The Management of the Low-Income Migrant Worker Along the Asia-Abu Dhabi Migration Corridor

Exploring the Techniques of Disciplinary Power: The Management of the Low-Income Migrant Worker along the Asia-Abu Dhabi Migration Corridor

A Thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of PhD in the Faculty of Humanities

2018

Michael S. Cowen Manchester Business School People, Management and Organisations

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS 2 TABLES and FIGURES 6 ABBREVIATIONS 7 ARABIC TRANSLATIONS 8 ABSTRACT 9 DECLARATION 10 COPYRIGHT STATEMENT 11 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 12

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 13 1.1 The study of Management and Migration: Geographic gaps and conceptual approach 14 1.1.1 Geographic gap in CMS’s knowledge of the management of workers 14 1.1.2 Conceptual approach in the knowledge of the management of workers 16 1.2 Introducing the Asia – Abu Dhabi Migration Corridor 20 1.2.1 Labour Exporting Countries: Philippines, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka 20 1.2.2 Labour Receiving Emirate of Abu Dhabi 24 1.3 Introducing Critical Management Studies 27 1.4 Aims and Scope of this Research 31 1.5 Thesis Structure 32

CHAPTER 2: ‘MANAGING’ THROUGH TECHNIQUES OF DISCIPLINARY POWER 38 2.1 Introducing some ‘trajectories’ of Management Theory 39 2.2 Management as Power 41 2.3 How to view Foucault’s concepts of Power? 44 2.4 Introducing Disciplinary Power 47 2.4.1 Techniques of Disciplinary Power: Dividing Practices 49 2.4.2 Techniques of Disciplinary Power: Scientific Classification 50 2.4.3 Techniques of Disciplinary Power: Subjectification 51 2.4.4 Techniques of Disciplinary Power: Surveillance 52 2.4.5 Summary of the Techniques of Disciplinary Power 53 2.5 Criticisms of Disciplinary Power 56 2.6 Chapter Conclusion 58

CHAPTER 3: REVIEW OF THE MIGRATION/MIGRANT WORKERS LITERATURE 60 3.1 Introducing Migration Studies 60 3.2 Migrant Workers and Management Studies: Previous Research 64 3.2.1 Research where the employer and recruiters are of central interest 65 3.2.2 Research from the migrant worker perspective 67 3.2.3 Research from labour process perspective 68 3.2.4 Research from union/community support perspectives 69 3.2.5 Summarising CMS work into Migrant Worker Studies 70 3.3 GCC based Migration/Migrant Workers Studies 71 3.3.1 The make-up of the Kafala System 74 3.3.2 Criticisms of the Kafala System and Other Conceptualisations 76 3.3.3 Attacks on UAE’s Human Rights Record and Responses 80 3.3.4 Summarising GCC based MS work 83 3.4 Degrees of Difference and Similarity between CMS and ‘Migration Studies’ 84 3.5 Chapter Conclusion 86

CHAPTER 4: WRESTLING WITH CRITICAL ETHNOGRAPHY 88 4.1 Situating this Ethnography within the broader Ethnographic Tradition 89 4.1.1 Introducing Ethnography 89 4.1.2 Adopting a Critical Ethnography 91 4.2 Assumptions in this Critical Ethnography 95 4.3 Establishing a Research Strategy 97 4.3.1 Multi-sited Ethnography 98 4.3.2 Abu Dhabi as a Site for Research 100 4.3.3 Getting too close through Participant Living 102 4.4 Research Design and Method 104 4.4.1 Recruitment of Migrant Workers to the study 104 4.4.2 Role conflicts 107 4.4.3 Interviews 109 4.4.4 Photography 112 4.4.5 Documentary Analysis 116 4.4.6 Observation and Access 116 4.4.7 International Research Trips 117

4.4.8 Collecting and Storing Data 118 4.4.9 Analysing Data & Writing 120 4.5 Chapter Conclusion 122

CHAPTER 5. MAKING THE MIGRANT WORKER 123 5.1 Multi-generational migrations 125 5.2 Migration Orientations 129 5.2.1 Pre-employment Orientations (PEO), Missions, and Awards 130 5.2.2 Pre-departure Orientations (PDO) 132 5.2.3 Post Arrival Orientation (PAO) 136 5.3 Maintaining work subject positions through Uniforming Bodies 138 5.3.1 The ubiquitous uniform in Abu Dhabi 139 5.3.2 Reinforcing Subjectification through the Uniform 144 5.4 Chapter Conclusion 148

