Europe, US and China Tomorrow Will It Be Possible to Avoid Geopolitical and Economic Traps?
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“Apples and Oranges”
Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies “Apples and Oranges”. Prospects for the Comparative Analysis of the EU and NAFTA as Continental Systems Stephen Clarkson RSC No. 2000/23 EUI WORKING PAPERS EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE RSC 2000/23 © 2000 Stephen Clarkson All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the authors. © 2000 Stephen Clarkson Printed in Italy in May 2000 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico (FI) Italy RSC 2000/23 © 2000 Stephen Clarkson ABSTRACT* The signature by Mexico, Canada and the United States of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1993 established an institutionalized, continent-wide economic region roughly equivalent in size and population to the European Union. By its very creation, NAFTA opened up the possibility for scholars of European integration to add a comparative dimension to their research. Starting with the question whether the differences between North America and Europe are so great as to preclude their meaningful comparison (as implied by the expression, “apples and oranges”), this paper argues that there are enough commonalities between the two continental systems for the comparison of their differences to be analytically and intellectually fruitful. It goes on to propose many areas which Euroscholars might consider for future comparative study and offers as an example a case study by Jean Cushen of the differential impacts of the EU and NAFTA on Ireland’s and Canada’s labour markets. It would be difficult for me to list all the colleagues – scholars and students – who have helped me develop these ideas over the past few years. -
AMUNDI 10-YEAR 2010 - 2020: the End of Traditional Asset Management
AMUNDI 10-YEAR 2010 - 2020: The End of Traditional Asset Management ABOUT AMUNDI Amundi, the leading European asset manager, ranking among the top 10 global players1, offers its 100 million clients - retail, institutional and corporate - a complete range of savings and investment solutions in active and passive management, in traditional or real assets. With its six international investment hubs2, financial and extra-financial research capabilities and long-standing commitment to responsible investment, Amundi is a key player in the asset management landscape. Amundi clients benefit from the expertise and advice of 4,500 employees in nearly 40 countries. Created in 2010 and listed on the stock exchange in 2015, Amundi currently manages nearly €1.6 trillion of assets3. Amundi, a Trusted Partner, working every day 2010 - 2020: The End of Traditional Asset Management Asset End of Traditional The 2010 - 2020: in the interest of its clients and society www.amundi.com 1. Source: IPE “Top 500 Asset Managers” published in June 2020, based on assets under management as at 31/12/2019 2. Boston, Dublin, London, Milan, Paris and Tokyo 3. Amundi data as at 30/06/2020 Amundi Asset Management, French “Société par Actions Simplifiée” - SAS with a capital of AMUNDI 10-YEAR €1,086,262,605 - Portfolio management company approved by the French Financial Markets Authority (Autorité des Marchés Financiers) under no.GP 04000036. Registered office: 90, boulevard Pasteur, 75015 Paris - France - 437 574 452 RCS Paris A Decade of Sharing Expertise AMUNDI 10-YEAR 2010 - 2020: The End of Traditional Asset Management A Decade of Sharing Expertise TABLE OF CONTENTS AMUNDI 10-YEAR 2010 - 2020: The End of Traditional Asset Management p. -
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript Date: Thursday, 24 May 2007 - 12:00AM PRIME MINISTERS IN THE POST-WAR WORLD: ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME D.R. Thorpe After Andrew Bonar Law's funeral in Westminster Abbey in November 1923, Herbert Asquith observed, 'It is fitting that we should have buried the Unknown Prime Minister by the side of the Unknown Soldier'. Asquith owed Bonar Law no posthumous favours, and intended no ironic compliment, but the remark was a serious under-estimate. In post-war politics Alec Douglas-Home is often seen as the Bonar Law of his times, bracketed with his fellow Scot as an interim figure in the history of Downing Street between longer serving Premiers; in Bonar Law's case, Lloyd George and Stanley Baldwin, in Home's, Harold Macmillan and Harold Wilson. Both Law and Home were certainly 'unexpected' Prime Ministers, but both were also 'under-estimated' and they made lasting beneficial changes to the political system, both on a national and a party level. The unexpectedness of their accessions to the top of the greasy pole, and the brevity of their Premierships (they were the two shortest of the 20th century, Bonar Law's one day short of seven months, Alec Douglas-Home's two days short of a year), are not an accurate indication of their respective significance, even if the precise details of their careers were not always accurately recalled, even by their admirers. The Westminster village is often another world to the general public. Stanley Baldwin was once accosted on a train from Chequers to London, at the height of his fame, by a former school friend. -
Russia's “Pivot to Asia”
