Liberian Studies Journal

Home , Cape Mesurado, Edwin Barclay, First Liberian Civil War, James Spriggs Payne, Moses Blah, Music of Liberia

VOLUME 33 2008 Number 1

LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL

Nation of Nation of Counties of SIERRA LEONE Liberia

Nation of IVORY COAST

-6°N

Atlantic Ocean

0 50

Miles

Geography Apartment University of Pittshurgh at Johnstown irw Map Updated: 2003

Published by THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION, INC.

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Editorial Policy

The Liberian Studies Journal is dedicated to the publication of original research on social, political, economic, scientific, and other issues about Liberia or with implications for Liberia. Opinions of contributors to the Journal do not necessarily reflect the policy of the organizations they represent or the Liberian Studies Association, publisher of the Journal. Manuscript Requirements

Manuscripts submitted for publication should not exceed 25 typewritten, double-spaced pages, with margins of one-and a-half inches. The page limit includes graphs, references, tables and appendices. Authors may, in addition to their manuscripts, submit a computer disk of their work preferably in MS Word 2007 or WordPerfect 8.0 (or higher) for Windows. Notes and references should be placed at the end of the text with headings. Notes, if any, should precede the references. The Journal is published in June and December. The deadline for the first issue is February 28, and for the second, August 31. Manuscripts should include a cover page that provides the title of the text, author's name, address, phone number, e-mail address, and affiliation. Anonymous referees will review all works.

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James S. Guseh, Editor Liberian Studies Journal North Carolina Central University Durham, North Carolina 27707 Email: [email protected] Phone: 919-530-5201

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Amos J. Beyan, Editor Liberian Studies Journal 4453 Friedmann Hall, Department of History Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan 49008 Email: [email protected] Phone: 269-387-4567

Indexing and Abstracting: The Liberian Studies Journal is indexed and/or abstracted by America: History and Life (1970-); Bibliographic Index (Jan. 1990-); Current Abstracts (Jun. 2009); Historical Abstracts (1970-); International Bibliographies of the Social Sci- ences International Political Science Abstracts; Linguistic Bibliography; MLA Interna- tional Bibliography (Modern Language Association of America); RILM Abstracts of Music Literature (Repertoire International de Littermate (Musicale) (1973-). PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor VOLUME 33 2008 Number 1

LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL Editor James S. Guseh North Carolina Central University

Associate Editor Emmanuel 0. Oritsejafor North Carolina Central University

Book Review Editor Amos Beyan Western Michigan University

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD:

William C. Allen, Virginia State University Warren d' Azevedo, University of Nevada Alpha M. Bah, College of Charleston Lawrence Breitborde, Knox College Christopher Clapham, Lancaster University D. Elwood Dunn, Sewanee-The University of the South Yekutiel Gershoni, Tel Aviv University Thomas Hayden, Society of African Missions Svend E. Holsoe, University of Delaware Sylvia Jacobs, North Carolina Central University James N. J. Kollie, Sr., University of Liberia Coroann Olcorodudu, Rowan College of N. J. Romeo E. Philips, Kalamazoo College Momo K. Rogers, Kpazolu Media Enterprises Henrique F. Tokpa, Cuttington University College

LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION BOARD OF DIRECTORS:

Alpha M. Bah, College of Charleston, President Mary Moran, Colgate University, Secretary-Treasurer James S. Guseh, North Carolina Central University, Parliamentarian Yekutiel Gershoni, Tel Aviv University, Past President Timothy A. Rainey, Johns Hopkins University Joseph Holloway, California State University-Northridge

FORMER EDITORS Amos J. Beyan Al-Hassan Conteh C. William Allen Edward J. Biggane D. Elwood Dunn\ Svend Holsoe Jo Sullivan

Edited at North Carolina Central University Department of Public Administration and the Office of International Affairs

The Editors and Advisory Board gratefully acknowledge the contributions of the Department of Public Administration and the Office of International Affairs at North Carolina Central University.

IF I COULD SPEAK TO MADAM PRESIDENT: RETURNEE WOMEN'S EXPERIENCE OF RETURN, REINTEGRATION AND PEACE IN LIBERIA* Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso

TOWARD QUALITY EDUCAITON IN LIBERIA Sakui Malakpa 23

POLITICAL COMMUNICAITON, DEMOCRACY, AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN LIBERIA Edward Lama Wonkeryor, Ph.D. 33

RESEARCH NOTES: ELLEN JOHNSON SIRLEAF IS THE 24TH , NOT 23RD PRESIDENT OF LIBERIA A NEW INTERPRETATIVE HSITORY William E. Allen and D. Elwood Dunn 64

NEW PUBLICATONS ON OR RELEVANT TO LIBERIA 69

DOCUMENTS William V.S. Tubman Papers 79 Sen. Edward M. Kennedy Report on Liberia 138

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ABSTRACT When the war in Liberia ended in 2003, an estimated 350,000 persons had become refugees. By 2005, about 200,000 refugees had returned with females constituting about 51% of these returnees. However, the literature establishes that the return and successful reintegration of refugees can contribute to building confidence in the peace process, and to legitimizing the new political order after elections. As part of my doctoral research on gender and returnee reintegration, field-work was carried out in Liberia in 2006. Interviews, focus group discussions and documentary analysis were utilized in five counties involving returnee refugees and various community leaders and agency staff. The evidence indicates that their perception of Liberia as `home' has shifted; their experiences of reintegration have been difficult; and that the sustainability of their return and reintegration is seriously in doubt. Importantly, they had plenty to say to the Pres- ident though their voices felt lost and unrecognized. Key words: Return, Reintegration, Returnee Refugees.

Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso is a PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. She also teaches Political Science at Babcock University, Nigeria. Her current research interests include women and post-conflict reconstruction, truth commissions and transitional justice, research methods in peace and conflict studies, forced migration in South Asia, and African politics especially.

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INTRODUCTION: IF I COULD SPEAK TO MADAM PRESIDENT...

"A lot of children have problems. Teenage pregnancy, father- less children....Most people in my community are very poor; the children dirty; no plan for school. So I want to help children. Espe- cially women that feel their time has passed. Like in my class, some girls can't write, they feel discouraged and people laugh at them, they don't come to school for two, three days...." "I have not really contributed anything [to my community] because the other community denied our participation. Even in market places, at the well our children are denied of getting water...." "[I advocate] for women participation in decision making. [I advocate for] putting our skill into practice to give support for our country." "Women are contributing to post war reconstruction and peace building through life skill training and giving support to our husband, brother and sister." "[Encourage] the younger girls to take education seriously, and to do a trade that will back their education." "Guinea was better, because UN used to give us food in Guinea." "[In exile], UN guard me. Anything that happens you quickly run to UN. Well, things are not materializing now. Things still stay ugly like we are, like we were in Ghana. I really need help."

"...We feel that with total peace, development will follow." SETTING THE CONTEXT: Background and Research Questions

At independence in the 1960s, Africans were full of hope for the future, and the assumption that they were better suited to crafting their own destiny and development. Those hopes and expecta-

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tions were shattered within a decade of independence in much of Africa. Although Liberia was not colonized she also fell into the abyss of political instability. A series of riots culminated in Samuel Doe's military coup and the previously peaceful country entered into an era (1979- 2003) of social, political, and economic unrest never before witnessed by her citizens, and that lasted over two decades in all. During that time, a series of back-to-back civil wars were fought, and the ordinary people became familiar with looting, pillaging, destruction of lives and property of them and their loved ones, rape, and cyclical displacement. It is estimated that in the period of the civil wars, specifically 1989 - 2003, over ten percent of the 3 million strong population were killed, a majority of which were innocent civilians, while another three-quarters of the population became either refugees or displaced persons in that time. Most sources state that up to 75% of this number were women and children (Rehn and Sirleaf 2002; Oyinloye 2004; IRIN 2005; Byrne 1996). Since the end of the war in 2003, many of these refugees have returned and earned another designation - returnees. The difficulties that women experienced in exile, namely gender based violence, sexual abuse and exploitation, economic hardship, lack of access to food, shelter, clothing and services, and the loss of dignity and safety ought to have ceased upon return. However, even the most naïve observer understands that a return to 'normalcy' and a restoration of livelihood and dignity in a severely war-affected country like Liberia, will take time. In the meantime, however, what are the particular experiences of the women returnees as defined by them, and what should the government be paying attention to? The above double-barreled, overarching question defines this research paper. Other questions that spring from the central question are: were refugee women involved in the decision to return? Did returnee women return voluntarily to Liberia? How much information did they have before making the decision to return, and how accurate and relevant was this information to them? What economic and social-psychological problems do the returnees emphasize as affecting their reintegration? In what ways are these women at-

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tempting to engage with their communities and the political system in order to make a difference? What is their assessment of their own reintegration, and the return to peace of Liberia? What one thing would they say to Madam President if given the opportunity? And so on. This paper addresses the above issues in light of the psychosocial approach which factors in personal and social factors that affect an individual's healing and wellbeing. The psychosocial approach is elaborated below in the context of the literature on returnee refugee reintegration and then the research methods are outlined and the relevant findings discussed. The final section of the paper draws out the salient conclusions and the possible remedies.

THE LITERATURE ON REPATRIATION, RETURNEES AND REINTEGRATION

In the so called 'era of return' (IRIN 2005) refugee scholars and practitioners have found it pertinent to re-examine the theoretical and practical justifications for the promotion of voluntary repatriation as the preferred solution to the refugee problem. It has been observed that, historically, humanitarian objectives do not shape the refugee policies of the dominant states in the international system (Chimni, 1999:3; Salomon, 1991: 255). There is also the assumption that because repatriation has become so desirable, it is the least problematic solution (Schaffer 1996:2). Other authors have observed the virtual neglect of studies addressing the issue of how refugees adapt to returning home and how the refugees themselves perceive their reintegration (Ghanem 2003: 14; Kibreab 2002:55; Hammond 1999: 227-228; Majodina 1995: 210; Rogge 1994: 15). Furthermore, the effects of forced migration vary in different political, socioeconomic and cultural contexts, and vary according to various factors such as gender, class, age, race or ethnicity- a theme scantily pursued in the literature on refugees. Empirical evidence has demonstrated that women and men experience conflict differently as refugees, internally displaced persons(IDPs), com-

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batants, heads of households, community leaders, activists, peace builders, and returnees (Rehn and Sir leaf, 2002; Byrne,1996a; Oyinloye, 2004; Sorenson,1998). Conflict also changes traditional gender roles and after the conflict, there is often the need to rene- gotiate gender roles and gender relations. Even within the same gender, people's experiences in conflict tend to vary according to other factors. According to Sorenson (ibid), women's post war position will be partly determined by their former positions in the landscapes of conflict as IDPs, widows, single breadwinners, victims of rape or torture, ex-combatants and refugees. Rehn and Sirleaf (op cit: 4) elaborate by observing that as returnees, "need is not, in fact, what determines a woman's access to assistance, protection and support. Her nationality, ethnicity, age, marital status, family situation and even her place of residence are far more likely determinants...." This means then that the specific concerns of women are shaped by social roles, economic and political situation and prevailing cultural conceptualizations of gender roles and relations. Reintegration, which is defined as the process that enables former refugees and displaced persons to enjoy a progressively greater degree of physical, social, legal and material security (UNHCR,1998), is sustainable when returning refugees are able to secure (in reasonable time) the political, economic and social conditions needed to maintain life, livelihood and dignity (Macrae, 1999). In the post war period, we can identify a plethora of women - specific protection issues as women experience gender specific forms of violence and discrimination in addition to general conditions in a post conflict society. Importantly however, women in various post war societies have found ways to contribute to peace building by organizing to tackle the violence and impoverishment they face in the early transition period, indicating that they are not just passively accepting of socially constructed gender roles and expectations.