CHAPTER 6. HYPER-MANAGEMENT OF THE MIGRANT WORKER IN THE 151 CARCERAL NET 6.1 Dividing Practices in the management of low-income migrant workers 152 6.1.1 Spatial and Temporal Separation of Low-income Migrant Workers 154 6.1.2 Camp Design and Surveillance 159 6.1.3 Room Design and Rules 165 6.1.4 Migrant Worker Hyper-management 170 6.2 The Low-income Migrant Worker as an Object of Knowledge 171 6.3 Hyper-Management of the low-income worker and the Carceral Net 177 6.4 Chapter Conclusion 182

CHAPTER 7. LIVING IN THE INSTERTICIAL SPACES OF THE CARCERAL NET: X- 185 FAMILY 7.1 Family and the gap in the Literature 188 7.2 Family’s ongoing role in the management of the low-income migrant worker 189 7.3 The emergence of X-Family 197 7.3.1 X-Family as support 197 7.3.2 Apartment X-Family, as exercising ‘freedom’ 200 7.3.3 When X-family threatens Family 205

7.4 Chapter Conclusion 210

CHAPTER 8. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 216 8.1 Introduction 216 8.2 Summary of the Thesis 217 8.3 Research Contributions 221 8.3.1 Contributions to Migration Studies: The ‘dismantling’ of the Kafala System 221 8.3.2 Contributions to CMS on the management of low-income migrant workers 227 8.4 Reflections on Critical Ethnography 242 8.5 Limitations 245 8.6 New Research Directions 246

REFERENCES 249 APPENDIX A – GRADATIONS OF MIGRANT WORKER CATEGORIES 280 APPENDIX B – REMITTANCE STATISTICS 282 APPENDIX C – LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS 284 APPENDIX D – CORE MIGRANT WORKER INTRODUCTIONS 285 APPENDIX E – 26 PROCEDURAL STEPS DOCUMENTED 289 APPENDIX F – DETAILED INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 292 APPENDIX G - SUMMARY OF TECHNIQUES OF DISCIPLINARY POWER IN THE 293 HYPER-MANAGEMENT OF WORKERS

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TABLES Table 1.1 – Abu Dhabi Labour Statistics. Source - SCAD, 2014 26 Table 4.1 – Breakdown of Conducted Interviews 110 Table 8.1 – Relevance of elements of the Kafala System in Abu Dhabi 222 Table 8.2 – Diagram of Power of the Carceral Net 240

FIGURES

Figure 4.1 – MW8 Photograph 114 Figure 4.2 – MW6 Photograph 115 Figure 5.1 – Poster from WARBE NGO, Bangladesh, 2014 127 Figure 5.2 – Department of Foreign Employment, Bangladesh, 2015 (Source: own photo) 130 Figure 5.3 – Dream Map. Source: NRCO Training Materials, Philippines 134 Figure 5.4 – A made up majliss, a shisha pipe, and two mannequins in Gulf dress 135 Figure 5.5 – Domestic Workers in “Pajamas” Bawadi Mall, 2013 143 Figure 5.6 – Local municipality worker checking migrant workers papers. Source. The 146 National. Figure 6.1 – Workers Village, Source Google Earth, 2014. 160 Figure 6.2 – Barbed wired fence customary in Labour Camps. (Source: Own photo) 163 Figure 6.3 – Chinacamp, preparing a meal in room 2014. (Source: Own photo) 164 Figure 6.4 – Camp Security, Source: Workers Village Brochure. 164 Figure 6-5 – Workers’ room in Al Ain Labour Camp, 2013. (Source: Own photo) 167 Figure 6.6 – Workers company bunk bed, labour camp, Al Ain. (Source: Own photo) 168 Figure 6.7 – Workers fixing bed bug problem, Chinacamp, 2014. (Source: Own photo) 169 Figure 7.1 – MW9 with her X-family. 198 Figure 7.2 – MW8 with his X-Family. 198 Figure 7.3 – Al Ain Labour Camp. 2014. (Source: MW8) 199 Figure 7.4 – Burning angel. Source MW4 204 Figure 7.5 – Cages. Source MW4 214

ABBREVIATIONS ADD – Abu Dhabi Dialogue ALFEA – Association of Licensed Foreign Employment Agencies, Sri Lanka BAIRA – Bangladesh Association of International Recruitment Agencies BMET – Bangladesh Ministry of Employment and Training BOESL – Bangladesh Overseas Employment and Services Limited CMS – Critical Management Studies DOFE – Department of Foreign Employment, Nepal FEPB – Foreign Employment Promotions Board, Nepal GCC – Gulf Cooperation Countries HRW – Human Rights Watch ILO – International Labour Organisation IOM – International Organisation for Migration ITUC – International Trade Union Confederation LPT – Labour Process Theory MMS – Mainstream Management Studies MOL – Ministry of Labour, Abu Dhabi (During the research it changed its name to Ministry of Human Resources and Emiratisation.) MS – Migration Studies NAFEA – National Association of Foreign Employment Agencies, Nepal NGO – Non-Governmental Organisation OWWA – Overseas Workers’ Welfare Administration, Philippines POEA – Philippines Overseas Employment Authority POLO – Philippines Overseas Labor Offices PRO – Public Relations Officer (HR role in charge of workers’ visa processing) SLBFE – Sri Lankan Bureau of Foreign Employment SLFEA – Sri Lanka Foreign Employment Agency TESDA – Technical Education and Skills Development Administration, Philippines UAE – United Arab Emirates UK – United Kingdom USA – United States of America