Russia’s “Pivot to Asia”: The Multilateral Dimension Stephen Blank STEPHEN BLANK is a Senior Fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council. He can be reached at <[email protected]>. NOTE: Sections of this working paper draw on Stephen Blank, “Russian Writers on the Decline of Russia in the Far East and the Rise of China,” Jamestown Foundation, Russia in Decline Project, September 13, 2016. Working Paper, June 28, 2017 – Stephen Blank EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This paper explores the opportunities and challenges that Russia has faced in its economic pivot to Asia and examines the potential roadblocks to its future integration with the region with special regard to multilateral Asian institutions. Main Argument Despite the challenges Russia faces, many Russian writers and officials continue to insist that the country is making visible strides forward in its so-called pivot to Asia. Russia’s ability to influence the many multilateral projects that pervade Asia from the Arctic to Southeast Asia and increase its role in them represents an “acid test” of whether or not proclamations of the correctness of Russian policy can stand up to scrutiny. Such scrutiny shows that Russia is failing to benefit from or participate in these projects. The one exception, the Eurasian Union, has become an economic disappointment to both Russia and its other members. Russia is actually steadily losing ground to China in the Arctic, Central Asia, and North Korea. Likewise, in Southeast Asia Moscow has promoted and signed many agreements with members of ASEAN, only to fail to implement them practically. Since Asia, as Moscow well knows, is the most dynamic sector of the global economy, this failure to reform at home and implement the developmental steps needed to compete in Asia can only presage negative geoeconomic and geopolitical consequences for Russia as it steadily becomes increasingly marginalized in the region despite its rhetoric and diplomatic activity. -
One Nation Again
ONE NATION AGAIN ANDREW TYRIE MP THE AUTHOR Andrew Tyrie has been Conservative Member of Parliament for Chichester since May 1997 and was Shadow Paymaster General from 2003 to 2005. He is the author of numerous publications on issues of public policy including Axis of Instability: America, Britain and The New World Order after Iraq (The Foreign Policy Centre and the Bow Group, 2003). The One Nation Group of MPs was founded in 1950. The views expressed in this pamphlet are those of the author and not necessarily of the whole group. One Nation Group, December 2006 Printed by 4 Print, 138 Molesey Avenue, Surrey CONTENTS Acknowledgements 1 One Nation Conservatism 1 2 The History of the Concept 7 3 One Nation Conservatism renewed 15 4 Conclusion 27 Bibliography One Nation members ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the members of the One Nation Group of Conservative MPs whose entertaining and stimulating conversation at our weekly gatherings have brightened many a Westminster evening, particularly during the long years in which the Party appeared to have succumbed to fractious squabbling and representing minority interests. I would also like to thank The Hon Nicholas Soames MP, David Willetts MP and the Rt Hon Sir George Young MP for their comments on an earlier draft; Roger Gough who put together the lion’s share of historical research for this paper; the helpful team in the House of Commons Library; and my ever patient secretaries, Miranda Dewdney-Herbert and Ann Marsh. Andrew Tyrie December 2006 CHAPTER ONE ONE NATION CONSERVATISM The Tory Party, unless it is a national party, is nothing.1 The central tenet of One Nation Conservatism is that the Party must be a national party rather than merely the representative of sectional interests. -
Towards Sustainable Consumption and Production in North America: Building Legitimacy Through Roles and Responsibilities in a Beyond Compliance Operating Environment
Canada-United States Law Journal Volume 37 Issue 1 Article 6 2012 Towards Sustainable Consumption and Production in North America: Building Legitimacy through Roles and Responsibilities in a beyond Compliance Operating Environment Stefanie Bowles Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cuslj Part of the Environmental Law Commons, and the Transnational Law Commons Recommended Citation Stefanie Bowles, Towards Sustainable Consumption and Production in North America: Building Legitimacy through Roles and Responsibilities in a beyond Compliance Operating Environment, 37 Can.- U.S. L.J. 93 (2012) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cuslj/vol37/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Canada-United States Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. TOWARDS SUSTAINABLE CONSUMPTION AND PRODUCTION IN NORTH AMERICA: BUILDING LEGITIMACY THROUGH ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES IN A "BEYOND COMPLIANCE" OPERATING ENVIRONMENT Stefanie Bowles* And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders, nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it. - Barack Obama, 2008 InaugurationSpeech 1. INTRODUCTION AND OUTLINE Sitting at the intersection of a number of disciplines, sustainability policy is characterized by learning and debating about what "environmental" prob- lems mean for society.' In the flux surrounding mainstream North American policy responses to the de-stabilization of global climate and socio-economic systems, a fledgling discourse coalition is emerging around the concept of a "low-carbon economy." 2 While still in the early stages, it is not the first so- The author wishes to acknowledge the direct support of the Canada-U.S. -
Eurasia: Playing Field Or Battle Field? Defining an Effective German and European Approach on Connec