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The literature indicates that the return and successful reintegration of refugees can contribute not only to building confidence in the peace process in post conflict societies, but also to legitimizing the new political order instituted by elections held (UNHCR, 1998:160-163; Holtzman 1995: 15). The Psychosocial Approach The psychosocial approach is associated with medical work, psychotherapy, social work, and related professions. The clearest argument for a psychosocial discussion of the social, physical and psychological needs of returnee refugees is set forth by Tania Ghanem (2003) in her study titled: When forced migrants return `home': the psychosocial difficulties returnees encounter in the reintegration process. In linking this approach to the return of refugees, Ghanem (2003: 7-8) posits thus: "In the context of refugees... it is the interplay between the returnee's personality and the different social settings in which he/she lives that is important, as it will impact one's construction of the notion of 'home', the lat- ter in turn influencing the returnee's reintegration in his/her country of origin." Thus, "a psychosocial analysis of the reintegration difficulties encountered by refugees upon repatriation thus provides us with a useful framework in examining how exiles experience their return, as it makes allowances for both the identification of the various stages in which the notion of 'home' is challenged, and the ac- knowledgement of the variations between returnees' individual experiences" (ibid, p. 20). And according to Majodina (1995: 202), "the extent to which retuning exiles experience difficulties depends not only on the extent of these difficulties, but on the social support they receive and the strategies they use to cope." For the purposes of this paper, the psychosocial approach re- minds us that the return experience of returnee women is by no means singular, linear or generalisable to all or other returnees. Re- turn is an individual experience for returnees based on their previous experiences before and during the war that made them refugees.

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Therefore the return phase of displacement is multidimensional and cannot be understood independently of other social phenomena such as family presence and community acceptance. Furthermore, the reintegration of returnees is unique to the individual, and there are no right or wrong perceptions of reintegration, as long as it is the perspective and voice of the returnee himself or herself that is being considered. METHODS

Due to the nature of the questions to be asked, qualitative methods of data collection were favored and a triangulation of methods was used. Specifically, one semi - structured interview, in-depth/unstructured interviews, focus group discussions, obser- vation and documentary review were the methods combined in a five week long field work. This researcher visited five of Liberia's fifteen counties, namely, Montserrado, Bomi, Grand Cape Mount, Nimba and Lofa. The research participants were located using both purposive sampling and the snowballing or referral method, and included one hundred persons: returnee women and men, government officials from various agencies and ministries, staff of both local and international NGOs and UN agencies including the UNHCR and UNMIL. The primary participants in the research however were the returnee refugee women. Fifty nine of them were interviewed, while about the same number participated in six focus group discussions in various locations. These returnee women varied in education, age, family dynamics, exile experience, and were located in rural,

urban and suburban contexts (See Table 1 Below).

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Table 1 Distribution of returnee women participants according to their counties of residence

RESEARCH AREA/ COUNTY NAME FREOUENCY (NO OF RESPONDENTS) PERCENTAGE (%)

Lofa 2 3.4 Grand Cape Mount 11 18.6 Montserrado 28 47.5 Nimba 18 30.5 Total 59 100 The specific practical and ethical challenges of accessing these returnee women are discussed elsewhere (Yacob-Haliso 2009, forthcoming). In summary however, the practical challenges had to do with the logistical impediments associated with doing research in a post war setting, as well as various insider-outsider issues. The ethical challenges related to ensuring the physical and psychological safety of the participants, as well as the dilemma of whether to offer some compensation to the poverty stricken individuals who participated in the research. It would suffice here to note that the challenges of doing research in post war Liberia were addressed by a deep awareness of the role of the self and of gatekeepers in the research process, as well as flexibility and reflexivity at every stage of the research. The data thus collected were manually transcribed and coded and then analyzed using the grounded theory processes of open and axial coding. The relevant findings for answering the research questions of this paper are outlined below. RESULTS: Experiences of Return

Since reintegration begins with the decision to return, we asked the returnee women about their participation in taking the decision to return: who made the decision for you to return when you did? The majority of women, 70% or 41 women said they made the decision themselves. Four women said they took the decision with their husband, and another four women said their mother took the decision to return and they followed. One woman followed her PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor OLAJUMOKE YACOB-HALISO 9

boyfriend back, three took the decision with the family, two women said their sisters made the decision to return, and two others said the UN (UNHCR) made the decision for them to return. Two did not respond. Related ly, the participants in the research were asked whether they repatriated voluntarily. Thirty women (or 51%) said they did, while four women said they did not return voluntarily. In terms of access to information to make the decision to return, forty four women also said they had access to adequate and relevant information on the situation in Liberia while in the country of asylum before making the decision to return; another nine said they did not. However, when asked: did the information you received in the country of asylum correspond to the reality you found in Liberia after your return? 31 women (or 53%) said they got the right information, while 16 (27%) said they did not have the correct or accurate information about conditions in Liberia. Experiences of Reintegration

For many returnee women, the difficulty in accessing the most basic amenities such as food, shelter and clothing is the biggest challenge of all. About half of all the returnee women interviewed (28 women) identified this lack of basic needs as their overriding challenge. Of these, 12 women complained of not getting enough food for themselves and their children; 11 women indicated that they do not have their own lodging; one woman lamented not even having clothes to cover herself and her children. Closely related to the challenge of food, shelter and clothing is the non- availability of money/cash in hand to meet the women's and their family's needs. Twenty six (26) women stated explicitly that they experienced financial difficulties that have made their reintegration difficult. A related challenge experienced by returnee Liberian women is unemployment. Twelve (12) women indicated their lack of a job is a fundamental challenge for them. One woman mentioned a lack of farm tools for her to resume farming activities to meet her needs. Almost half of all the respondents (26 of them or 44%) said they

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relied on family members, neighbors and friends, boyfriends and charity or begging for alms for some income. Two women said they work as prostitutes while another two simply said they "hustle" daily to make ends meet. One woman simply said she did "nothing." Three women ascribed their survival to "God's mercy," while identifying other supplementary means of meeting their daily needs. In all, only four women indicated that they have any sort of formal employment.

The returnees were further asked : is your income sufficient to meet you and your family's basic needs? Although five (5) returnee women said they had enough, the majority, 39 women (or 66%) said they did not have enough to meet their needs and those

of their family . One woman said sometimes they have enough, sometimes they do not have enough, and they manage whatever they get. The social aspect of reintegration is multifaceted and inter- weaves the entire reintegration narrative of the women interviewed for this study. When asked about the availability and accessibility of facilities for addressing women's healthcare needs, more than half of the women interviewed (33 women or 56%) said that the relevant facilities were both available and accessible to them in their areas of return. With respect to water, only 25% or one-quarter (15 women) said they had access to sufficient water to meet their personal, sanitation and household needs. 60% or 33 women cate- gorically said they did not consider the water they get sufficient to meet their needs. Accessing education was a reintegration challenge affecting 23 women. One mother of four who had been in exile for fourteen years could not resist contrasting the situation in Liberia with that as a refugee in Sierra Leone: "In exile, my children were attending schools that were tuition free....But [here] I have to spend almost all my earning for school fees and school materials." A fundamental challenge affecting 23 of the women (representing 39% of the participants in this study), and that impinges on other aspects of their lives and livelihood is the fact that they do

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not have a reliable family/social support system. Thirteen other women said they 'have nobody' to help them, 2 claimed that their family was not supporting them, and 2 said they could not locate their family members upon return. One woman expressed her bit- terness and frustration thus: "I regret returning even till now [because] no brother and no family to help." And one 62 year old female head of household in Nimba said, "I have sleepless night because my husband who could have been the breadwinner died during the crisis... " The women themselves link the lack of social support to their difficulties of reintegration. Up to eight women stated that they have difficulty readjusting to their return to Liberia for various reasons. One ex-combatant and returnee refugee in Nimba County states that: "...I've been mocked at for being Mandingo, my one child is denied the right to play with other Liberian children [they call him] 'you Mandingo boy' ...." Another woman similarly stated that she had to endure 'tribal abuse.' However, a majority, 44 women or 75% of participants said they felt accepted by the community, while only 8 (or 14%) actually indicated otherwise. It seems that armed robbery (also called `Isakabba' in slang) is the most cited security problem experienced in the return areas as, mentioned by fifteen women. Other security problems included ritual killing (also called `heartman' or `hotmen' in the rural areas), theft, rape, tribal attacks, 'crimes against women and children', corrupt justice system that also sets perpetrators of crimes free, and murder or killing of people. Threats to safety specific to women that were mentioned include rape, teenage pregnancy or 'girl motherhood', exploitation, incest and gender based violence. Some of these issues overlap, as one single mother of two told us in the story of a 13 year old girl known to her: "Father rapes daughter. I know of a girl about 13 years old, carrying pregnancy for her father. There are so many rape cases in that area. When I told the girl to report to me next time it happens, my mother said I should leave it that if they jail the father [there will be] no one to

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care for the family." This case layers rape, child abuse, incest, teenage pregnancy and girl motherhood all in one. These issues were validated in unstructured interviews with NGO, UN and government staff One psychosocial problem for reintegration that was not ex- pressly stated by the returnee women themselves but that was identified by a former refugee now an NGO executive as having implications for economic reintegration is the returnees' dependency on aid, a carryover from the refugee camp mentalities. When the study participants were asked whether they participated in any of the elections held in Liberia in 2005, the year before this study, 24 women indicated that they took part in some or all of the elections, while 16 said they did not participate in any. However, twenty women indicated that they are members of one political or community organization or the other. Experiences of Peace By way of summarizing the interviews, the women were asked two interrelated questions: do you think your situation now is any different from your situation in the country of asylum? And, do you think your situation now is better than it was in the country of asylum? In response to the first question, the overwhelming majority of returnee women participants, 50 women or 85%, said there was a definite difference in their conditions compared to what subsisted in the country of asylum. Only two women said there was no difference, while seven women could not decide. In response to the second question, 39 women said their situation in Liberia was qual- itatively better than the situation in the country of asylum. However, six women said the difference for them was that the situation in Liberia was not as good as they experienced in the country of asylum. The women who responded in the affirmative to the first question- whether there was a difference in their experience in Liberia compared to the exilic experience- were asked to explain qualita- tively their perceived change of situation. The reasons given were

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varied and included both positive and negative experiences. On the positive side the reasons included the following: there is freedom of movement in Liberia; they are no longer dependent on UNHCR; they can talk freely; much suffering was experienced in exile; feel more relaxed now; have access to her/their own land and other services; eat and live better than in exile; there is no longer a language barrier; enjoy their various rights now; there is peace; now living with family; no discrimination any longer; feeling of being respected now; now part of the peace building process; and simply, the feeling that 'home is far better than exile'. On the negative side, reasons for feeling that Liberia is different included the following: some women are still struggling like before; security situation; the UN helped while in exile; Liberia is very hard; no money for food and rent and other basics; voices not being heard; and being self supported now. The explanations given above dovetail into and overlap with the reasons given for concluding that Liberia is/is not better than the country of asylum. Perhaps what is most symptomatic of the failure of reintegration in some places is the phenomenon of back - flows, return of Liberian 'returnees' to the country of asylum, especially those living in the border areas. According to one of our key informants in Nimba County, "some returnees are even going back to Guinea because their house is still there free, they don't pay rent there...which indicates that something serious is driving them away." Likewise, one of our informants in Lofa county admitted that some 'returnees' were going back to the refugee camps having left their children in schools there. And, in Nimba County, we met one community leader, a refugee from Guinea who said he returned with only some of his family, who told us in no uncertain terms, "We came because of the property business. We never get our property.... If I don't get my property, I'll go back to Guinea; if I get it, I'll stay."

