volumes resulting from a donation. The philosopher Paul Ricœur (1913- 2005) entrusted his private library and his archives to the Faculté libre de théologie protestante in Paris, where he had taught philosophy from 1958 to 1969. In addition to the philosopher's private library and archives, the Fonds Ricœur has a complete collection of his books and articles, as well as a constantly updated collection of editions, translations and commentaries that his work generates throughout the world.

Paul Ricoeur (1913-2005)

The Paul Ricoeur Library

The workshop focused on the study of an unpublished manuscript of Paul Ricoeur. For legal reasons, it has been impossible to reproduce this text.

References

The Paul Ricoeur Fund Website: http://fondsricoeur.fr/en/pages/accueil.html

Paul Ricoeur’s biography:

• http://fondsricoeur.fr/en/pages/biographie.html • François DOSSE, Paul Ricoeur. Les sens d’une vie (1913-2005), Paris, Éditions de la Découverte, 2008. • Charles REAGAN, Paul Ricoeur: His Life and His Work, Chicago, Chicago University Press, 1996.

Paul Ricoeur’s bibliography: http://fondsricoeur.fr/en/pages/bibliographie.html

EPHE Wladimir Golenischeff Egyptology Research Center and Library

Laurent Coulon (EPHE), François Leclère (EPHE), Sepideh Paquette (Collège de France)

The Centre Wladimir Golenischeff was founded in 1946 as the “Centre of Egyptological Documenation” and was given its current name in 1947 when it received the papers and the library of the Russian Egyptologist Wladimir Golenischeff (1856-1947) as a gift from his widow. These collections were completed by acquisitions and donations (fonds Lacau, fonds Montet), of which the latest is the works of the former Professor Jean Yoyotte. The Centre Wladimir Golenischeff is also housing the Egyptologists of the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, including the French Archaeological Mission of Tanis, and a library specialized in Egyptology, open to students and researchers.

View of the EPHE Wladimir Golenischeff Egyptology Research Center and Library (Photo Fr. Leclère)

The archives of the Mission Montet and the Mission française des fouilles de Tanis at the Centre Wladimir Golenischeff, EPHE, Paris. François Leclère In 1966, 20 years after its creation, the Centre Wladimir Golenischeff received the voluminous archival fonds of the French Egyptologist and archaeologist Pierre Montet, professor of egyptology at the university of Strasbourg and then at the Collège de France, Paris, mainly renowned for having excavated the archaeological site of Tell San el-hagar / Tanis, in the north-eastern Nile Delta, between 1929 and 1956, and for having discovered there, in 1939-40 and 1946, the partly intact tombs of the kings and princes of the 21st and 22nd dynasties. The fonds was given to the Centre a few days after the death of the scholar by his widow, while the archaeological work at the site was just restarting under the auspices of the Mission française des

10 fouilles de Tanis, created in 1964 and directed by Prof. Jean Yoyotte who had just been appointed as a Research Director (« Directeur d’études ») at the EPHE. Montet’s Fonds at the Centre Golenischeff is composed of different types of documents, mostly related to the excavations in Tanis : several thousands of photographs (glass plates, gelatine negatives, black and white slides), notebooks, journals, cards, several hundreds of drawings (objects, epigraphic work) and plans. Jean Yoyotte and his collaborators spent several years, at the end of the 1960’s and the early 1970’s, sorting the documents and organizing the Fonds. Some of the documents are also related to other works of Pierre Montet in Egypt, for instance the excavations he directed at the sites of Abu Rawash and Behbeit el-Hagar. In 2016, the descendants of Pierre Montet made a new donation of 30 more folders of archives that were still kept in the family. Some of them are directly related to the excavations in Tanis, such as his correspondence during the discovery of the royal tombs, others are related to his other Egyptological researches, teaching and excavations in Egypt as well as in Lebanon (Byblos) and Libya (Apollonia). The Centre Golenischeff still continues to be the base of the Mission française des fouilles de Tanis in Paris, the also houses the archives produced by the since its creation, the archaeological work still ongoing at the site today. In 2014, a project of systematic digitization of Montet’s fonds was launched : the ANTa project (« Archives numériques de Tanis »). The acronym is a nod to the name that Pierre Montet gave to the new temple he discovered in 1929 when starting the excavations in Tanis : the temple of Anta (Anat), in fact a sacred area dedicated to the goddess Mut, consort of the god Amun, main deities worshipped in ancient city. To this day, the entire collection of photographic negatives, and most of the plans and drawings have been scanned. The digitization and documentation continues step by step, with the perspective, hopefully in a foreseeable future, of making them available online. References • https://www.ephe.fr/equipes/mission_francaise_des_fouilles_de_tanis_mfft/flyer_tanis_20 18_english_version.pdf • Leclère, F., « Tanis », in Badisches Landesmuseum Karlsruhe (éd.), Ramses - Göttlicher Herrscher am Nil, Petersberg, 2016, 273-277 • Le Guilloux, P., « La nécropole royale de Tanis et les archives de la mission Montet », dans Brissaud, Ph., Zivie-Coche, Chr. (éd.), Tanis. Travaux récents sur le Tell Sân el-Hagar. Mission Française des Fouilles de Tanis 1987 - 1997, Paris, 1998, 179-191. • Le Guilloux, P., « Les archives de la Mission Montet », Le mobilier funéraire du roi Psousennès Ier, Cahiers de Tanis 2, Arles, 2010, 75-82. • Leclère, Fr., « Tanis », dans Badisches Landesmuseum Karlsruhe (éd.), Ramses - Göttlicher Herrscher am Nil, Petersberg, 2016, 273-277 • Zivie-Coche, Chr., Brissaud, Ph., « Centre Wladimir Golenischeff. Religion de l'Égypte ancienne. Mission Française des Fouilles de Tanis », Bulletin de la Société française des fouilles de Tanis 8, 1994, 45-47.