German Council on Foreign Relations No. 2 November 2019 ANALYSIS Eurasia: Playing Field or Battle Field? Defining an Effective German and European Approach on Connec- Dr. Jacopo Maria Pepe tivity Toward China and Russia? is a research fellow at the Robert Bosch Center for Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, and Central Asia Eurasia is emerging as a fluid continent where resurgent great power politics by Russia and China are marginalizing Europe and the Western liberal order. Despite diverging interests, Moscow and Beijing are linking their Eurasian integration projects, the Belt and Roads Initiative (BRI) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). To avoid the loss of Europe’s trade and regulatory power in Eurasia, the EU and Germany should adjust their Central Asia strategy: – They should focus on Greater Central Asia and Greater East- ern Europe and define an interest-driven, flexible, and regionally diversified approach toward Russia and China. – They should engage both powers with a strategic mix of cooper- ation and competition, but also cooperate with third countries. – Eurasia should be prioritized in Europe’s industrial policy, and more means committed to developing the infrastructure linking Central Europe, Central Eastern Europe, and Western Eurasia. 2 No. 2 | November 2019 Eurasia: Playing Field or Battle Field? ANALYSIS EURASIAN ORDER AND RESURGENT POWER POLITICS 4 LOSING TRACTION: EUROPEAN INFLUENCE INEURASIA AFTER THE FINANCIAL CRISIS 5 CONTENTS GAINING TRACTION: THE SINO-RUSSIAN ENTENTE AFTER THE UKRAINE CRISIS 6 BRI-EAEU COORDINATION IN A RECONNECTED EURASIA: A SINGULAR STRATEGIC CHALLENGE FOR EUROPE? 8 THE CURRENT EU CONNECTIVITY STRATEGY: A CONCEPT WITHOUT STRATEGIC GOALS 11 TOWARD A REALISTIC EURASIAN STRATEGY: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE EU AND GERMANY 13 THE GEOGRAPHIC FOCUS: DEVISING ACTION IN GREATER CENTRAL ASIA AND GREATER EASTERN EUROPE 16 THE ROAD AHEAD: TOWARD A COORDINATED INVESTMENT AND INDUSTRIAL POLICY OFFENSIVE FOR EURASIA 19 CONCLUSION 20 No. -
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European Community News Release Background Note CANADA AND THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AS TRADING PARTNERS Keynote Address by Mr. Wilhelm Haferkamp, Former Vice-President, Responsible for External Relations, of the Commission of the European Community, at an International Symposium, «Trade Options for Canada: the Challenge for Public and Corporate Management» held at The Chateau Laurier Hotel, Ottawa, Ontario, on 24 - 25 October 1985 Sponsored by The International Business The Canadian Council Study Group, School of Business, & for Carleton University European Affairs Supported by The Delegation of the Commission of the European Communities, Ottawa, and others. Delegation of the Commission Qf the European Communities Press and Information Service 350 Sparks Street. Suite 1110, ori-AWA, Ontario, Canada, K 1 R ?SS/telephone: (613) 238-6~64/t.elex: ?534544 EURCOM OTT J Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a great pleasure for me to be back in Canada. This time I am not here as a trade negotiator or as a participant in the «Quadrila teral Trade Ministers' Meeting». The «Quadrilaterals» and their origin are a good example of Canadian involvement in significant chapters of the recent history of world trade. In 1981, the annual Western Economic Summit took place at Montebello, Quebec. Noting the achievements of the Tokyo Round, the Summit parti cipants instructed their representatives in the field of trade to keep under close review developments in world trade. And so we did! Canada, the United States, Japan, and the European Community instituted biannual «quadrilateral» meetings representing a useful tool to cope with threats to the world trading system. Another example of Canada's position as an important player 1n the arena of world trade: Under Canadian presidency, both the GATT Ministerial meeting in Geneva in 1982 and the OECD 1984 Ministerial meeting in Paris adopted decisions aimed at stimulating multilateral trade liberalization, such as the rollback of protectionist measures and the acceleration of the tariff reduction schedule of the Tokyo Round. -
THE INSTITUTIONALISATION of REGIONAL INTEGRATION in NORTH AMERICA by IVÁN FARÍAS PELCASTRE
THE INSTITUTIONALISATION OF REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN NORTH AMERICA by IVÁN FARÍAS PELCASTRE A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science and International Studies School of Government and Society College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham November 2013 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT Current studies of regional integration in North America claim that this process is limited to the entering of intergovernmental agreements that aim to expand and enhance cross- border flows of goods and capitals between Mexico, Canada and the US. Such studies claim that the political effects of the process on nation-states are limited and constrained by the decisions of the national governments. In contrast, this thesis argues that the actions of transnational actors have increased the policy interdependence between the three countries in the arenas of environmental protection, labour cooperation and protection of foreign direct investment. Transnational actors have used, applied and interpreted the rules originally created by the intergovernmental agreements –NAFTA, NAAEC, BECA and NAALC– and have subsequently demanded additional and improved rules. -
Brief Introduction