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DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

One challenge that affected about half of all the returnee women who participated in this study was that of accessing basic amenities such as food, shelter and clothing with lack of adequate food or scarcity of food being the primary concern of twelve of the returnee women interviewed. In Kaun's study with Angolan returnees, food security was "one of the most pressing concerns expressed by respondents" (Kaun 2008:13). This particular lack is reinforced by, and results in other problems related to accessing means of economic livelihood. In terms of the economic aspects of reintegration generally it may be observed that women fare worse than their male counterparts in accessing means of livelihood upon return. Sarah Gammage and Jorge Fernandez (2002) identify this gendered nature of economic reintegration in their study of reintegration and the specific economic situation of displaced and female headed households in El Salvador. They assert that "female maintained households...independent of whether they formed part of the concentrated or dispersed displaced, were also found to be consistently poorer and more likely to remain poor over time" (Gammage and Fernandez 2002: 1). Interestingly, the study carried out in El Salvador also identified one of the key factors affecting the economic reintegration of returnees also uncovered in this research on Liberian returnees. The study cites "evidence that those members of the dispersed displaced who received services in camps fared comparatively worse than their counterparts who did not spend time in the camps" (ibid: 24). This means that there is something about having resided in a refugee or IDP camp that makes the returnee less able to cope with the challenges of return at the end of the conflict. This has been referred to as an aid- dependency syndrome that makes the former refugee unable to think up initiatives for economic and psychological survival for him-/ herself. It is obvious from the data that the social aspects of reintegra-

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tion are intimately linked with the psychological or psychosocial and cannot be neatly extricated one from the other. From the human security perspective elaborated by Alexandra Kaun (2008), the institutional factors that contribute to reintegration are influenced by individual motivational factors, specifically the returnee's relationship to place, relationship with people, and level of confidence in human security. The individual factors enumerated above capture very well the social-psychological challenges of reintegration uncovered in this research. The security and safety challenges expressed by the intervie- wees could be explained in terms of Call's two trade-off laws, so- called by Adelman (n.d.: 6): "Call has formulated his own two trade-off laws: in order to secure a peace, the military must be de- mobilized, but the cost of demobilization may be borne by increased insecurity for the civilian population and a decreased ability to repatriate refugees." This certainly suggests that for every post war context, there is a trade-off between demobilizing rebel and other militia and re-establishing the security of lives and property for citizens, which in turn affects the reintegration of returnee refugees. It is remarkable that indeed many of the challenges returnees face in Liberia have to do with psychosocial factors emphasized by Ghanem. Most importantly, this research demonstrates that the social support available to returnees from family, friends, spouses, and so on plays a critical role in the person's ability to face the challenges of return and to reintegrate successfully. The returnees who complained the most about their problems and lack of access to services were those who said they 'don't have anybody' to help them. According to Majodina (1995:202), "the extent to which returning exiles experience difficulties depends not only on the extent of these difficulties but on the social support they receive and the strategies they use to cope". However, one important psychological dimension of reintegration which we have already identified, and that was also recog-

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nized by other commentators deserves another mention within this context. Returnees may be finding it psychologically or emotionally difficult to reintegrate simply because they have not revised the mentality of depending on aid from the international community and host governments in exile. John Rogge and Betsy Lippman (2004: 5) observe that "in many cases, IDPs, and refugees have lived in camps where they had access to at least minimal levels of healthcare, basic education, food security and potable water. Re- turning to areas where none of these safety nets exist makes sustainable reintegration a long and difficult task. The problem may be exacerbated by the fact that returnees have become dependent and may have developed wholly unrealistic expectations of support on return." It is equally important to highlight here the prevalence of gender based forms of violence that though alarming, is by no means out of the ordinary as several authors have documented the increase in GBV cases in other post conflict situations (UN 2002; El Jack 2003; El Bushra and Fish 2004; Jolly and Reeves 2005). The return of refugees is a political issue everywhere, but the implications of return for the returnees' own engagement with and participation in the political process is a somewhat different matter. While it has been observed that in cases such as Western Sahara and Cambodia, the return of displaced persons in advance of national elections or referenda has been seen as a critical factor for achieving peace (Bhatia 2003; Bradley n.d.), whether the returnees actually participate in these political processes is a matter for further investigation. While much of the literature is silent on this matter, we find a possible psychosocial explanation in Tania Ghanem's (2003) work on the psychosocial aspects of refugee return and reintegration. She observes that certain factors may psychologically immobilize returnees and make them unable to participate in their own reintegration: "Because the returnee and the home country he/she is returning to has changed during his/her long period of absence, and

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because the returnee does not expect these changes, he/she can often experience a heightened version of what is called 'reverse culture shock' (Ghanem 2003: pp 43, 45). One returnee informant makes this striking remark: "I do not even have here what I had abroad: hope...It is like a mirage that disappears when you touch it" (Maletta et al 1989: 197). Once hope is lost, then it would be preposterous to expect the individual to be proactive and engaged in the community to which he/she has returned. CONCLUSIONS

The objectives of this paper have been to present returnee women's experiences of reintegration in Liberia, with a view to highlighting the particular situations they would like the government to address. The returnee women surveyed indicated that with respect to return, while they had an important role in making the decision to return from exile, upon their return they found out that the information they had received while in exile about the [socio - economic] situation in Liberia did not exactly correspond with the reality they faced upon their return. Furthermore, while the returnees' reintegration has been difficult on every front - socially, economically, politically and psychologically - they have found ways and means to cope with the challenges they face and continue to bear responsibility for their families and the continuity of society. In terms of their experience of the post war 'peace', the returnee participants in this study have mixed reactions: while they hail the return to stability of the political order and express hope for the future, they cannot but reflect on the renewed instability in their own lives brought about by their recent 'uprooting' from the country of asylum, and the challenge of developing new roots by which to form an attachment to the `home' they had been estranged from. The necessary conclusions we may derive from this research then are that, the experiences of reintegration of returnee women in Liberia have been very difficult; that their perceptions of 'home' have shifted since their return; that we may question the promotion

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of repatriation as the 'best' solution to the refugee issue; that 'peace' for women involves much more than the absence of war; that returnee women have opinions they would like to share with Madam President, but can neither approach her nor their own representatives; and that the process of reintegration will be long, and may eventually prove unsustainable for the returnees involved. Finally, while many recommendations may be proffered, this researcher would like to suggest only from a psychosocial perspective that Hope and Courage are the beginning of the reintegration enterprise everywhere else in the world. In the long run, 'home' is a choice the individual makes, and the returnee women have the power within them to make the choice to be resourceful in addressing their own problems, to form/join groups and participate in community and other processes that benefit them, and to stay.

NOTES/ ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation and the African Association of Political Science for the small grant that made fieldwork possible, and also to the University for Peace Africa Program whose doctoral award made the rest of the work possible. I also appreciate immensely the input of my doctoral advisor, Professor Adigun A. B. Agbaje in the crafting of the intricacies of this research. I must specifically acknowledge the good persons who provided logistic support during my fieldwork, some whose names I should not mention here but including: my Liberian host family, my Liberian former school mate, UNHCR Voinjama Sub-Office, LRRRC Monrovia, and one UNMIL staff. I am especially grateful to all the persons who gave their time and effort in interviews and consultations, before, during and after my field work in Liberia. This work belongs especially to them.

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REFERENCES Adelman H. n. d. "Implementation of peace agreements in civil wars: The problems of refugee repatriation. Allen, T. and Morsink, H. eds (1994) When Refugees Go Home. Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. Ballard B. M. (2003) 'Refugee Reintegration in rural areas: Land Distribution in Ban Pha Thao, Lao PDR,' The Rosemary Rogers Working Paper Series Working Paper No 18. Barnett, L. (2002). 'Global Governance and the Evolution of the International Refugee Regime', UNHCR Working Paper No 54. Geneva: UNHCR. Bradley M. (n.d). `FM0 Research Guide: Return of Forced Mi- grants.' Forced Migration Online Research Guides. Accessed 07 June 2006. Bradley M. (2005) "The conditions of just return: State responsibility and restitution for refugees" Refugee Studies Centre Working Paper No 21. Oxford: Refugee Studies Centre.

Byrne, B. (1996) Gender, Conflict and Development, Vol I: Overview BRIDGE Report No 34, Sussex: Institute of Develop- ment Studies. Chimni, B.S. (1999), 'From Resettlement to Involuntary Repatri- ation: Towards a Critical History of Durable Solutions to Refugee Problems,' UNHCR Working Paper No 2. Geneva: UNHCR Centre for Documentation and Research. El Bushra, J. and Fish, K. (2004). 'Refugees and Internally Dis- placed Persons,' in International Alert and Women Waging Peace, Inclusive security, sustainable peace: A toolkit for Advocacy and Action, London and Washington D.C.: International Alert and Women Waging Peace. Pp. 1-17. Available at

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http: //www.womenwaginapeace .net/content /toolkit /chapters/Refug ees.pdf Gammage S. and Fernandez, J. (2000). "Conflict, displacement and reintegration: Household survey evidence from El Salvador." New Issues in Refugee Research Working Paper No 25. Geneva: UNHCR. Ghanem, T. (2003) 'When Forced Migrants Return 'Home': The Psychosocial Difficulties Returnees Encounter in the Reintegration Process,' Refugee Studies Centre Working Paper No 16. Oxford: University of Oxford. Hammond, L. (1999) 'Examining the Discourse of Repatriation Toward a More Proactive Theory of Return Migration', in Black, R. and Koser, K. (eds) The End of the Refugee Cycle?: Refugee Repatriation and Reconstruction. New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books. Holtzman, S. (1995) 'Post conflict Reconstruction', Environment Department Work in Progress. Washington D.C.: World Bank. IRIN (Integrated Regional Information Network)/ UNOCHA. (2005) The Long Journey Home: Refugee Return and Reintegra- tion. Article: How Good is Home? February. www.irinnews.org/webspecial/rr/502040.asp Jolly,S. and H. Reeves (2005) "Gender and Migration Overview Report." BRIDGE Development- Gender Report. Sussex: Institute of Development Studies. www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/reports/CEP-Mig_OR.pdf Kaun, A. (2008) "When the displaced return: challenges to 'reintegration' in Angola," New Issues in Refugee Research Paper No 152, UNHCR: Geneva. Kibreab,G. (2002) 'When Refugees Come Home: The Relation- ship between Stayees and Returnees in Post Conflict Eritrea', Jour- nal of Contemporary African Studies, Vol 20, No 1, pp53-80.