The "Egyptologist’s Office": Jean Yoyotte Archive The scientific work of Jean Yoyotte (1927-2009), an internationally renowned specialist of the Egyptian religion and history, is a major reference for the Egyptological studies and even beyond for those relating to the other civilizations of the ancient Near East. During his career as Research Director (“Directeur d’études”) at the EPHE (1964-1991) and Professor at the Collège de France (1991-1997), he has provided many contributions about Egyptian cult-topogography and the archaeology of the Nile Delta cities, among others, all as significant as his academic teaching. The archive of this scholar housed at the Wladimir Golenischeff Center (EPHE, Paris) testifies to his erudition and his very wide knowledge of the different aspects of the Pharaonic civilization but also his insightful observations and reflections based on the various fieldwork in Egypt. This precious Egyptological collection perfectly reflects Jean Yoyotte's methodical work with regard to the bibliographic and documentary analysis of sources, along with his judicious classification system for the quotes, notes and sketches, the reference tools, and the course papers, divided into three main inter-connected groups: "index-cards", "research folders" and "notebooks". The online dissemination of the Jean Yoyotte’s Archive through the digital library of PSL gives open access to a variety of materials from this "Egyptologist’s Office", and moreover to important unpublished photographic and handwritten documentation. The web-publishing of this archive has been elaborated on the "Omeka S" platform to offer the most convenient display of the collection and its associated series/items. Integrated within the pre-defined Omeka resource templates, the "subject" fields related to the Egyptological standards-based metadata will allow searching in several specific entries: lexicon, toponymy, onomastic, prosopography, museography, bibliography and chronology. This online corpus provides researchers with a public and efficient scientific tool adapted to archival standards while ensuring the interoperability with other digital resources in the Egyptological domain.

View of a sample of Jean Yoyotte’s papers (Photo L. Coulon)

References :

Le Guilloux, P., « Les archives de la Mission Montet », Le mobilier funéraire du roi Psousennès Ier, Cahiers de Tanis 2, Arles, 2010, 75-82. Zivie-Coche, Chr., « Historique du Centre Wladimir Golenischeff », Bulletin de la Société française des fouilles de Tanis 15, 2001, 57-71. Zivie-Coche, Chr., « Le Centre Wladimir Golenischeff », Bulletin de la Société des amis des sciences religieuses, Hors-série, Paris, 2012, 16-26. Zivie-Coche, Chr., « Jean Yoyotte (1927-2009) », Annuaire de l'École pratique des hautes études (EPHE), Section des sciences religieuses, 117 | 2010, xxi-xxvii. Zivie-Coche, Chr., « Le Centre Wladimir Golenischeff », Bulletin de la Société des amis des sciences religieuses, Hors-série, Paris, 2012, 16-26.

The gold mask of Psusennes I (Cairo Museum). © J.-F. Gout.

Chinese Epigraphy at the École française d’Extrême-Orient, Maison de l’Asie Marianne Bujard (EPHE), Arlo Griffith (EFEO)

Founded in Hanoi in 1903, the EFEO (French School of Asian Studies) library collected all printed books and manuscripts relating to French Indochina and acquired all important publications on East Asia. The library added to its collections by means of regular purchases, gifts and exchanges, but it also acted as a depositary for books it printed itself. At the end of colonial period, several thousand books, photographs and manuscripts were transferred or microfilmed to form the core of the Parisian EFEO Library, which opened in 1968. Today, the EFEO library contains approximately 100,000 monographs and over 1,700 periodicals (700 of them current). Its collections also include several thousand rubbings and photographs, along with a rich collection of Chinese prints. The library has evolved to keep abreast of the development of new fields of research which now cover a large part of Asia. Historical collections covering Japan and China, and South Asia have been added to those on Southeast Asia. The exchange of publications with Asian, European, and American universities and research centers constitutes an important part of the acquisitions process.

1. Presentation of the epigraphic sources studied in the program: “Epigraphy and oral sources, A social history of an imperial capital” (EFEO, EPHE), Dr. Marianne Bujard, EPHE This communication aims to show the interest the epigraphy represents to study the religious foundations of Peking. The 600 inscriptions engraved on stone tablets between the XIIIth and the XXth century are preserved on rubbings. They provide a lot of information about the history of the temples, their management by the clerics, and the organization of the devotee. Combined with other sources, they allow to understand a part of the social history of the capital.

Guangjisi Temple, Peking, October 2013

A brief description of the program

The program is carried out by the Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, with the support of the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes and Peking Normal University, in close collaboration with several other Chinese and French research institutions and universities. The research team is composed of a dozen of Chinese and French professors and researchers and many students both Chinese and French. Since its beginnings in 2003, the program has trained several doctoral and post-doctoral students in the study of epigraphy, religious history and fieldwork. The various phases of the work include the following:

Maps: We started with the famous map of the Qianlong era, “The complete map of the capital,” drawn between 1745 and 1750 on a scale of 1/650. The map shows every building and street, including temples with their names. We decided to limit ourselves to the “Tartar” perimeter, i.e. the Inner City, where we have located 829 temples whose names are written down and the buildings clearly drawn on the map. We added 700 more sites found through literati descriptions of the city, epigraphy, archives and fieldwork. The total of religious institutions studied in the program amounts to some 1,500, which were all built between the thirteenth and the twentieth century.

The temples of section 9 of the line 4 of the Qianlong map.