Governing regionalism in Africa: themes and debates Gilbert M. Khadiagala Policy Brief 51 Governing Regionalism in Africa Policy Brief 51 November 2008 Published by the Centre for Policy Studies, an independent research institution, incorporated as an association not for gain under Section 21 of the Companies Act. Centre for Policy Studies 6 Sturdee Avenue Rosebank Johannesburg, South Africa Email: [email protected] P O Box 1933 Parklands Johannesburg, 2121 Tel (011) 442-2666 Fax (011) 442-2677 www.cps.org.za Supported by the Royal Danish Embassy, Pretoria Governing Regionalism in Africa Introduction Regionalism is the process of building multilateral institutions to enhance political, security, and economic interaction among states. Around the world, regionalism has been built on the foundations of functional states, at the same time striving to transcend them. Thus while states are the locus of regionalism, regionalism often seeks to overcome the deficiencies of states by erecting mechanisms that diminish the states’ salience.1 This paradox relates to a number of critical dimensions of states and regionalism. The first is the question of timing. Historically, regionalism has advanced only through contested processes where states learn to cede sovereignty over long periods of interactions across a wide range of domains, in particular the functional sphere of economic co- Regionalism is the operation. Secondly, regionalism grows out of strong, not weak, states with process of building equally long experience in harnessing the gains from sovereignty. Thirdly, the multilateral institutions leadership of strong states (often hegemonic leaders) is frequently pertinent in to enhance political, setting the rules that jumpstart regionalism. -
Acomparative Study of Middle English Romance and Modern Popular Sheikh Romance
DESIRING THE EAST: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF MIDDLE ENGLISH ROMANCE AND MODERN POPULAR SHEIKH ROMANCE AMY BURGE PHD UNIVERSITY OF YORK WOMEN‟S STUDIES SEPTEMBER 2012 ABSTRACT This thesis comparatively examines a selection of twenty-first century sheikh romances and Middle English romances from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that imagine an erotic relationship occurring between east and west. They do so against a background of conflict, articulated in military confrontation and binary religious and ethnic division. The thesis explores the strategies used to facilitate the cross-cultural relationship across such a gulf of difference and considers what a comparison of medieval and modern romance can reveal about attitudes towards otherness in popular romance. In Chapter 1, I analyse the construction of the east in each genre, investigating how the homogenisation of the romance east in sheikh romance distances it from the geopolitical reality of those parts of the Middle East seen, by the west, to be „other‟. Chapter 2 examines the articulation of gender identity and the ways in which these romances subvert and reassert binary gender difference to uphold normative heterosexual relations. Chapter 3 considers how ethnic and religious difference is nuanced, in particular through the use of fabric, breaking down the disjunction between east and west. Chapter 4 investigates the way ethnicity, religion and gender affect hierarchies of power in the abduction motif, enabling undesirable aspects of the east to be recast. The key finding of this thesis is that both romance genres facilitate the cross-cultural erotic relationship by rewriting apparently binary differences of religion and ethnicity to create sameness. -
The China Prism – November 2019
ASIA PACIFIC PERSPECTIVES THE CHINA PRISM – NOVEMBER 2019 ASIA PACIFIC PERSPECTIVES NOVEMBER 2019 The China Prism Many global business leaders are following the U.S.-China trade war and the latest developments of the wider geopolitical and economic strategic rivalry on a day-to-day basis. Given the importance of China as a market, supplier and as a source of competition - and with reported scenarios including a decoupling of global supply chains and technology ecosystems - decision-makers and influencers need to carefully consider how current tensions affect their companies now and in the future. As China moves ever closer to becoming the world’s largest economy, further up the value chain and closer to the tech frontier in many areas, global business leaders and corporations require an increasingly sophisticated, nuanced and multi-faceted understanding of the country and its people. This understanding is vital - and needs to go well beyond keeping up with day-to-day developments - to effectively calibrate business strategies and the communications and public affairs that support them in the years and decades to come. Global business leaders need to be able to get to grips with the many paradoxes that characterize modern China. They also need a sense of history and a long-term perspective as well as an appreciation for Chinese culture and how it shapes attitudes to myriad topics ranging from governance, to intellectual property, pricing and parenting. Given the evolving geopolitical situation, they also need to grasp and balance both Chinese and international stakeholder expectations regarding their role in China’s development. So, while it can be tempting to try to simplify China or reduce it to single factors or the latest development, this is insufficient for leaders who seek to maximize the opportunities whilst still managing the risks presented by a China that is growing larger and ever more complex.