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Lammers, E., (1999) Refugees, Gender and Human Security: A Theoretical Introduction and Annotated Bibliography. AGIDS- INDRA International Books. Macrae, J. (1999) "Aiding Peace ...and War: UNHCR, Returnee Reintegration and the Relief- Development Debate." UNHCR Working Paper no 14. Geneva: UNHCR. Majodina, Z.(1995) 'Dealing with Difficulties of Return in South Africa: The Role of Social Support and Coping', Journal of Refugee Studies, Vol 8,No 2,pp210- 227. Maletta, H., Shwarcberg, F. and Schneider, R. (1989) "Back home: Psychosocial aspects of the exiles' return to Argentina," in P. R. Presser ed. When borders don't divide: Labour migration and refugee involvements in the Americas. New York: Centre for Mi- gration Studies. Oyinloye, 0., (2004) Issues and Trends in the Protection of Refugee Women and Children in Africa: A Study of the Refugee Women and Children at the Oru Refugee Camp, Nigeria, Unpub- lished M.Sc. Dissertation in the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria.

Rehn, E. and Sirleaf, E., (2002) Women, War, Peace: The Inde- pendent Expert Assessment on the Impact of Armed conflict on Women and Women's Role in peace Building. Progress of the World's Women 2002, Vol. 1. New York: UNIFEM. Rogge, J. R.(1994) 'Repatriation of Refugees: A Not So Simple `Optimum' Solution,' in Allen,T. and Morsink, H.(eds) When Refugees Go Home. Geneva: UNRISD. Rogge, J. and B. Lippman. (2004) "Making Reform and Reinte- gration sustainable, transparent and participatory." Forced Migra- tion Review 21: 4-5. Saloman, K. (1991)Refugees in the Cold War: Towards a New In- ternational Refugee Regime in the Early Postwar Era. Lund: Lund University Press.

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Schaffer, J. (1996) 'Repatriation and Reintegration: Durable So- lutions?' Forced Migration Online. www.fmo.qeh.ox.ac.uk/Repository/getPdfasp? Sorenson, B. (1998) Women and Post Conflict Reconstruction. Geneva: UNRISD/PSIS.

UNHCR (1998) State of the World's Refugees 97/98: A Humani- tarian Agenda. Oxford: Oxford University Press. United Nations. (2002). Women, Peace and Security, Geneva: United Nations. Available at www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/public/eWPS.pdf UNOCHA/IRIN (2008) 'Burundi: Land remains key challenge in reintegration of returnees', 19 August. Accessed 11 Feb 2009. Yacob-Haliso, 0. (forthcoming) 'Accessing Returnee refugee Women in Post War Liberia: Practical, Ethical and Gender Consid- erations in Research,' African Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies Vol 1, No 2?. Addis Ababa: University for Peace Africa Program. Zarzosa, H.L., (1998) 'Internal Exile, Exile and return: A ten- dered View', Journal of Refugee Studies, Vol 11, no 2, pp 189-199.

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Toward Quality Education in Liberia

Dr. Sakui Malakpa

Scholars and disciplines view education from different perspectives. Economics of education views education as a form of investment in human beings. Education therefore is regarded as ca- pable of yielding economic benefits and contributing to a nation's future wealth by increasing the productive capacity of its people (Bonal, 2007; Patrinos, 2000; Psacharopoulos, 1993). On the other hand, humanists and existentialists see education as the development of the whole being and the advancement of his or her environment and culture (Malakpa, 1996; Schilling, 1986).

Advocates of holistic education postulate that education transcends the confines of subject knowledge accumulation and emphasizes "mastering the instruments of learning and the appli- cation of knowledge in a variety of contexts" (UNESCO, 1996 p. 86). Furthermore, holistic education views this field as a process of "learning and understanding, developing personal competences, learning to live with others and the education of the whole person. For example, "education must contribute to the all-round development of each individual-mind and body, intelligence, sensitivity, esthetic sense, personal responsibility and spiritual values" (UN- ESCO, 1996, p. 94).

Dr. Sakui W.G. Malakpa is a professor in the Department of early childhood, physical and special education. As coordinator of the vision program, Dr. Malakpa teaches all vision courses in addition to other courses at undergraduate and graduate levels. Dr. Malakpa has published extensively in the areas of special education and international studies.

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Holistic education also sees the field of education in terms of life-long learning in a constantly changing world which requires new and varied expertise. From this perspective,

It is not enough to supply each child early in life with a store of knowledge to be drawn on from then on. Each individual must be equipped to seize learning opportunities throughout life, both to broaden her or his knowledge, skills and attitudes, and to adapt to a changing, complex and interdependent world. (UNESCO, 1996, p. 85). However defined, the truth is that from the left, right and center, the importance and contributive value of education cannot be overemphasized.

This work therefore focuses on the importance of increasing quality education in Liberia. The purpose of this endeavor is not to criticize but offer views and examples of quality education in sister developing (especially sub-Saharan African) countries. It is hoped that this discourse will add to the directions and suggestions for increasing quality education in Liberia.

Quality: Materu (2007), looking at quality of higher education in sub-Saharan Africa defines quality as "fitness for purpose; that is, meeting or conforming to generally accepted standards as defined by an institution, quality assurance bodies and/or appropriate academic and professional communities" (p. 3). Using South Africa as a prime example, Mo- tala (2001) explores the literature for the definition of quality as related to primary and secondary education in Africa. Fuller (1986) (cited in Mo- tala, 2001) stresses that definitions of quality emanate from four views of schooling: "a production function model with an input- output view; school quality as existing in the relationships between teacher and student, supported by a positive school climate; school quality as a function of classroom and school organisation (time on task and a well-managed school structure); and quality as symbolic" (p. 67).

Adams (1993) argues that quality is popularly understood as something exceptional, as effectiveness or fitness for purpose,

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as providing value for money, or as transformative or empowering-adding value). Likewise, Webbstock (1994) notes that any conception of quality in education must be relevant to its changing context, and that a workable notion should include "fitness of purpose" and "value-added" approaches. She describes these as entail- ing "assessing fitness for a defined purpose as well as assessing, through performance indicators and participants' perceptions," the extent to which value has been added (p. 7).

In stressing the notion of quality as empowering or trans- forming, Kissack and Meyer (cited in Motala, 2001) advance the concept of "empowering agency" which they envisage as having two dimensions: (A) creating epistemological access, and (B) developing the capability of all education role players to exercise judgment (p. 68).

Increased Quality Education in Liberia: Given the definitions of education and quality, this work offers suggestions for increasing quality education in Liberia. In addition to the inputs of Malakpa (1988-89; 1990; 2005; 2006), suggestions are based on examples from sister sub-Saharan African countries. It is hoped that where these elements already exist in Liberia, they will be strength- ened and where they are wanting, they will be considered.

For years, Malakpa (1988-89; 1990) has written and spoken about the elusive trio in quality education in Liberia. He cites the trio as: (A) skilled, insightful, and realistic planning implementation of education in Liberia, (B) accurate and inclusive history of Liberia, and (C) ensuring that the curriculum includes Liberian languages and reflects invaluable values of Liberian culture (Malakpa, 1990). In addition, Malakpa (2005; 2006) emphasizes incessantly that insisting on special education programs in Liberia will buttress the quality of education in the country. Such programs, inter alia, render the nation's education system holistic. Furthermore, like other areas of education, they yield quantifiable and unquantifiable private and public returns. It is therefore difficult to achieve quality education in Liberia without considering these factors.

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Equally relevant to increasing quality education in Liberia are examples and experiences from other developing countries (especially sister nations in sub-Saharan Africa). From a South African perspective, Motala (2001) maintains that, "conceptualization of quality must be guided by political and social transformation processes, local needs, and global influences - particularly economic and educational influences" (p. 62).

Also as advocated in South Africa, the quest for quality cannot be "used for purposes of exclusion, domination and political advantage." Rather, quality and access "must include learning, new forms of knowledge, and must lead to "cognitive equity" (Motala, 2001, p. 67). Of particular importance is that redistributing resources is not sufficient in itself; it must entail creating conditions for the equity of learning achievement (Crouch, 1996; Motala, 2001).

Motala, (2001) adds other dimensions for achieving quality in education. These include fiscal discipline, and a strong reaction to inequitable and ineffective government policies, factors that must be considered in the Liberian context.

Crucial also to the enhancement of quality is a critical discussion and reexamination of performance indicators. What, for example, are the goals of education and what does the government regard as quality education? To what extent is a school system per- forming vis-à-vis the delineated standard of quality? How is this performance measured?

In addressing the foregoing questions in the South African context, it is said that "the stated goals which underlie the use of performance indicators ... are equity, access, redress and quality. The use of the matriculation examination as the only indicator of school performance is being challenged" (Motala, 2001, p. 69). Rather, policy researchers and analysts propose a much less sim- plistic approach to the assessment of both student achievement and quality (Motala, 2001). It behooves Liberia to seek a similar path within the context of its socio-economic and socio-political reality.

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Similarly, like South Africa, Liberia will do well to emphasize improvement of "education management capacity, particularly school- based management, to bring about quality, effectiveness and efficiency in the education sector" (Motala, 2001 p. 70).

Osei (2006) also discusses quality education but with reference to Ghana. He argues that, like many of its regional neighbors (and there's reason to believe that Liberia is no exception), Ghana's education is far from achieving quality. This is because Ghana al- legedly emphasizes policies and practices antithetical to the maxi- mization of quality education. For example, Osei (2006) charges that Ghana's education depends on an "archaic, centrally controlled schooling system which does not have room for all willing post- primary students and which is orientated towards producing clerks and civil servants" (p. 41). Instead of such a trend, Ghana and Liberia, which have experienced different crises, need to restructure their educational systems to maximize quality and thereby prepare students to compete effectively in a global market.

Osei (2006) delineates other policies and practices that are antithetical to the promotion of quality education in Ghanaian schools. To cite a few, students are encouraged "to learn by rote and produce lists of facts in compulsory examinations, an approach which neither stimulates creativity nor provides better foundations in English, mathematics and computer skills, all of which are needed to develop a globally competitive economy" (Osei, 2006, p. 42).

Other possible reasons for low quality education in Ghana include: "the stagnant expenditure per pupil; a largely under-qualified teaching force; rivalry between local and central bureaucra- cies; insufficient monitoring of the system or feedback; and the lack of incentives for improvement" (Osei, 2006, p. 42). Hence, Asare- Bediako and Boachie-Danquah (1995) (cited in Osei, 2006) identify the main problem as: "inappropriately centralised quality control, bureaucratic profit-making and ill-defined educational objectives" (p. 42). Liberia faces similar problems and can increase quality of education by addressing these crucial issues.

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Michaelowa & Wittmann (2008) contribute to the discourse by looking at quality of education in Francophone African countries. Based on experiences from these countries, it is emphasized that Quality in education is unreachable without addressing quality of teacher training, low teacher motivation, teacher remuneration, school environments, and student-teacher ratio (Michaelowa & Wittmann, 2008)

In addition to teacher remuneration, the type and quality of teacher family surroundings have been found to contribute to the quality of education. This link was found in Zimbabwe (Chivore 1988), the Anglophone part of Cameroon (Abangma, 1981), Sierra Leone (Banya and Elu, 1997) and in Tanzania, Zambia, and Uganda (Postlethwaite 1998).