Steles: We have compiled a list of some 600 inscriptions related to temples of the Inner City. Originally written on stone tablets standing in the courtyards of the temples, they are now preserved on rubbings made during the first half of the twentieth century. The largest collection of rubbings is held in the National Library of China in Peking and has been reproduced in a one-hundred- volume series. We copied the inscriptions from their reproductions in this collection or directly from the rubbings. We now have digital versions of all the inscriptions and scans of all the rubbings published.

Checking the copy of the inscription in situ; Guanghua temple, 2013

Archives: Due to the limited number of members on our research team, we have been able to use only a small part of the Qing dynasty archives produced by the Imperial Household Department. We estimate to 6,000 the number of documents pertaining to this archival fund relating to the history of the Chinese capital’s temples. They refer mostly to the support given by the court to more than one hundred temples. These documents tell us about the huge investment of the court for maintaining the buildings of dozens of temples and supporting their religious activities. We have used systematically the archives of the successive temple registration campaigns which took place between 1929 and 1947 and are held by the Beijing Municipal Archives. One thousand files, made up of lists of temple residents, inventories of statues and other ritual objects (in some cases steles or inscribed incense burners), tax certificates, property deeds as well as guarantor endorsements, provide invaluable information on 450 temples located in the Inner City. These materials shed light on such issues as temple property, the management of religious institutions and the degree of activity of a temple during the period concerned.

Literature: Starting from the Ming dynasty, an abundant amount of literati writings was devoted to descriptions of the capital’s famous historical sites, among which temples are well represented. However, the most detailed accounts of religious institutions only concern Peking’s most important ones, including sometimes transcriptions of the steles erected on the site.

Fieldwork: In order to highlight the present conditions of Peking’s temples, those represented on the map of the Qianlong era as well as those discovered through our exploration of written sources, we have organized systematic in situ surveys to search for the locations of every one of them. We have thus been able to ascertain that physical traces of only two hundred remain today out of the 1,500 temples present in our sources. Such “traces” differ widely from one location to another: in some cases, complete compounds are still extant, whereas in other cases, we could only trace back the

17 original temple’s existence to one of its single halls, generally converted to some other use than religious activity. Most of the time, the Chinese capital’s numerous religious institutions only survive in the memory of the older generations of residents.

Fortune God temple near the Drum Tower, 2012

Website: All the data collected in our sources and the copies of stone inscriptions have been stored in a database. More work will be necessary before this large amount of historical information can be offered to the public on an open website.

Publication: We present part of this research program’s results in a series of eleven volumes (four have been printed to this day), published by the National Library of China Publishing House. Each volume includes the documentation gathered for one horizontal section – or line – of the Inner city section of the Qianlong-era Peking map (i.e., from the north Second Ring Road to the South of Tiananmen square). For each temple, the readers are provided with a brief historical account composed on the basis of the documentation previously described. Following this description, all the stone inscriptions relating to this same temple that we have been able to locate and copy are presented, under three different formats: reproduction of the rubbing, transcription of the inscription in its original presentation and punctuated version.

Marianne Bujard (吕敏), éd., Ju Xi, Guan Xiaojing 關笑晶, Wang Minqing 王敏慶, Lei Yang 雷陽, Beijing neicheng simiao beike zhi 北京内城寺廟碑刻志 (Temples et stèles de Pékin), vol. 4, 2 t., 916 p., Péking, Guojia tushuguan 國家圖書館出版社 (National Library), 2017.

北京寺庙碑刻与社会史

“北京寺庙碑刻与社会史”项目启动于2003年，项目主持单位为法国远东学院、法国高等实践学院与北京师范大学，先后有二十余位中法学者和学生参与研究，其目的是要理解寺庙在城市中的作用及其与市民的关系。研究过程包括如下几部分：

首先是利用地图查找寺庙。我们主要依据清乾隆十五年（1750）绘制的《京城全图》，辅以若干种近、现代地图，清点并记录地图上已有标注的庙宇。《京城全图》于乾隆十年（1745 ）开始绘制，乾隆十五年五月十六日（1750）进呈御览。我们在这份地图的内城部分中一共找到了829座寺庙，它们大多绘制详细、位置精确且标有名称，其他任何版本的北京地图都无法与之相比。但我们也使用了现代地图，包括从民国到1949年间出版的四至五种地图，以便确定胡同变迁后某些古老寺庙的位置，寻找乾隆十五年之后新建的寺庙，并追溯北京胡同格局变化的历史。

第二是补遗，即利用碑刻、地方志、政府档案等文献，补充《京城全图》上没有记录的庙宇，按地理位置将其整理成册。项目组成员以《北京图书馆藏北京石刻拓片目录》和其他一些碑刻目录为依据，找到以往刻立于寺庙中的碑刻近600通。我们将其全文照录，并整理了原碑格式与横排标点两种版本，使之对嗣后进行的寺庙研究有所助益。我们也查阅了收藏在中国第一历史档案馆和中国社科院中的明清档案，尤其是清内务府档案中与北京寺庙有关的部分以及僧录司的两种手抄本清册。从1928年到1947年，当时的行政当局对北京所有寺庙进行了几次普查，北京市档案馆中保存了这些调查问卷。最后，明清以来北京的地方文献中记述了大量与寺庙有关的信息，这也成为我们重要的资料来源。从这些资料中，我们补充了乾隆《京城全图》中没有标绘的约700座庙宇，如此说来，1750年到1949年之间，在北京内城不足60平方公里的土地上，曾经存在过至少1500座寺庙。

第三是踏勘，我们拿着地图走进胡同，登记寺庙现存或久废、完好或破损、翻修或倾圯的情况，并尽量搜集胡同居民对寺庙保留的记忆。调查工作在2004-2008年进行，进一步的核实工作至今尚未结束。我们发现，这1500座寺庙中，保存完好，至今仍在作为寺庙使用的只有6 座。建筑现存或部分尚存的有200余座，但这一数字还在不断减少中。