ARABIC TRANSLATIONS Habibi – My dear Kafala – Sponsorship Kafeel – Sponsor Kandora – Emirati Male Local Dress Majliss – Lounge, Social Gathering Area Wasta – To mean power, influence, not what you know – but who you know.

ABSTRACT

The management of south-to-south workers’ migration and their lives remains an important issue in many circles as hundreds of thousands of these low-income migrant workers are often ‘positioned’ in precarious economic and social situations. This thesis develops a Critical Management Studies (CMS) focus to show that there are inherent power disparities and potential for worker exploitation in these practices. Based on an ethnographic study of the Asia to Abu Dhabi migration corridor this thesis explores the techniques of disciplinary power in the management of the low-income migrant worker. This thesis demonstrates that the low-income migrant worker is a deeply subjugated subject who is disciplined to live a responsible life of docility and work, and where his/her ‘life’ is deferred until they return home on vacation, or return at the end of their contract. There is also evidence of a 'diagram of power' that I term the Carceral Net, in which the techniques of disciplinary power are found to be juxtaposed with sovereign, social/juridical, and security technologies of power. However, despite the tight grip of the Carceral Net, there is a unique form of support that emerges through a localised set of daily practices where the worker (within interstitial spaces) strives to cope with life, and live life with his/her X-Family.

DECLARATION

I hereby swear that no portion of the work referred to in the thesis has been submitted in support of an application for another degree or qualification of this or any other university or other institute of learning.

i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis) owns certain copyright or related rights in it (the “Copyright”) and s/he has given The University of Manchester certain rights to use such Copyright, including for administrative purposes. ii. Copies of this thesis, either in full or in extracts and whether in hard or electronic copy, may be made only in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (as amended) and regulations issued under it or, where appropriate, in accordance with licensing agreements which the University has from time to time. This page must form part of any such copies made. iii. The ownership of certain Copyright, patents, designs, trade marks and other intellectual property (the “Intellectual Property”) and any reproductions of copyright works in the thesis, for example graphs and tables (“Reproductions”), which may be described in this thesis, may not be owned by the author and may be owned by third parties. Such Intellectual Property and Reproductions cannot and must not be made available for use without the prior written permission of the owner(s) of the relevant Intellectual Property and/or Reproductions. iv. Further information on the conditions under which disclosure, publication and commercialisation of this thesis, the Copyright and any Intellectual Property and/or Reproductions described in it may take place is available in the University IP Policy (see http://www.campus.manchester.ac.uk/medialibrary/policies/intellectual-property.pdf), in any relevant Thesis restriction declarations deposited in the University Library, The University Library’s regulations (see http://www.manchester.ac.uk/library/aboutus/regulations) and in The University’s policy on presentation of Theses.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to those who participated in the study, and particularly to the migrant workers who took me into their homes and communities in Sri Lanka,

Bangladesh, Nepal and the Philippines. Without you, this thesis would not have been possible. Second,

I would like to express my sincere gratitude and appreciation to my supervisors Damian Hodgson and

Damian O’Doherty who both played a huge part throughout the PhD journey. My being part-time, being situated many thousands of kilometres away from the University, and for my own certain way of being created challenges for me and for my supervisors. Damian Hodgson was always supportive and had calm and practical advice on hand when I needed it. Damian O’Doherty took the opposite mandate of opening things in new directions and getting me to see things in new ways (To which I often only came to see what he was talking about many months after he mentioned them to me). Both of these men are inspiring individuals and an awesome team together that contributed deeply to my development and the development of this thesis. Third, I would like to thank some friends: Ronald Bradfield, Humaid Kanji, and Richard Perry who played an important role in the PhD, either reading or commenting on my writing, or listening to hours of my commentary on the research or the research process. Last but not least, the

PhD would not have been possible without the support of the love of my life, my wife, Alexandra

Mendez, whose love and support has been unwavering throughout. Thank you! Te amo muchisimo!!!

Eso es para ti.