In considering change in development education from the perspective of complexity theory, Mason (2009), stresses that quality must be inextricably related to equity. Put differently, achieving quality education must be synonymous to reducing (preferably eliminating) provision or exclusion of services on the basis of region, gender, disability, ethnicity, etc.. A quest for quality education in Liberia must emphasize this point because of the finding that "inequalities in education in any society lie primarily ... in in- equities that can probably be traced back to the big four: socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, gender, and space/region" (Mason, 2009, p. 119).

In the quest for quality education, Liberia also can benefit from a broad perspective relative to sub-Saharan Africa. For example, Heneveld (1994) argues that as nations in sub-Saharan Africa plan and monitor quality education, they must revise current as- sumptions that inform methods of policy and planning. To this end, nations in the region must realize that school-level factors are intertwined with, and not independent of, national policies. Hence, national policies must be woven in a fabric that comes together with school-level factors to form a social system which strongly impacts the learning that occurs in schools (Heneveld, 1994). An important

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feature of the research phase of this process is ensuring that work on quality is indigenized with emphasis on local writers, researchers, etc.. (Motala, 2001).

Summary and Conclusion: In advocating quality education in Liberia, it need be realized that scholars and disciplines view education differently. Likewise, "quality" is defined from different perspectives. However defined, quality education is a must for Liberia.

To realize increased quality education in Liberia, this work advances suggestions from several perspectives. Malakpa (1988- 89; 1990; 2005; 2006) stresses the importance of addressing what he terms "the elusive trio in quality education in Liberia." He also accentuates the inclusion of special education services and programs in schools.

Similarly, suggestions are offered from the experiences and perspectives of sister sub-Saharan African countries. The South African experience shows that quality cannot be reached with policies of exclusion and domination; rather both the education system and national educational policies must embrace and promote equity. Likewise, to achieve quality education, there must be fiscal discipline and strong reaction to ineffective government policies. Fur- thermore, the quest for quality education must include a critical examination of performance indicators (Motala, 2001).

From a Ghanaian viewpoint, quality education is unreachable in the face of an archaic centrally controlled system. Also, a national education system that encourages students to learn by rote does not contribute to the development of skills needed in a competitive global economy. Quality education equally will remain elusive when a nation has a large under-qualified teaching force and there are no incentives for improvement (Osei, 2006).

Experiences from Francophone African countries indicate that impediments to quality education include inadequate or ineffective teacher training programs, low teacher motivation, nugatory

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teacher remuneration, poor school environments, and dispropor- tionate student-teacher ratio. It also was found that the type and quality of teacher family surroundings were strongly contributive to quality education (Michaelowa & Wittmann, 2008).

In addition, a broad sub-Saharan African perspective emphasizes that, to achieve quality education in the region, national policies must be intertwined with school-level factors to promote learning (Heneveld, 1994). A crucial aspect of this process must be the indigenization of quality; that is, to promote quality, there must be strong emphasis on the use of local authors, materials, processes and methods.

In conclusion, it is axiomatic that no nation can develop at an acceptable pace, let alone a desirable pace without developing skilled human resources. The education sector therefore is a crucial partner in the socio-economic and socio-cultural development process as it is a vital means of developing human resources. Thus, if Liberia is to accelerate and buttress socio-economic development in the post-war era, and in the face of the ramifications of the war, more than ever, the nation must promote and enhance quality education. To achieve this goal, Liberia must institute stringent policies and practices for the promotion of quality education. For example, among others, heavy emphasis must be placed on teacher education, teacher remuneration, in-service education for practicing teachers, decentralization and indigenization of the education system, and reconsideration of performance assessment alongside cri- teria for rating schools and school districts throughout the country. Put succinctly, overall, the education sector in Liberia has contributed enormously to the nation. However, if this sector is to play its expected role effectively and efficiently, it must institute drastic changes to achieve its myriad goals and objectives.

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Political Communication, Democracy, and Sustainable Development in Liberia

Edward Lama Wonkeryor, Ph.D.

Abstract: This paper develops crucial theoretical perspectives on political communication and democracy in the political and social contexts of Liberia. Archival historical sources, communications databases, and personal interviews were used. This range of information allowed me to conceptualize the dimensionality of political communication, democracy, and sustainable development in Liberia. Liberian policymakers use political communication to achieve wealth, economic, and political control. Political communication can also play a role in Liberia's quest to build peace, democracy, and good governance.

Key words: communication, Liberia, democracy, sustainable development, indigenes, Americo-Liberians

Dr. Edward Lama Wonkeryor is an assistant professor in the African American Studies Department at Temple University in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, U.S.A. Dr. Wonkeryor holds Ph.D. in African American Studies, an M.M.C. in Mass Communication and a B.A. in Communications. His research interests cover the areas of political communication, telecommunications technologies and communication theory; globalization; ethnicity, security studies, American foreign policy, the military and democratic governance in Africa; and the resistance activities of Africans, both on the continent and in the diaspora. Dr. Wonkeryor has authored three books: Liberia Military Dictatorship: A Fiasco Revolution, The Effects of United States ' Political Communication and the Liberian Experience 1960- 1990, and On Afrocentricity, Intercultural Communication and Racism. He has co-authored American Democracy in Africa in the 21st Century? and New Jersey's Underground Railroad Heritage. Steal Away, Steal Away... A Guide to the Underground Railroad in New Jersey. Wonkeryor also wrote chapters in these volumes: "The Dynamics of Afrocentricity in Intercultural Communication," in Molefi Kete Asante and Afrocentricity: In Praise and in Criticism, "Ethnicity and Democratic Gov- ernance in Liberia" in The Politics of Ethnicity and National Identity. He has presented papers at national and international conferences, including the Oxford Round Table Forum, Oxford University, among others.

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From the time the Founding Fathers of Liberia laid the foundation of the republic, political communication was integral in nurturing democratic virtues among the citizenry. But the indigenes were excluded. The ideas of democracy in the indigenous polities and the settler state were dissimilar. For millennia the indigenous polities "had a form of democratic governance in their communities prior to the arrival of the settlers. For example, chiefs or kings ruled with governing consensus" (Wonkeryor 2007:111). Decisions about matters between people or communities were solved by deliberation by elders in the geopolitical area. Their decision was submitted to the chief or king, who used it as the final ruling.

In the settler state, indigenous ethnic groups retained the clan or chiefdom at the local level. But appointed representatives of the national government superseded chiefs and kings at the district and county level, infusing ethnicity into governance. The resulting lack of social cohesion in clans, chiefdoms, districts, and counties contributed to uncontrollable political, economic, and ethnic problems (Wonkeryor 2007:111). The freed Africans practiced democracy with glaring irregularities, for example, refusing citizenship to the majority indigenous Liberians. The freed Africans saw democracy in the United States, from where they had emigrated after nearly two hundred years of bondage. Marginalized by a hostile and racist America, they had little sense of the workings, opportunities, and constraints needed to build a sound political democracy for all Liberians. It could be argued that Americo-Liberian settlers' pro- fessed desire but fuzzy practice did not really bring democratic values to Liberia.

This paper examines the role of political communication in indigenous Liberian polities before and after the founding of the Liberian state. It deciphers the role of political communication in the formation of state and the ways the ruling Liberian elites used it as an instrument of control. Finally, it examines the role political communication could play in building a democratic Liberian society.

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Methodology

For this study I examined the historical and archival sources of Liberian politics, culture, and government at the Blockson Col- lection, and the Paley Library at Temple University. Approximately 80 percent of the data were gathered through this research. The remaining 20 percent came through personal discussion with Liberi- anists and Liberian policymakers at the 41st Conference of the Liberian Studies Association, held at the University of Liberia, 13- 15 May 2009. This range of information allowed me to conceptualize the dimensionality of political communication, democracy, and sustainable development in Liberia.

Theoretical Issues

Liberia has had its share of problems, including economic, cultural, social, and political domination of the indigenes by the Americo-Liberians: "For an uninterrupted period of 150 years, the Liberian political real was reserved for Americo Liberians. The Americo Liberians imposed a colonial situation over the natives" (Bangura 2007:126).

Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja writes that "In pre-colonial Africa, there were nations at different levels of intensity corresponding to social formations made up of closely related lineages or other kin- ship groups unified by a core cultural tradition and a relatively durable politico-administrative structure" (1993:13). He asserts that colonialism in African societies largely destroyed the prospects for viable nations to develop from African social structures. Nations forfeited their vitality, if not their very existence, as sovereign and independent. Nationhood was stronger where the colonial state corresponded to a historical state-as in Burundi, Egypt, Lesotho, Libya, Madagascar, Morocco, Rwanda, Swaziland, Tunisia, and Zanzibar-and weaker where it incorporated different nationalities and groups (14). Nzongola-Ntalaja comments that,

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On the one hand, the imposition of colonial rule resulted in the fading away of a large number of pre-colonial nations, or their disintegration into that "formless conglomeration of more or less related ethnic ethnic groups" described by Samir Amin (1993:14, 15).

Conversely, colonialism united different African nationalities and peoples under a single territorial and institutional framework, enlarged their social space as a result of greater inter-ethnic inter- action through the institutions and practices of the colonial system, and thus created a common historical experience of economic exploitation, and political, administrative, and cultural oppression. Africans experienced capitalist exploitation and colonial oppression as blacks or as Arabs, and this experience had a lot to do with their response to the colonial situation. Denied their human and democratic rights, they were also victims of discriminatory practices with regard to economic and social justice: lack of equal employment opportunities, investment credit, property rights, access to the better social services and amenities reserved for Europeans, etc. Conse- quently, it was their common identification of the colonial society as the general obstacle to social and economic progress that made it possible for all social classes to unite in a common struggle against colonialism (Nzongola-Ntalaja 1993:14, 15).

In Africa south of the Sahara, this struggle was also inspired by the fight against racism and oppression in the African diaspora of North America and the Caribbean, home of the intellectual pio- neers of pan-Africanism, H. Sylvester Williams, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Marcus Garvey. Pan-Africanism was the self-assertion of Africans and peoples of African descent outside the continent, with the goal to regain their social dignity as a people and eventually establish an independent nation in Africa. In general, this ideal, however attractive to African nationalists in 1945-1960, was in flagrant contradiction with both neocolonialist imperialism and the class interests of the African petit-bourgeoisie, which was leading the nationalist struggle in Africa itself. The intent of neocolonialism was

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to grant independence to the colonial territories but keep them within the world capitalist system as sources of raw material and cheap labor (Nzongola-Ntalaja 1993:15).

The goals of imperialism were basically compatible with African petit bourgeois class interests. Both imperialists and nationalist leaders opted for dismantling the colonial empires into their constituent territories, as these would be easier to manipulate for the imperialists, and provide more fertile terrain for petit bourgeois economic and political interests. Balkanization gave even mediocre leaders the chance to become ministers at the national level, something that might have escaped them in larger and more complex units. Administratively centralized units under the control of a single governor general, like French West Africa, French Equa- torial Africa, and the Belgian Congo and Ruanda-Urundi were split into eight, four, and three countries, respectively (Nzongola-Ntalaja 1993:16).