最后，我们将各种资料汇集于具体的寺庙中，并为每座寺庙撰写一份简要的历史——寺庙志，总汇为《北京内城寺庙碑刻志》丛书，计划共撰写11卷，目前已在国家图书馆出版社出版四卷。由于研究尚在进行之中，此丛书呈献给读者的仅是部分资料，是千里之行的第一步，希望为研究者带来一些方便，也希望使用者不断添入新的资料。

2. Epigraphic Studies and Documentation Techniques at the EFEO with Special Reference to Estampages, Prof. Dr. Arlo Griffiths, Professor of Southeast Asian History, (EFEO)

The presentation focused on the epigraphic research projects undertaken by the EFEO since its foundation in French Indochina in 1900, and the documentation techniques that have been deployed to reproduce inscriptions engraved on stone, which are for most Southeast Asian countries the main — and often the only — sources of pre-modern history. We will focus on the technique of estampage à la chinoise, and take a close look at some highlights of the EFEO’s collection. To further this work, see below: Arlo GRIFFITH, "Early Indic Inscriptions of Southeast Asia", in John GUY (ed.), Hindu-Buddhist Sculpture of Early Southeast Asia, New York, The Metropolitant Museum of Art, Yale University Press, 2014, p. 53-58, 276-305. The article includes an extensive general and specialized bibliography.

‘Chinese style’ estampage (EFEO n. 1883) of an inscription dated 16 May, 783 CE, composed in Sanskrit and engraved on stone to record a temple foundation made by Satyavarman, king of Campā, in what is today Southern Vietnam.

Early Indic Inscriptions of Southeast Asia

Arlo Griffiths

To understand the historical context in which Hindu and Buddhist sculpture of ancient Southeast Asia was produced, one can look to contemporary written documents. Among foreign records about Southeast Asia, Chinese sources are by far the richest.1 Many different types of local documents must have once existed, but the majority of texts were written on organic (impermanent) materials, such as palm leaf, parchment, wood, and paper, and have not survived to the present day. The only extant documents are on more durable, inorganic materials, such as stone, terracotta, brick, bronze, silver, and gold. These rare survivals of ancient writing must have been exceptional even in their own day, and they were intended to last and be remembered. Compared to surrounding cultural spheres, such as India and China, there are relatively few inscriptions in Southeast Asia, which heightens the importance of the fewer than one thousand inscriptions—a very rough estimate—for the period that concerns us here.

Languages and Scripts

The idea of writing seems to have come to Southeast Asia from India. At least, all the written documents from the region’s earliest history use forms of writing borrowed from the Indian subcontinent. In dis- cussing written documents from ancient Southeast Asia, it is important to realize that script and language are two different things, which can but need not be correlated. During the early history of Southeast Asia, many languages were used for writing, but all were expressed in what may be considered a single system of writing. In this Indic system, with its specific manner of arranging characters to express sounds, all basic signs express syllables (as opposed to alphabetic writing in the West). The origin of this basic system is the Brāhmī script, which was probably designed at the behest of Emperor Aśoka in northern India during the third century B.C.2 As it was adopted over an ever-growing area, Brāhmī evolved into numerous varieties, which eventually became the modern scripts of Bali, Cambodia,

Myanmar, and Thailand, among others. Although the shapes of their respective characters may look different, these Indic scripts all share fundamental structural similarities. By the time Indic writing began to appear in Southeast Asia in the early centuries A.D., Brāhmī had already split into two basic Fig. 38. Mūlavarman inscription pillar (detail). varieties: Northern and Southern. The vast majority of inscriptions Indonesia, ca. 5th century. Found in East Kalimantan of early Southeast Asia used writing that evolved from Southern province. Stone, approx. 51⅛ x 12⅝ x 13 in. (130 x 32 x Brāhmī. This volume illustrates one specimen of the so-called box- 33 cm). Museum Nasional Indonesia, Jakarta (D.175) headed form that is found in a small number of the oldest inscriptions of Southeast Asia, possibly datable to the fifth century (cat. 87); for a clearer example, see the inscription on one of seven Over time, the notable box shapes atop the signs went out of pillars (yūpa) erected by King Mūlavarman in eastern Kalimantan fashion, and the next stage of paleographic development is seen in (Borneo; fig. 38). Its text, composed in Sanskrit, can be translated as several Buddhist inscriptions, an inscribed Brahmanical trident “The ‘Mountain of Sesame,’ together with the ‘Garland of Lamps,’ (triśūla) from Cambodia (cat. 84), and the inscriptions of Pūrnavar- which was given by his majesty the king, Mūlavarman: this pillar man found in western Java. This group of documents is datable to has been inscribed [in commemoration] of those two [gifts].”3 the sixth century,4 while the approximately ten inscriptions from

Opposite: Buddha in meditation (detail of cat. 42)

Fig. 39. Munduan inscription, plate 1, recto. Indonesia, 807. Found in Central Java province. Copper; h. 3¾ in. (9.5 cm), w. 12⅝ in. (32 cm). Private collection