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

I arrived in Abu Dhabi in April 2006. I had taken a job as a project manager to put in a new application into a UAE University. Soon after I had arrived, I found myself standing on a street corner looking out over a roundabout. I was in the city of Al Ain waiting for a taxi to pass by so I could get to a local mall.

I had only been in the country for a month, and everything was still very strange to me from the hot weather, the desert, the strange architecture, the call for prayer that plays five times a day, the local men walking around in their long white dresses or to the local women walking around in black robes covering their hair and sometimes their faces. I heard a bus come up behind me on my right, and as I turned, it slowed before entering the roundabout. As I watched it pass, for practical purposes, it was like time slowed so I could take in what was in front of me. The bus was timeworn, the kind I had thought would not have any use outside of a junkyard. It was a dirty plain white colour, with no obvious advertising or markings. It was windowless with bars covering where the windows would have been. Inside were dark- skinned men in faded blue overalls. Some were sleeping with heads slumped while others were awake and looking out. Some stared back at me as I stared back at them. There seemed to be a strange fascination with each other, without knowing what they were thinking. As the bus passed, time returned to its normal speed and disappeared on the other side of the roundabout. I remember thinking to myself, what was that all about? It could have been the bars where the windows should have been or the uniforms, or the lack of comforts. Either way, I concluded there must be a prison nearby. Within a few minutes a taxi drew up, and I thought nothing of it again. That was until someone from work explained that this was not a prison bus, but instead it was an everyday low-income worker bus. How incorrect had been my initial perception. At the time, it was quite a ‘shock’ and from then on, my fascination grew to know more about the lives of these workers.

1.1 The study of Management and Migration: Geographic gaps and conceptual approach

The United Nations estimates that the 244 million economic migrants are sending more than

USD 436 billion in remittances every year (United Nations, 2016), affecting even greater numbers of workers' families around the world. In this thesis, I focus on the management of the lives of one segment of migrants, that of the low-income economic migrant. A migrant worker is defined by the United

Nations’ Convention on the protection of the rights of all migrant workers, as ‟a person who is to be engaged, is engaged or who has been engaged in a remunerated activity in a State of which he or she is not a national.” (United Nations, 1990: Article 2). However, this simple definition by United Nations obscures important differences as the notion migrant covers a wide range of people in a wide variety of situations. The use of the term ‘migrant worker’ is loaded with signification; still, there are many other names that are associated with this class of economic migrant, for example, guest worker, labourer, temporary worker, foreign worker, temporary contract workers, transnational workers; transmigrants, and expatriate workers. Each representation is implicated in discursive acts that attempt to produce what it names, by the people who employ the terms (de Haas, 2010b). Evidence for this performativity comes from numerous examples locally, and from around the world, e.g. the 2016 US election or the 2016 UK

Brexit Referendum where political parties attempted to demonise migrants as a threat to employment and security. However, this performativity can also be used to aid the various ‘causes’ aimed at improving the lives of migrant workers by bringing visibility to victims of abuse. Acknowledging this discursive complexity, and maintaining an affinity to the performative critical researcher, I kept the term low- income migrant worker for this research (see Appendix A for a detailed breakdown of categories of migrant workers), so that the research can participate in conversations on the management of migrant workers.

1.1.1 Geographic gap in CMS’s knowledge of the management of workers

The management of migration and migrants remains an important issue in many circles (be that in government, in academia, or in business and management) where the issues vary significantly, from 14 interests in refugees, in human trafficking, or the largest category of economic migrants (Martin et al.,

2006). This thesis, from within the subfield of Critical Management Studies (CMS) focuses on the low- income migrant worker for whom there is, it is often argued, inherent power disparities and potential for worker exploitation that necessitates conscientious attention by management researchers (United

Nations, 2016; Ahmad, 2008; Anderson, 2010b; Jiang & Korczynski, 2016). Mainstream management researchers tend to focus on ‘expatriate management’ and ignore questions of power and exploitation of people and resources in migration (see Chapter 3). These studies have focused on management of high- income migrant workers who venture on overseas posts from a ‘global north’ country toward a ‘global south’ country. CMS, of course, takes little interest in expatriate management, instead it has attempted to address these questions of power and exploitation in the management of workers; however, CMS research is scarce in the area of migrant workers. By CMS, here I mean as a sub-field that offers an analytically distinct way to research (this is discussed further in Section 1.3). This body of CMS

Foucauldian research is drawn upon in Chapter Two. Meanwhile in Chapter Three, I adopt a very broad notion of ‘CMS’ to mean research that comes out of business schools and that could be read as critical of migrant management and/or exploitation migrant workers. To help the readability of this distinction, when I use CMS, I mean the, the movement, the analytically distinct