Efforts to keep French West Africa a single entity or to sal- vage the larger portion of it into a federation were disrupted by the French imperialists, with the help of African politicians like Felix Houphouet-Boigny, a leader of the regionwide nationalist movement, the Rassemblement Democratique Africain (RDA). Radical parties in Guinea, French Sudan (Mali), and Niger joined progressive elements in Senegal, Upper Volta (Burkina Faso), and Da- homey (Benin) in the fight for unity, but lost. Along these lines the concept of the nation became attached to the territorial entities of the colonial partition, not as a necessity in the anti-colonial struggle, but as a result of the interplay of imperialist and African petit-bourgeois interests. The proletariat and semi-proletariat masses also developed some emotional identification with this new entity.

For the most part, the political map of Africa thus represents a double failure: of the pan-African ideal of a continental state or several regional federations; and of reactionary nationalism, which sought to recreate or revive pre-colonial nations (Nzongola-Ntalaja

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1993:16, 17). Most African countries today are arbitrary colonial creations. Of 54 internationally recognized entities (52 OAU members plus Morocco and South Africa), only ten correspond to historical states, while four others have a clear cultural identity. The first group, identified above, includes Ethiopia but not Zanzibar, which is now part of the United Republic of Tanzania. The second group consists of Algeria, Botswana, Somalia, and Western Sahara (17, 18).

The other 40 states are mostly mixtures of peoples without a core cultural tradition around which to coalesce. For them, national construction involves developing a multiethnic entity based on a shared history of colonial oppression and commitment to forging a new cultural identity, linked to all the traditions of the past without being strongly attached to one of them. Most of the pre-colonial political entities face this challenge, inasmuch as the state is linked to a dominant cultural tradition imposed on peripheral groups and minorities: the Ethiopian state vis-à-vis non-Amhara groups like the Oromo, Arab-controlled Algeria vis-à-vis the Berbers, etc. Na- tional construction must therefore reflect the commitment to unity in diversity. This implies not only integration of the common traits of all cultures into a new historical identity, but also a scrupulous respect for the language, originality, and specificity of each group. Such respect is essential to national unity, particularly in countries where major groups may assert cultural and political dominance over minorities. By destroying this domination, the country achieves greater ability to freely determine its own destiny and transform the economy to serve the interests of workers and peas- ants (Nzongola-Ntalaja 1993:18).

Pita Ogaba Agbese and George Klay Kieh explore cultural, economic, political, security, and social state failure in Africa as the backdrop of the state rebuilding project. They discuss the broad challenges that attend state reconstitution and note that "a key to the emergence of a democratic, efficient, responsive, and account- able state in Africa is the adoption of a new compact on governance" (2007:10). They examine some major theoretical

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frameworks for navigating the terrain: models that include institutional reform, power sharing, constitutional politics, and state de- construction. They identify some basic conditions for successful state rebuilding in Africa: (1) a legitimate constitutional basis for the state; (2) effective management of national resources; (3) im- proving the material well-being of the people; (4) greater space for political freedom; (5) equitable distribution of national resources; (6) reduction of communal tension and promotion of ethnocultural pluralism; and (7) meaningful participation of women, youth, and other marginalized sections of society in governance. Any recon- stituted African state will be evaluated on the extent to which it cre- ates a better life for all its citizens (23, 24).

Political Communication in the Indigenous Liberian Polities

As stated above, Liberia had a conglomerate of democratic governments in various geopolitical enclaves before and during the advent of the freed Africans. Its diverse population includes "Kpelle, Bassa, Gio, Kru, Grebo, Mano, Loma, Krahn, Gola, Kissi, Mandingo, Vai, Gbandi, Belle, Dei, and Mende" (Liebenow 1987:37). Each ethnic group had social-democratic pluralism during the reigns of Sao Boatswain, Njola, Peter, George, Jimmy, Long Peter, Governor, Will, and Brumly during the ACS era, and chiefs Ghlorghor Suah, Lama, Tappi, Tamba Taylor, Woto Mongrue, Jimmy Dahn, among others, who ruled on democratic lines in contemporary times. Decisions by these chiefs had the hallmarks of collective deliberation, harmony, and value orientations consistent with African worldview. Indigenous leaders used political communication to carry out public policy and contain citizen belligerence toward their rule or misrule.

It was politically incorrect for the freed Africans to shun as inessential the democratic governance and political communication cultivated and used by indigenous Africans to unify and amalgamate their people, introducing new ideology and communication polity without a period of familiarization for the indigenes. The freed Africans arguably used political communication for selfish

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reasons and failed to build democracy in Liberia, "because Liberia was founded on autocracy, not on democracy" (Sawyer 2009:1).

Liberia's location in terms of political communication and democracy is not less problematic, because of the unpredictability in how Liberian rulers make conditions unfavorable for political communication in building democratic order. During the early days of the republic, Americo-Liberian leaders used political communication to sow the seeds of their version of democracy. They recognized the fundamental differences between political communications in Western and African countries. The general sense of western thought is that communication in African countries is curvilinear, indirect, and inappropriate to a Eurocentric worldview. Americo-Liberian policymakers use political communication to contain disharmony, accelerate national development, place a premium on national cohesion and identity, and maintain absolute control in a society marked by ethnic, cultural, and religious diversity. Political communication in western countries is linear (direct and appropriate to Eurocentric cosmology), and is used for political and or commercial goals (Wonkeryor 1997).

Political Communication and State Formation

Liberian State Before the Advent of Freed Africans

Prior to the advent of freed Africans beginning in 1822, Liberia was known as the Grain Coast. Portuguese explorers established contacts as early as 1461 and named the area for the abun- dance of "grains of paradise" (Malegueta pepper seeds). In 1663 the British set up trading posts on the Grain Coast, but the Dutch destroyed them a year later. There were no further reports of Euro- pean settlements along the coast until the arrival of freed slaves (U.S. Dept. of State 2009).

The area was occupied by indigenous ethnic groups that can be classified into three major clusters: Mel (Gola and Kissi ethnic groups); Mande (Gbandi, Gio, Kpelle, Lorma, Mandingo, Mano,

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Mende, and Vai); and Kwa (Bassa, Belle, Dei, Grebo, Krahn, and Kru). The constitutents of these clusters had their own political, economic, and sociocultural systems (Kieh 2008:34).

All the indigenous groups had elements of checks and balances and other features of democratic decision making. The institutions in each polity constituted something of a "balance of power system" in which each institution had functions and concomitant authority. This arrangement militated against authoritarianism (Kieh 2008:35). Communication patterns were equitable, respect- ful, and nonhegemonic: Tony Ike Nnaemeka notes, "Because communication builds itself into the social structure, the materialistic symbolic contents of a society's communication systems generally reflect the structural morphology of that society at any given time and between periods in history" (Nnaemeka 1990:308).

Liberian State in the Colonial Era (1820-1839)

Liberia, "land of the free," was founded by free African Amer- icans and freed slaves from the United States. An initial group of 86, who came to be called Americo-Liberians, established a settlement in Christopolis (now Monrovia, after President James Mon- roe) on 6 February 1820. The drive to resettle freed slaves in Africa was promoted by the American Colonization Society (ACS), an organization of white clergy, abolitionists, and slave owners founded in 1816 by Presbyterian minister Robert Finley. From 1821 to 1867 the ACS resettled some 10,000 African Americans and several thousand Africans from interdicted slave ships; it governed the Com- monwealth of Liberia until independence in 1847 (U.S. Dept. of State 2009).

The settlers encountered democracy in practice in the region where they settled (Cape Mesurado), despite the hazardous climate, social conditions, and conflicts (e.g., the Battle of Crown Hill in 1822, the Battle of Fort Hill in 1916) with indigenous Liberians. These groups practiced attributes of democracy from the African worldview and shared cultural and social interests, but "differed in

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norms, values and political arrangements. They did not constitute one single or formidable political force" (Guannu 1982, quoted in Wonkeryor 1995:31).

The settlers came to dominate the indigenous people primarily for four reasons: First, they received moral and financial support from the ACS and the U.S. government. Second, many were financially well off and had at least rudimentary education. Third, the numerically superior Africans among whom they settled were fragmented into several ethnic groups who differed in norms, values and political arrangements. They did not constitute one single or formidable political force. Fourth, like minorities everywhere, they united to perpetuate their domination (Guannu 1982, quoted in Wonkeryor, 1995: 30, 31).

During the provincial colonial period, rulers and colonial agents attempted to reduce, if not eliminate, the differences between the colonists and indigenous Africans. Jehudi Ashmun (1794-1828) was one of those colonial agents. He was the white American governor of Liberia Colony, West Africa, whose leadership enabled the early settlement at Monrovia to survive armed attacks from local Africans (Jehudi Ashmun 2009). Ashmun commented on the relations of the colony with neighboring ethnic groups thus:

The public policy, which I have invariably pursued in the intercourse of the Colony with them, is that of benevolence, humanity, and justice. They have been treated as men and brethren of a common family. We have practically taught them in the spirit of the parent institution, that one end of our settlement in their country, is to do them good. We have adopted 60 of their children; and brought them forward as children of the Colony and shown a tender concern for their happiness and a sacred regard to their rights, even when pos- sessed of a dictatorial power over both. (Ashmun 1826: 97, 98)

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This push to expose Africans to Western civilization and Christianity was trumpeted loudly by rulers and ACS agents from the provincial period through independence and the post-independence era to the end of the nineteenth century. From the beginning of the twentieth century to the end of the First Republic in 1980, Liberian rulers, mainly Americo-Liberians, relentlessly promoted "class" and "identity" versus indigenous Liberians or natives. The rulers thus contradicted Ashmun's policy in intercourse with the indigenous ethnic groups. The Americo-Liberian social construct nurtured political and social division and discontent. Their positively valued "Americo-Liberianism" and negatively charged "indigenous Liberianism" can be perceived as "the Tweedledee and Tweedledum" (Wonkeryor et al. 2000:95) of social, cultural, and political characterizations.

Joseph Saye Guannu explains that the Congos played a major part in the development of the Liberian state, as traders and government officials in the interior. The Congos were completely ac- culturated into the Americo-Liberian value system and of the same ethnic stock, so many indigenous Liberians were unable to distin- guish between them. In time indigenous Liberians came to refer to all westernized persons from Monrovia and the coastal region as "Congo People." For many ethnic Liberians, any Liberian who did not understand, speak, or identify with a tribal language, or who had a light complexion, came to be identified as a Congo. (It is safe to conclude that, with the continuous successive waves of migration into the Dukor Corridor, where most Congos lived, with high in- termarriage in the region, and natural population growth, there may be less than one thousand full-blooded Congos today (Guannu 1989 :14, 15)). Having acquired some territory through dubious purchases and force, the settlers hoped they had established a polity under their control. To their disappointment, however, the ACS established an authoritarian colonial state with its own political economy. The ACS designed various repressive architectures as basis for governance, including the 1824 Plan for Civil Government. As the settlement population expanded, the ACS framed a new constitution

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(Beyan 1991:85, quoted in Kieh 2008: 38). Sovereignty resided in the ACS Board of Directors, which made all domestic and foreign decisions. Its edicts were implemented by the colonial agent, "who ruled under the principle of 'divine rule' (Kieh 2008:38). (See Table 1). Table 1. The Colonial Agents of the American Colonization Society, 1820-1838

Name Tenure Samuel Bacon 1820 Samuel Crozer 1820-22 Eli Ayers 1822-23 Frederick James (acting) 1823 Elijah Johnson 1823 1823-28 Jehudi Ashmun Lott Carey 1828 Richard Randall 1828-29 Joseph Meclin 1829-33 Joseph Pinney 1833-34 Nathaniel Brander 1834 Anthony Williams 1834-35 Ezekiel Skinner 1835-36 Anthony D. Williams 1836-38

Source: Kieh 2008: 39.