Śrīvijaya, found on the islands of Bangka and Sumatra, are solidly of writing found in most Southeast Asian inscriptions after the box- dated to the end of the seventh century (fig. 24). The inscription on headed phase, corresponding to the fourth to fifth centuries, and the Cambodian Śivapāda, or “footprint of Śiva,” may very tenta- before about 800. After this period, Late Southern Brāhmī developed tively be assigned to about 700 as well (cat. 83). Bearing inventory in separate directions in various regions of Southeast Asia, creating, number K.474, it explains in Sanskrit that the spectator is looking for example, the Kawi script of Java (see fig. 39), whose earliest dated at śivapādadvayāmbhojam—that is, “the pair of lotus feet of Śiva.”5 specimens go back to the middle of the eighth century.10 With its depiction of footprints, the piece is unique in Cambodian It is, anyhow, clear that writing was received in Southeast Asia epigraphy. Inscriptions that likewise concern the footprints of Śiva in more than one wave, and certain areas during certain periods were also produced in early Champa, although none is accompanied were strongly influenced by northeastern Indian culture. In those by a depiction.6 The aforementioned inscriptions of Pūrnavarman, areas, we find scripts derived from Northern Brāhmī, namely, “Late who ruled in western Java, also offer comparable material, but there, Northern Brāhmī” (roughly 6th–7th century, found in Rakhine— it is the footprints of the king and, in one case, those of a royal ele- that is, Arakan—and at Śrī Ksetra, both Myanmar)11 and the phant that are shown. Siddhamātřkā script (in the 8th and 9th centuries, particularly in Many publications on Southeast Asian inscriptions make no Java; see fig. 40), from the dominion of the Pālas, who ruled a clear distinction between the box-headed script and subsequent large area of northeastern India from about the mid-eighth forms of writing, designating them all uniformly as Pallava script.7 century onward.12 This name refers to the Pallava dynasty, which came to power on the One particular script seems to show features of both northern southeast coast of India around A.D. 300. Early twentieth-century and southern Indic writing: this so-called Pyu script, known only scholars attributed to this dynasty the spread of cultural features— from a small number of inscriptions found at Pyu sites within the such as the use of Sanskrit and production of Hindu statuary— Irrawaddy (Ayeyarwady) River valley of Myanmar (cat. 24), still from India to Southeast Asia.8 But there is virtually no direct evi- requires detailed study in order for it to be classified. The same dence of any Pallava involvement, certainly not for the earliest cen- script is involved in the rare phenomenon of digraphy—that is, the turies, and the Pallavas were by no means the only southern Indian use of more than one script in a single inscription. One can find kings to use this script during the early first millennium. Moreover, combinations of Pyu script, used to write the Pyu language—which the inscriptions of other dynasties show a form of writing that looks is not yet well understood but is apparently a member of the Tibeto- just as much like the script used in Southeast Asia as does the Burman language family13—with Late Southern Brāhmī to write script seen in Pallava inscriptions. Several inscriptions from Myanmar, Pali (cat. 27) or Late Northern Brāhmī to write Sanskrit (see Thailand, and Malaysia employ this script in Buddhist contexts, cat. 41).14 This last example simultaneously illustrates the fact that, often citing passages from Buddhist scriptures in Pali, whereas the in general, the northern scripts, when used in Southeast Asia, show Pallava dynasty was never an important patron of Buddhism, let a strong association with Buddhism and Sanskrit. alone Theravāda Buddhism, which uses Pali in its scriptures.9 For Indeed, in this phase, not only was the writing system Indian these reasons, among others, it is preferable to use more neutral but so were some of the languages used for written expression. By terms—for instance, “Late Southern Brāhmī”—to describe the form far the most important is the prestige language Sanskrit, but in

Fig. 40. Gold foil with inscription. Indonesia, ca. 800. Found at Candi Plaosan Lor, Central Java province. H. 2¼ in. (5.8 cm), w. 10 in. (25.5 cm). Balai Pelestarian Cagar Budaya, Prambanan, Indonesia

54 specific areas—particularly central Myanmar and central Thailand— Pali played a more prominent role. In most Southeast Asian regions, literacy seems to have come through Sanskrit, and the earliest inscriptions were written in this language—for example, the Vo Canh inscription of central Vietnam (fig. 58), possibly datable to between the second and fourth centuries (there is no consensus on its date) and probably the earliest locally produced Southeast Asian inscription15—while local languages started to be used in inscriptions only in a second phase.16 Javanese and Cambodian epigraphy most clearly illustrates this pattern. There are quite a few exceptions, but the quantities of early vernacular material are not suffi- cient to consider these exceptions as evidence of the irrelevance of Sanskrit or, possibly, in some areas, Pali, as vectors of literacy.17 The Pyu inscriptions of Myanmar, which seem to be among the oldest Southeast Asian inscriptions (some perhaps as old as the 4th century) are written in their own variety of Indic writing, and in a local language, but the sites where these inscriptions were found have also yielded inscriptions in Pali and Sanskrit (in their respective distinct scripts, Late Southern and Late Northern Brāhmī). The earliest documents of the Dvāravatī culture of Thailand may well be those in the local Mon language, a vernacular belonging (with Khmer) to the Austroasiatic language family, although in these, the script is identical to that used throughout a large area of early Southeast Asia: Late Southern Brāhmī. There are also inscriptions in Pali and in Sanskrit from the same cultural area, but no clear chronological precedence has been established for any language here.18 Cham, an Austronesian language, makes a very early appearance in the corpus of the inscriptions of Champa, as does Malay in Indonesia. Both languages borrow heavily from Sanskrit, and in the case of Cham, numerous contemporary Sanskrit inscriptions from Champa prove that Sanskrit was the primary language of epigraphical expression for several centuries, beginning around the fourth century. Besides local languages, Sanskrit, and Pali, a small number of inscriptions in the southern Indian Tamil language and script presumably indicate the presence of Tamil merchants. The earliest locally written example is from Ta Kua Pa in peninsular Thailand and dates from about the mid-ninth century.19 In addition, there are very rare specimens of inscriptions in languages that so far have not been identified—for instance, the inscription in the Kawgun cave near the mouth of the Salween (Thanlwin) River in Myanmar, which makes a rather early (possibly 7th–8th century) paleographic impression.20 Fig. 41. Stele with foundation inscription (C.217) Materials and Object Types of Satyadeveśvara. Central Vietnam, 783. Found in Phuoc Thien, Ninh Thuan province. Sandstone, 30⅞ x 17½ x 4¾ in. (78.5 x Among the earliest types of writing surfaces were natural rock faces 44.5 x 12 cm). Ninh Thuan Museum, Phan Rang, or boulders situated at prominent positions in the landscape—for Vietnam (BTNT 1440/D.13) example, on a riverbank. In addition to natural rocks or boulders, stone steles were manufactured to record more detailed texts. Their shapes and manner of installation vary from country to country. texts. Of particular interest is the illustrated sealing recovered near However, they are usually flat, with two main sides, or faces, and the ancient city of U Thong, central Thailand (cat. 87). It reads could be raised on a stone base or inserted directly into the ground śivambrihaspate[h], meaning “(property) of Śivabrhaspati.” I apply or pavement in front of a temple dedicated to Buddhist or Hindu in my translation a slight normalization to the spelling of the name, divinities. A recently discovered Champa inscription (fig. 41), which clearly points to a Śaiva religious context. An Indian exam- displaying unusually fine calligraphy, illustrates this type.21 ple of the kind of illustrated signet ring that might have been used Architectural elements on the temple itself, such as the doorway or to produce this sealing is in the collection of the British Museum, entrance, could also be inscribed with text, as could panels of narra- London.23 Figures 43 and 44 represent two examples, lacking illus- tive bas-relief. Objects may include a combination of sculpture and tration, found in Southeast Asia. Since neither the name nor the inscription, with one aspect elucidating the other. Such combina- scene depicted in the U Thong sealing seems to have precise Indian tions come in a variety of types, with different degrees of prominence precedents, it is likely that the seal with which it was stamped was of the sculptural versus the epigraphic. Although many ancient locally produced. Southeast Asian monuments were built in brick, the material was Objects made of bronze, silver, and gold were also inscribed. much less often used as a surface for inscriptions than was stone. Sculptures produced in metal sometimes feature short inscriptions Nonarchitectural objects produced in clay or terracotta— along the base. Rolled-up foils of silver or gold have been found pottery, molded “votive” tablets,22 and sealings—often bear short inserted into the earthen core of many metal statues. Such foils

