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Chapter 14 Promoting Allyship Among South Asian and Arab Muslims Toward Black and Latino/A Muslims in American Islamic Centers Chapter 14 Promoting Allyship Among South Asian and Arab Muslims toward Black and Latino/a Muslims in American Islamic Centers Nausheen Pasha-Zaidi, Meg A. Warren, Yvonne El Ashmawi, and Neneh Kowai-Bell Abstract. Increased social justice awareness in the United States and shifting demographics are giving birth to a more diverse and egalitarian generation. Improving relations across social categories has been a key topic in diversity, equity, and inclusion work, but less emphasis has been placed on cross-racial allyship within minority populations. While allyship in racial contexts is often perceived as a White versus non- White issue, this binary position erases the diversity that exists within communities of color. A dichotomous approach to allyship that positions White heterosexual males as the primary holders of privilege does not address the disparities that exist within and across minoritized communities. While Arabs and South Asians are minorities in the US on a macrolevel, they often hold privileged positions in Islamic centers and other Muslim spaces—even though Black Americans make up a larger percentage of the Muslim population. Additionally, there is an increasing number of Latino/a Muslims in the US, but they are often invisible in larger conversations about Islam in America as well as in discourse among Muslim Americans. In this chapter, we explore the concept of allyship and how South Asian and Arab Muslims can support and advocate for Black and Latino/a Muslims in American Islamic centers. We also discuss Islamophobia in the US as well as the anti-Blackness and racism that exists within Muslim communities and provide suggestions on how Islamic centers can serve as spaces of allyship and cross-racial dialogue. Draft Version: December 26, 2020 © 2021, Springer. This chapter is not the copy of record and may not exactly replicate the final, authoritative version of the chapter published in the Springer Book, Toward a Positive Psychology of Islam and Muslims: Spirituality, Struggle, and Social Justice. Please do not copy without authors' permission. The final chapter is available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72606-5_14 The final citation will be: Pasha-Zaidi, N., Warren, M. A., El Ashmawi, Y., & Kowai-Bell, N. (2021). Promoting allyship among South Asian and Arab Muslims toward Black and Latino/a Muslims in American Islamic centers. In Pasha-Zaidi, N. (Ed.), Toward a positive psychology of Islam and Muslim: Spirituality, struggle, and social justice, pp. 307-331. Springer Publishers. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72606-5_14 ___________________________________________________________ Nausheen Pasha-Zaidi, Houston Community College and University of Houston Downtown Email: [email protected] Meg A. Warren, College of Business and Economics, Western Washington University Email: [email protected] Yvonne Pilar El Ashmawi, Loyola University Chicago Email: [email protected] Neneh Kowai-Bell, Houston Community College Email: [email protected] 14.1 Introduction Allyship is becoming an increasingly important part of the dialogue on diversity, inclusion, and equity. An ally is a motivated and committed privileged group member who offers affirmation and social support (e.g., fosters positive relationships) and performs dedicated, informed action, that is, activism, to stand with and stand up for marginalized groups and their members. According to Washington and Evans (1991), an ally is “a person who is a member of the ‘dominant’ or ‘majority’ group who works to end oppression in his or her personal and professional life through support of, and as an advocate for, the oppressed population” (p. 195). Collins and Chlup (2014) define allies as “friends of and advocates for minority and/or disempowered social groups that experience oppression based on markers such as race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, religious affiliation, disabilities, age, and so forth” (p. 482). From the perspective of the marginalized group (e.g., people of color), allies are described as providing affirmation (i.e., active social support) and performing informed action (i.e., constructive action born of disciplinary knowledge, debate, and deliberation) (Brown & Ostrove, 2013). Thus, an ally displays strong commitment to supporting marginalized group members and is willing to dedicate considerable effort to learning to be effective. In discussing allyship, heterosexual, cisgender, White males are typically in a position of privilege based on the intersection of their social categories. However, Patel (2011) contends that this limits the conversation to binary terms, particularly regarding racial categories where the perception of White versus non-White