Cultural, educational, communication, political, and religious systems were dominated by Western cultural motifs, and English was the official language. The languages of the various ethnic groups were denigrated as "dialects" appropriate only for tribal communication. Dress, and entertainment were also patently Amer- ican, as was the educational system. Religion was based on the U.S. version of Protestant Christianity. The indigenous religions were vilified and classified as pagan, and American Christian sects ex- ported an army of missionaries to Liberia to "civilize the barbar- ians" (Kieh 2008:41).

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Liberia's Founding Fathers opted for a republican form of government with all the trappings of Western civilization. In correspondence to the ACS dated 31 December 1825, ACS agent Jehudi Ashmun writes:

The system of government drawn up and adapted in August 1824, as an experiment of the agent of the American Colo- nization Society in Liberia has, "proved itself, in its principles, entirely sufficient for the civil government of the Colony; and still as liberal and popular as the republican pre- possessions of the Board would prescribe." The apparent complexity of its structure, of the effects of which, in so young a settlement, the Managers very naturally express some fears, in a great measure disappears, in its practical operations. Small communities soon come to be agitated by the same diversity of interests,-to require the same variety of civil institutions, and to exact the same methods of securing, ex- ercising, and ascertaining their rights, larger societies. And a government, however limited as to the number of its subjects, must either assume the austerity of a despotic system, or become somewhat diffuse in its details. (Ashmun 1825:74, 75)

The founders recognized the difficulty in establishing good government, but they were determined to build a democratic country for the settlers, in the face of the social, economic and ideolog- ical impediments of the numerically superior indigenous Africans among whom they settled. To control the Africans and expose them to Western ways of life, the settlers communicated with them force- fully, using a rhetoric of sternness, vehemence, and intimidation. According to Joseph Holloway, employing such communication patterns and rhetoric amid the treachery, ferocity, and hatred of Africans for the intruders, the settlers were able to obtain "at gun- point, Cape Mesurado from African Kings Njola, Peter, George, Jimmy, Long Peter and Governor" (Holloway 1982, quoted in Wonkeryor 1997:4). The settlers, represented by the ACS's Eli Ayres and Captain Robert F. Stockton, obtained Cape Mesurado from the African kings for about three hundred dollars in goods.

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The Commonwealth Era (1838-47)

The impetus for establishing a commonwealth was provided by three major currents. The autonomous colonies established by the ACS and its affiliates, notably in Monrovia, Bassa, and Sinoe, were experiencing financial difficulties, and it was thought that a union would ease the situation. Defining the various territories was a daunting jurisdictional problem. Finally, the colonies were experiencing increased resistance from the indigenous polities. The "Commonwealth of Liberia" was established in 1839, merging Monrovia, Bassa, and Sinoe and retaining the essence of its colonial progenitor (Kieh 2008:42).

The emergent entity was charged with formulating a constitutional architecture. This generated intense debate between the ACS and its auxiliaries on the one hand, and the Americo-Liberian settlers. The crux of the controversy was the issue of power in the new political order. The ACS wanted to continue its authoritarian rule; the settlers, especially the light-skinned African Americans, wanted greater involvement. Two draft constitutions were proposed: the "Monrovia Draft" by the settlers and the "Greenleaf Draft by the ACS Board. After months of debate, the ACS imposed the "Green- leaf Constitution." The effort to stem authoritarianism was foiled: sovereignty would continue to reside in the ACS Board of Direc- tors, which would continue the power monopoly of the colonial epoch (Kieh 2008:42)

Structurally, the government was divided into executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The executive branch was headed by the governor of the commonwealth, who served as chief admin- istrator (see Table 2), assisted by a council of the chief executive officers of Bassa and Sinoe. Legislative power was vested in a Con- gress composed of the governor of the commonwealth, the chief executive officers of Bassa and Sinoe, and five delegates elected by the legislative councils of the three regions: three from Monrovia and one each from Bassa and Sinoe. Membership in the Congress

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was undemocratic, restricted to so-called civilized citizens. That is, the indigenes, citizens of the Liberian commonwealth but uncivi- lized and unchristianized by settler standards, were ineligible to serve in the Congress (Kieh 2008:42, 43). The "so-called civilized citizens" were the settlers (and later other Liberians) who sub- scribed to western Christianity, culture, and traditions. The settlers were regarded as the bona fide citizens of the Liberian commonwealth who met the constitutional requirements to serve in the Con- gress. According to Albert Blaustein and Michael Kitay, Chapter IV (Citizenship), Article 27, Section (b), of the constitution of Liberia which was drafted by an American law professor, Simon Greenleaf, when he was president of the Massachusetts Coloniza- tion Society, was approved in convention on July 26, 1847, and later approved by the people in a national referendum, addressed the "civilized issue" and citizenship thus: "In order to preserve, foster and maintain the positive Liberian culture, values and character, only persons who are Negroes or of Negro descent shall qualify by birth or by naturalization to be citizens of Liberia" (Blaustein and Kitay 1985:25). They further assert that Chapter III (Fundamental Rights), Article 8 of the Liberian constitution states that "All Liber- ian citizens shall have equal opportunity for work and employment regardless of sex, creed, religion, ethnic background, place of origin or political affiliation, and all shall be entitled to equal pay for equal work" (Blaustein and Kitay 1985:20).

The judiciary was controlled by the triumvirate of the governor of the Liberian state and his two lieutenants-the chief executive officers of Bassa and Sinoe. Clearly, the structure epitomized the authoritarian, undemocratic character of the Liberian state. For example, the governor belonged to and dominated all three branches of the government (Kieh 2008:42, 43). Two years after the inception of the commonwealth, the ACS made a major concession, granting settlers authority to administer the day-to-day affairs of the state. But the ACS retained judicial review, the authority to conduct foreign relations, and the right to review and nullify government decisions (43).

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Table 2. Governors of the Commonwealth of Liberia, 1838-47

GOVERNOR RACE TENURE Thomas Buchanan White 1838-41 Joseph Jenkins Roberts (acting) Black 1841-47 Source: Kieh 2008: 43. The state was plagued by multiple internal and external conflicts, and a movement for independence emerged, especially among the light-skinned settlers. Their principal argument was an independent and sovereign state would provide the platform to addressing the various challenges. The independence movement was vehemently opposed by the dark-skinned settlers, who viewed it as a ploy to consolidate light-skinned domination (45-46). Independence Era (1847-Present) State formation (1847-57). In January 1846 the ACS acqui- esced to the light-skinned settlers' demand for independence. About a year later, the legislature voted to establish an independent sovereign state. The state-making process began with a constitutional convention with delegates from the three regions of the commonwealth: seven from Monrovia, three from Bassa, and two from Sinoe (see Table 3). The majority were theologians and educators from the upper stratum, the province of the mulattos. Few were from the dark-skinned middle tier. There were no delegates from the subaltern classes, the indigenes and Congos. The convention met for a month in Monrovia, with Samuel Benedict and Hilary Teage as chair and secretary. They studied the constitutions of the Liberian colonial and commonwealth states, some of the states of the United States, and the United States. They did not consider the indigenous Mel, Mande, and Kwa polities, even though these had established practices in areas such as checks and balances and democratic decision making. The resulting constitution borrowed very heavily from the U.S. Constitution and those of some of the states (Burrowes 1998, quoted in Kieh 2008:46); in effect, it reflected the realities of the United States rather than those of Liberia. Structurally, it was based on the Amer- ican presidential system of government with its separate but co-

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equal legislative, executive, and judicial branches, and on separation of powers, checks and balances, and judicial review. Econom- ically, capitalism was maintained as the mode of production. There was a privileging of the propertied class in the affairs of state. The primacy of the interests of the propertied class and settlers was reflected in the constitutional architecture. For example, only settlers and Congos were granted citizenship. The state was deliberately fashioned as an exclusionary and segregated construct reflecting the apartheid-like state order in the United States during this period. Even among citizens, ownership of property was the major determinant for the right to vote and contest prominent political offices such as the presidency, vice presidency, and the legislature (Kieh 2008:46-47). With the adoption of the constitution, Liberia was declared an independent and sovereign state on 26 July 1847. As Liberty (2002: vi, quoted in Kieh 2008: 47) poignantly notes "It may be accurately said that Liberia was conceived in controversy and developed in controversy." Table 3. The Roster of Delegates to the 1847 Constitutional Convention

NAME REGION Samuel Benedict Monrovia Hilary Teage Monrovia Elijah Johnson Monrovia John N. Lewis Monrovia Beverly Wilson Monrovia John B. Gripon Monrovia John Day Bassa Amos Herring Bassa Anthony W. Gardiner Bassa Ephriam Titler Sinoe R.E. Murray Sinoe Jacob W. Prout Sinoe Source: Kieh 2008: 47.

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In the twentieth century, Liberians who were primarily descendants of freed Africans used political communication for economic, social, and political empowerment and to maintain control over indigenous Liberians. The conventional argument is that the settlers who maintained hegemonic political and economic control from 1847 to 1980 brought from the United States perceived ideas of democratic government, but they mixed them with their cultural, economic, and political ethos. The Americo-Liberian or settler governance model concentrated power totally in the hands of members of the settler community and safeguarded their economic, political, and social interests at the expense of the indigenous majority. In the process, they marginalized the general welfare of all Liberians and derailed development. They protected their constituency by advocating evasive behavior, nepotism, corruption, and immorality. For example, the Freemasons were used as an arbiter and a medi- ating anchor for the government. Major educational, social, political, economic, and cultural decisions were made at the Masonic Temple, without input from the masses of indigenous Liberians. Church leaders helped make decisions with far-reaching implications for the state and its people. Nya Kwiawon Taryor notes that:

Christians are in control of the scheme of things. They make the major political, social, economic, educational, and cultural decisions for the nation. The church respects the state and the state respects the church. From the formation of the church and state in Liberia, political leaders have always had high-ranking positions in the church. (Taryor 1985:206)

One president (William V. S. Tubman) was a lay leader in the Methodist Church while his vice-president (William R. Tolbert, Jr.), was president of the World Baptist Alliance, president (bishop) of the Liberian Baptist Convention, and minister of a local Baptist church. When Tolbert became president, his vice-president Bennie D. Warner was also bishop of the United Methodist Church Annual Conference. Representatives, senators, judges, educational officers, and county officials were also elders, clergy, or lay leaders in their local churches (Taryor 1985: 206).

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The Americo-Liberians used political communication-under the guise of democratic communication-to convince the masses to accept them as members of African humanity, follow their ideology, and interact at all levels of society. To consolidate control, they used "a battery of socialization agents-the schools, the media, and the traditional church to condition Liberians to believe that their country was peaceful, stable, and prosperous" (Kieh 2008:5). Private and public educational institutions taught students to appreciate the illusory economic security and peace the country provided and the "virtues" of the Liberian political order, including its peripheral capitalist system, without taking stock of it. In the church Liberians were socialized to believe that the state of their country was "divinely ordained," that the custodians of state power were "ordained by God" to rule Liberia. In the end, the agents of socialization succeeded in developing a compliant and complacent mindset among Liberians (2008:5, 6).