early indic inscriptions of southeast asia 55 have also often been recovered from stone deposit boxes found in monuments during excavation and restoration.24 Metal utensils and jewelry were likewise inscribed: in most cases, such objects— for example, the hilt of an ornamental sword in the collection of The Metropolitan Museum of Art—were intended for the worship of or to be worn by statues of the gods (fig. 42).25 In writing created with an awl, the sword reads, on one side, su 2 mā 12, which indicates a weight in gold of two units suvarna and twelve units māsa,26 and on the other, sam vodha, which seems to be a name, presumably of the object’s donor, suggesting that this object must have been among the paraphernalia of the statue of a deity.27 In rare cases— such as signet rings engraved in the negative—the artifacts were worn or used by the owner. Two previously unpublished examples are both inscribed in Sanskrit (figs. 43, 44), and their texts, sujitiso- masya (“of Sujitisoma”) and jesthamitrasya (“of Jyesthamitra”), were meant to identify the owner or sender of the object sealed, presumably in clay.28 A special kind of metal object, and one subject to tremendous variation across cultures, is the coin.29 Until recently, Cambodia was thought to have hardly any ancient minting tradition, but over the last few years, some hoards have surfaced, among which was the unique gold coin or medallion of Īśānavarman, who reigned in the early seventh century (fig. 45).30 It can be read (and partly restored) as īśānavarmma[nah], on the obverse, and īśānapu(ra), on the reverse, meaning, respectively, “of Īśānavarman” and “Īśānapura.”31 On the whole, fewer ancient coins have been found in Southeast Asia, and with lesser typological diversity, than in India, but some Southeast Asian coins bear legends that lend them specific historical significance.32 From a comparative perspective, it is remarkable that there is not more overlap among the different ancient Southeast Asian cultures in the shapes and types of objects engraved with inscriptions. A striking example is the copper (or bronze) plate. Given the fact that this medium is extremely common in India, one might have expected to find it used throughout ancient Southeast Asia.

However, only maritime Southeast Asia, particularly Java and Bali, has a significant tradition of inscribing texts on such plates (fig. 39).33

Contents of Inscriptions A relationship can often be observed between the type of object bearing an inscription and its textual contents. Inscriptions on utensils in precious metals, for instance, normally concern the donor and often state the value or weight of the gift, as in figure 42. Inscriptions on the walls of a religious monument often relate the circumstances of its foundation or restoration and contain passages, at times extensive, about the land and personnel endowed to the service of the temple’s deity by its founder. Short inscriptions on bas-reliefs often indicate the name of the protagonist or the essence Fig. 42. Miniature sword hilt and details of inscriptions. Indonesia (Central of a given scene; short inscriptions are also found on building Java), ca. 9th century. Gold, 2⅝ x 2⅜ x 1⅛ in. (6.7 x 6 x 2.9 cm). The blocks of monuments to give instructions for their placement. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Samuel Eilenberg-Jonathan P. Rosen Collection of Indonesian Gold, Bequest of Samuel Eilenberg and Gift of stele was used in both peninsular and insular Southeast Asia Jonathan P. Rosen, 1998 (1998.544.43) to record a variety of transactions, including grants of land to indi- viduals or institutions. In Java and Bali, this last type of text was often engraved on copper plates. A special category is that of inscriptions that comprise citations of scriptural or ritual texts. This

early indic inscriptions of southeast asia 56 category appears to be a particular feature of the Buddhist tradition; no close counterpart seems to exist on the side of Śaiva Hinduism, the other major Indian religion that took deep root in ancient Southeast Asia.34