becomes the focus of attention, thereby disregarding the cultural diversity of non-White racial groups. Additionally, religious orientation is missing altogether in this characterization of allyship, which further erases the perspectives of stigmatized religious groups. Although there are multiple factors involved in supporting minoritized groups, there is a lack of information on cross-racial allyship, particularly within Muslim populations. Whereas Arab and South Asians are minorities in the United States, within Muslim communities, they are often the ones with greater privilege. This is particularly interesting because the number of Black Muslims in the US is greater than either of these groups, yet they have lesser power within Muslim spaces. Furthermore, there is a growing population of Latino/a Muslims, which often remains unrecognized altogether. As such, South Asian and Arab Muslims are in a position to provide support and advocacy for Black and Latino/a Muslims within Muslim organizations and spaces. As Muslims have collective experiences of Islamophobia, the importance of allyship across racial categories is particularly important within the ummah (community of believers) to better address the social, political, and psychological effects of anti-Muslim rhetoric and policy. 14.2 Diversity of Muslims in the United States Although Islam is one of the fastest growing religions in the US, it represents only about 1% of the American population. The dominant narrative often portrays American Muslims as being first generation immigrant Arabs, but in fact, the American Muslim population in the United States is comprised of a complex mix of racial and ethnic groups (Pew Research Center, 2011). Haddad and Lummis (1987) categorize Muslims in North America as two distinct groups: immigrant Muslims and US born Muslims. Among US born Muslim Americans, 40% identify as Black, 18% as White, 10% as Latino/a, 10% as Asian, and 21% representing other or mixed races (Pew Research Center, 2011). Immigrant Muslims represent almost eighty different nationalities, with Pakistan accounting for the largest nation of origin (Foley, 2012). In addition to the plethora of ethnicities and national origins, there is great diversity in other aspects as well, including socioeconomics, home language, and sect (Haddad, 2011). Wingfield (2006) explains that Islam “has its legalists, rationalists, mystics, humanitarians, and ideologues, and many people of Muslim heritage are quite secular in outlook” (p. 261). While the number of mosques in the US nearly doubled between the years 2000 and 2011 (Bagby, 2012), most American Muslims are ‘un-mosqued’, meaning that they do not have a mosque that they attend regularly (Grewal, 2014). However, according to Jamal (2005), “mosque participants, as a concentrated group of observant Muslims, feel the pangs of stereotypes more sharply than non-mosqued Muslims because their basic religious identities visibly differentiate them from mainstream society” (p. 62). In addition to varying levels of religiosity, there are also more than a dozen sects of Islam practiced in the United States today, including the most mainstream Sunni and Shi’a sects1. Among the Sunnis, there are two main groups that figure prominently in American Muslim life in addition to the Sunni Islam brought to the United States by the waves of Muslim immigrants: the Sufis and the Salafis2. The Sunni Sufis, not to be confused with other Sufi sects, study the traditional canons of Islam, encourage adherents to study with qualified Muslim theologians, and work hard at establishing an American Islam rooted in traditional texts interpreted for the modern US context. The Salafi group is an outgrowth of the Wahhabi movement in Saudi Arabia which preaches a strict interpretation of Islamic doctrine and practice as well as the political view that Muslim leaders should not be challenged in public or private (Grewal, 2014). Although not considered a part of true Islam according to mainstream Muslim groups, the Ahmadis have also contributed significantly to propagation of Islam in the US. The Ahmadiyya movement was founded in India during the late 1800s by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. As they are often labeled as heretics in Muslim majority countries, most Ahmadis worship in private spaces and do not disclose their affiliation for fear of persecution (Abdullatif, 2020). In the US, the Ahmadiyya community began with the arrival of Mufti Muhammad Sadiq. While the American Ahmadiyya community today consists of different ethnic backgrounds, early Ahmadis were comprised of mainly African American converts (Khan, 2018).The Ahmaddiya movement is also considered by some historians to have paved the way for other missionary movements such as the Nation of Islam, which was founded by Elijah Muhammad (Grewal, 2014). Like Ahmadis, the Nation
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