Inscriptions as Art-Historical Sources

Besides their value for reconstructing political, economic, and religious history, inscriptions are of particular importance for art history. For the entire period covered in this volume, they are very helpful in assigning absolute dates to monuments and associated sculptures. Fig. 43. Gold ring. Southern Fig. 44. Gold ring inlaid with Vietnam, 5th–6th century. National inscribed stone. Southern Vietnam, Inscriptions may include clear dates that can be converted Museum of Vietnamese History, ca. 6th century. Found in Oc Eo, unequivocally to an equivalent in the Christian ( Julian) Hanoi (Lsb 38295 ST 9067). The An Giang province. Collection calendar.35 And the association of a dated inscription with a monu- image is transposed horizontally to Mandeville, Hong Kong. The image ment often yields the date of its construction. Stylistic analysis then render the inscription positive. is transposed horizontally to render allows scholars to establish synchronism between monuments and the inscription positive. detached sculptures showing the same ornamental features.36 An eloquent example of how the discovery of a dated inscription can confirm or refine the understanding of art-historical developments is the foundation stele of the temple of Hoa Lai in Ninh Thuan province, central Vietnam. It fixed not only the dating of this monument (778) but also the art style named after it, which shows con- nections to both Cambodia and the Malay Peninsula.37 Although for many periods and areas the chronology is still imprecise and subject to debate, such inscriptional evidence has allowed scholars to determine the general chronological framework of ancient Southeast Asian art and architecture.

Fig. 45. Gold coin or medallion of Īśānavarman (obverse/reverse). Southern Cambodia, 7th century. Reportedly found in Angkor Borei, Takeo province. National Bank of Cambodia, Phnom Penh

early indic inscriptions of southeast asia 57 striking similarities within the group of camphor, was called Lang Polusi 郞婆露 not directly relevant to Southeast 30. In numismatics, the term “coin” is Southeast Asian inscriptions mentioned 斯. We have seen above how this name Asian epigraphy (see Boonyarit used for artifacts that were used as here. For discussion of this problem, see refers to Lam Barus, the northern part of Chaisuwan 2011). currency, whereas “medallion” designates my forthcoming monograph, coauthored Sumatra, and can only assume that the 20. Luce and Pe Maung Tin 1934–56, those that were minted in small with Emmanuel Francis, on the inscrip- southern capital controlled the southern vol. 4, pl. 355b; Luce 1985, pl. 98a. quantities and not destined to serve tions of Mūlavarman and Pūrnavarman. part of Sumatra. 21. For relevant publications, see as currency. 5. K.474. For the EFEO inventories of 125. See Coedès 1992b, p. 99. Griffiths and W. A. Southworth 2007; 31. The brackets indicate elements that Khmer (K.) and Champa (C.) 126. Both are now preserved in the Griffiths and W. A. Southworth 2011. are entirely lost, while the parentheses inscriptions, see Griffiths et al. 2008–9. Museum Nasional Indonesia, Jakarta 22. See Skilling 2008. show elements preserved but not 6. See Goodall and Griffiths 2013, (D155, D90). Published in de Casparis 23. 1892.1103.91. Raven 2004–5, legible out of context. The gold coin is p. 433, n. 22. 1975; Trigangga 2009, p. 86, fig. 6.2; fig. 6.21. currently held by the National Bank of 7. For the problem of naming ancient Miksic 2007, pp. 68–69. 24. See Griffiths forthcoming for Cambodia and is destined to become a Indic scripts, see Sander 2007. 127. Jiu Tang shu, juan 197; Xin Tang several examples. key object in the planned Money and 8. The classic study making the case for shu, juan 222C. 25. Its inscription is published here for Economy Museum near Wat Phnom in the Pallava connection is Vogel 1918. 128. For details of other Muslim envoys the first time. Phnom Penh. Despite the fact that some of its prem- to China “surnamed” Li, see Wade 2010. 26. According to Wisseman-Christie 32. See, for instance, Coedès 1963 on ises are untenable, this study is still The envoys are listed on pp. 403–5. 2004, pp. 92–93, one suvarna weighed what he interpreted as medallions of valuable reading. 129. While Louis-Charles Damais 38 grams, and there were 16 māsas to the Dvāravatī. Since 1963, a considerably 9. See Finot 1912b; Finot 1913; Falk prefers to identify the name Heling 訶陵 suvarna, so that we have 2.75 x 38 = greater number of specimens have 1997; Stargardt 2000; Stargardt 2001; with the Javanese kadatuan (royal 104.5 grams of gold. become known. Skilling 1997c; Skilling 2002; residence) of Walaiŋ (see Damais 1964), 27. Both the paleographic aspect of the 33. The copper plate of Munduan, from Skilling 2005b. the identification I offer sees other origins characters and the type of inscription central Java, now in a private collection, 10. See Griffiths 2012, p. 477. for the name Heling. The traditional clearly point to the ninth century. For dates to 807 and is the oldest copper- 11. See, for examples of such Late explanation, associating the term with similar, although uninscribed, artifacts plate inscription from Indonesia. It has Northern Brāhmī from Arakan, keling, a widespread and sometimes in the Museum Nasional Indonesia, so far been published only in Japanese Johnston 1944; Sircar 1957–58; Sircar pejorative Southeast Asian reference to Jakarta, see Fontein 1990, pp. 284–85, (Nakada Kozō 1986). 1967. The unpublished inscription on people from South Asia (and possibly and Bianchini 1995, pp. 64–65 34. See Falk 1997, Skilling 2002, and the socle of the Buddha (cat. 41) from derived from the name Kaliñga), (1555/A85); Brinkgreve, Lunsingh Griffiths forthcoming, to mention just Śrī Ksetra is partly engraved in a variety remains useful. Scheurleer, and Stuart-Fox 2010, p. 88 three relevant publications. of the same script. The same site has 130. Laffan 2005, p. 32. See also Mahdi (6535/A161) and pp. 92–93 (1556, 8968). 35. Paleographic analysis allows us to reportedly yielded fragments of a 2008 and Griffiths 2013b. 28. These are both otherwise unknown situate in time even those inscriptions 131. Zhou Qufei 周去非, Lingwai daida Sanskrit inscription in the same script figures in Southeast Asian history, and it that do not contain dates, but great 嶺外代答, juan 2. (Sircar 1976). cannot be excluded that we are dealing precision is not possible with this 132. Tong Dian (Comprehensive 12. For the use of this script in ancient with imports from India, where very approach. Compare de Casparis 1979. Statutes), juan 188, and Xin tang Java, see Griffiths, Revire, and Sanyal similar rings (and impressions of such in 36. For later periods, scholars are shu, juan 222C. 2013. The example shown here in fig. 40 clay) have been found. The first ring frequently lucky enough to find dated is a relatively recent discovery from weighs 1.33 ounces (37.525 g), and inscriptions engraved on freestanding Candi Plaosan Lor, Central Java province, reportedly originates from Phu Yen, sculptures, directly indicating their ii. EmErging idEntitiEs containing the Bodhigarbhālamkāra- Vietnam. But the piece was acquired dates, but no such directly dated laksadhāranī. I publish this inscription from goldsmith Vu Kim Loc of Ho Chi sculptures are known from early Early indic inscriPtions in Griffiths forthcoming. Minh City, and the provenance Southeast Asia. of southEast asia 13. Compare Shafer 1943; Luce 1985, information is suspect. A provenance in 37. See Griffiths and W. A. Southworth pp. 45–76; Krech 2012. Phu Yen would plead for assigning the 2011. 1. See Wade, “Beyond the Southern 14. From the period that concerns us ring to the culture of Champa, but as Borders,” in this volume. here, the only other case is from Bali, no such rings have been found in that 2. See Salomon 1995. where the pillar of Sanur is inscribed region so far, it might actually be an PrEcious dEPosits: Buddhism 3. The gifts mentioned here and on with three texts: the first two, in Sanskrit artifact of the Mekong delta (see Malleret sEEn through inscriPtions Mūlavarman’s other yūpas are all well and Old Balinese, are in Siddhamātřkā 1959–63, vol. 3 [1962], pp. 310–11, in Early southEast asia known from Sanskrit purāna literature, script; the third, again in Sanskrit, is in pls. xxxvii–xxxix; Bourdonneau 2007, which recommends various forms of the local Indonesian Kawi script. See p. 128). For a similar early signet ring, 1. The discovery was reported in detail liberality to Brahmans. See Chhabra Stutterheim 1934 and Damais 1951. unprovenanced but presumed to be in Duroiselle 1930a. Duroiselle’s list of 1949 and Chhabra 1965 for this group 15. C.40. Compare K. Bhattacharya Indian, see Boardman and Scarisbrick the diverse contents is on pp. 176–81. of inscriptions. I cite here the translation 1961a; Filliozat 1969; Jacques 1969; 1977, p. 87 with pl. 211 (the published 2. Stargardt 2000, pp. 21–22. Other gold to be included in a forthcoming Majumdar 1970; Zakharov 2010. reading, Sri Mitrabhavasya, is imprecise texts from Myanmar—for example, the comprehensive study of the inscriptions 16. For the use of Sanskrit versus local in several ways and should be corrected: Maunggun plates—were not found with of Mūlavarman and Pūrnavarman, on (“vernacular”) languages in the history (ś)r(ī)mitrarbhavasya). But the similarity such rich deposits. For the Maunggun which I am working with Emmanuel of Southeast Asian literature, including of script and content with cat. 87, plates, see Finot 1912b; Ray 1946, Francis. For examples of box-headed inscriptions, see Pollock 2006. which is, in my opinion, most likely an pp. 33–35. script in Champa, see Finot 1902 and 17. One exception is inscription C.174, impression from a locally manufactured 3. Taking recent research into account, Coedès 1939. said to originate in Dong Yen Chau, seal (the seal is catalogued in this I choose to write bodhisatva rather 4. Several documents from the main- Vietnam; it is the oldest document in the volume as being from India), suggests than the artificially standardized, and land—in particular, the well-published Cham language (Coedès 1939), perhaps that such rings were also produced now anglicized, bodhisattva. See G. gold-foil manuscript from Śrī Ksetra— as old as the fourth century. locally in Southeast Asia. The second Bhattacharya 2010. tend to be assigned earlier dates (5th or 18. For the oldest Mon inscriptions, see ring was photographed in 1997 by 4. For the Pali texts, see Ray 1946, 6th century) in the scholarly literature Coedès 1952; Diffloth 1984; Bauer Pierre-Yves Manguin at Oc Eo, where pp. 37–42, and, more recently, Falk 1997 (see Falk 1997; Stargardt 2001, p. 505), 1991a; Bauer 1991b. it was held by a villager. (with references to earlier literature); following the tendency to estimate paleo- 19. Compare Francis 2008–9, p. 412. 29. See, for instance, Wisseman-Christie Stargardt 2000; Skilling 2005b. graphic dates by comparing script speci- There are some much earlier inscriptions 1998 (on Javanese coins) and Mahlo 5. One variant of these votive stupas mens from India while ignoring the in Tamil Brāhmī script, but they seem 2012 (on Burmese coins). is illustrated in Jacq-Hergoualc’h to be imports from India and are hence 2002, fig. 61.

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