Military force was also used through the Liberian Frontier Force (later the Liberian National Guard) to overcome resistance by the indigenous Africans, if the rulers failed to convert them to Western culture, traditions, and customs; instill obedience in the mindset of indigenous Liberians; and impose "state control over their autonomous polities" (Kieh 2008: 8).

Political Communication and Elite Control

Liberian traditional culture uses political communication for a variety of purposes, including economic and political empowerment. Relationships exist "between the structure and organization of communications and the character, tone, and even to a degree, content of political expression" (Pye 1963:58). Even now, Liberian leaders function as both purveyors of collective identity and cham- pions of specific interests, conditioned and limited by the available communications media. Pye states that no leader or policymaker can ignore the restrictions of the specific networks to which he or she has access, or escape the consequences of being surrounded by communications systems. Liberian rulers have controlled and mo-

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nopolized information and political communication from the United States and other Western countries from the foundation of the republic. This control means absolute control if state power is distributed in the political subdivisions. Rulers also disseminate political information to expose the citizenry to "new values and new outlooks. Modernization calls for the transformation of popular tastes and fashions, the creation of novel devices and demands, and the welding together of new loyalties" (61).

I argue that during the Cold War the Liberian policymakers never sufficiently articulated political communication and information; national development and the understanding and appreciation of social traditions and motifs were problematic. In Pye's prophetic words, "the consequences can only be a general debasement of standards throughout the society" (1963:62), which results in institutional disorder. In 1980, for example, disfranchisement and des- peration led to civil strife and the violent collapse of the First Republic. Here I lean on the wisdom of prominent African philoso- pher Cheikh Anta Diop of Senegal in his great book, The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality, "The moving force of history lies in the determination of the oppressed classes to free themselves from their condition. If that condition is intolerable and humanly inadmissible, the rebellious conscience becomes revolu- tionary" (Diop 1974: 223).

Liberian leaders have cared only to satisfy the whims of the "ruling class." They disseminate lies and rumors in political communication to achieve political, provincial, economic, and social interests. Michael Innes argues that the regimes of William V. S. Tubman (1944-71) and William R. Tolbert, Jr. (1971-80) created impediments for independent media systems to function. During the 1980-90 military interregnum, the rulers became "intolerant of media criticism or of political advocacy that diverged from official policies" (Innes 2004:10).

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The military rulers recognized that without expanded, deliberate political communication they could not consolidate their power base, create inter-ethnic solidarity, or obtain support for their so-called development programs. They relied on government prop- aganda machines (newspapers, Liberian News Agency, Liberian Broadcasting System) and private for-profit communications outlets for their propagandistic messages of politics, development, and nationalism (Wonkeryor 1985, 1997). Notably, their predecessors had relied on loyal print outlets to propagate their vision of news. "Radio broadcasts, other than from the Protestant Christian station, ELWA, and from a Roman Catholic-owned radio, were the monopoly of the station, ELBC" (Innes 2004:10). "The Liberian Broad- casting Corporation (LBC), including ELBC/TV, is a quasi-public corporation. It sells spots for commercials, but is also financed by public funds" (Wonkeryor 1980:8). He said that "Like other quasi- corporations, profits are not the primary objective although it is supposed to make a profit. The Liberian government guarantees loans taken by LBC for operations" (8). LBC has changed its name to the Liberian Broadcasting System (LBS).

"Radio ELWA ("Eternal Love Winning Africa"), a religious station, is privately funded. The Liberian government annually subsidizes the station, but the subsidy in no way influences the editorial content of ELWA" (Wonkeryor 1980:8). Other radio stations including the Roman Catholic-owned radio, a religious station, is privately funded; however, the Liberian government annually subsidizes these radio stations. As stated previously, the subsidy they received from the government does not influence their editorial content. During wartime, print and broadcast media were seen as enemies of the warring factions because they "exposed and uncovered their shadowy deeds" (Innes 2004:11).

Liberian policymakers also used political communication against opposition groups. For example, the Tolbert administration labeled the Progressive Alliance of Liberia, SUSUKU, and others as "thugs" engaging in subversive activities to destabilize his gov-

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ernment, calling them "a bunch of misfits." One may project that a negative label makes a person or group persona non grata in their own communities and elsewhere. The assumption is that the mass media are so powerful that people believe what they read, hear, and see.

In the 1997 election, warlord Charles G. Taylor effectively used political communication to achieve financial success and le- gitimize his position as president. According to Innes, "Taylor's early access to the BBC to craft a public image for himself' enabled him to "play a key role in his claim to NPFL leadership" from the inception of the brutal civil war. He used "radio broadcasts to threaten and terrorize local nationals of ECOMOG-contributor states" when ECOMOG intervened in the war and prevented Tay- lor's National Patriotic Front (NPF) from capturing Monrovia (13).

The terse manner in which Taylor articulated policy and other messages to the Liberian nation was quite interesting. From his ascendancy to the presidency in 1997, after a war that saw "widespread use of child soldiers, who were often drugged to commit atrocities; the deliberate victimization of civilians to bring about their submission" (Onishi 2000), until his 2003 resignation, he relied heavily on nerve-wrenching, emotional slogans to mobilize Liberians to support government efforts to rebuild the dilapidated country. Signs like "Liberia is a country of laws, not men! Help keep it that way!" proliferated. Perhaps the messages were supposed to give some credibility to the rubber-stamp National Legis- lature, whose members did fulfill the billboards' promise: they compromised their independence and integrity by accepting dark blue Isuzu Troopers for individual use. The regime used national- istic catchphrases to gain credibility for armed assassins who called themselves "soldiers" or "security officers": "Our government," "Our power," "Your own thing," "This government is not for book people," etc. (Onishi 2000).

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Taylor, "with an international reputation as a brutal warlord, to whose lust for power the miseries of the preceding years had often been ascribed" (Harris 1999: 431), won the presidential election because of his mastery and cunning use of political communication. From the onset, it is clear that he crafted his campaign messages of appeasement, nationalism, development, and sovereignty well and delivered\ them selectively to the diverse Liberian ethnic constituencies and the African and world community. The considered view is that he had engineered the civil war, "cleansing" ethnic groups he considered stumbling blocks to his power, and plundering the vast res9urces of Liberia for his own aggrandize- ment.

During the 1997 election, opposition candidates relied on traditional non confrontational "African style" communication strategies to portray themselves and their messages positively to the electorate. This style calls for civil criticism: respecting one's op- ponent and refraining from making his or her weaknesses known to the general public are part of Liberian cultural etiquette. For example, the opposition did not brand Taylor a "liar", "bloodhound", or "felon". Taylor, on the other hand, employed junkyard tactics: he labeled the main opposition candidate, Mrs. Ellen Johnson-Sir- leaf, "un-African", "un-Liberian", "rampantly corrupt", "a serial killer", "a diabolical liar", "a front for imperial Western powers", not committed to "peace, solidarity, and the Liberian way of life", "a sycophant who would sell the country to foreigners for little or nothing" (Kiss-FM Radio Station 1997). With these vicious attacks, Taylor, despite his checkered personality as a warlord, succeeded in becoming president. "However, despite his image as a warlord, Taylor was certainly charismatic and eloquent, looked the part of president and ran a well-organised, clever campaign" (Harris 1999: 448).

Whether Taylor's rhetoric was true or not, his communications had powerful effects on receivers. One may argue that Taylor had mass media hardware denied to the opposition party. Sirleaf could not

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consistently communicate with the people. If she had had ample access to media hardware and communicated her message appropriately and repeatedly to selected groups of the electorate, it would have created what John Fiske (1982:32, quoted in Berger 1990: 134 ) calls "an observable and measurable change in the receiver." Berger added that

There are numerous uses and gratifications that people derive from communications (and the mass media, in particular); communication enables us to express our ideas and our emo- tions. And, in particular, by the processes of selective inat- tention and attention, we are able to reinforce our worldviews, confirm our identities, and avoid (to varying degrees) dissonance. (135)

The governments of Tubman, Tolbert, military dictator- turned-president Samuel Kanyon Doe (1980-90), and Taylor survived foreign and domestic challenges to their rule and misrule, because they used the communications system effectively to disseminate their policies to the Liberian people. But they advocated marginalization, ethnicism, nepotism, outright corruption, and fraud that eventually could not be ignored by the mass media and public. They misused political communication to (a) misrepresent their standing with the Liberian people to the global community; (b) present themselves as the only people who could govern Liberia with apostolic vision: anyone else would be calling for incalculable problems; and (c) prevent dissenting opinions from being communicated to the people. As they trampled truth and freedom of expression, disillusionment set in. The 1989-97 and 1999-2003 civil wars clearly manifest miscalculation and miscommunication, as well as the unwillingness of the rulers to maintain democracy, good governance, and the rule of law.

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Political Communication and Building of a Democratic Society

Political communication is indispensable to democratic order in Liberia in this millennium. The pervasive presence of debates and commercial messages is essential, and the media will have to play a larger, proactive role as more media become available. Emails, faxes, letters, wires, videos, audio and video phone calls, teleconferences, and electronic town meetings will make it much easier for Liberians "to express themselves individually and in groups, to each other and to their elected and appointed officials" (Grossman 1995:148). Such communication patterns will contribute to a functioning democracy.

The world has become a global village in mass and interper- sonal communication. African countries including Liberia are no longer at the fringes but have become proactive in mass communication. Policymakers use mass media to communicate policy matters to, and garner support for their programs from, their constituencies. Constituencies, in turn, use mass communication to keep their representatives and policymakers aware of their needs and wants, and when necessary to demand change. Access to information will allow poor citizens to make informed decisions about issues of interest.

Liberians have an interest in politics, and want a democratic government to run affairs of state. But they must contend with in- equity in access to political communication, and ability to interact with their leaders. Many cannot afford television, radio, computer, or phone; indeed, many regions still lack basic telecommunication systems. There is also equipment failure and government interrup- tion. The telecommunications system needs new equipment and technology, so that communication will flow easily. Liberians who own new equipment have unregulated access to information from information networks outside and within the country. This segment of the populace usually get information on politics, economics, commerce, culture, and technology from government and relevant sources at a much larger but censored pace.

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Following this line of thought, W. Russell Neuman (1996) has this to say:

Overall, political information equity will probably improve slightly, as the marginal cost of moving information declines. Wealthy citizens will probably get their information on larger, higher-resolution screens and perhaps a little sooner than their less wealthy counterparts. But the notion that relevant political information will be systematically withheld from au- dience segments for commercial motives is unrealistic. The question remains, nonetheless: will the evolution of C-SPAN, CNN, and Internet political discussion groups have a measurable impact beyond those policy wonks and news junkies already addicted to the intricacies of political life? (Neuman 1996:14)

One may ask to what degree average citizens in Liberia have consistent access to political communication. Another question is whether the government provides access to uncensored information. For democracy to take root in Liberia in the twenty-first century, Liberians must have access to freely circulated, unregulated information. Access to political information allows citizens to expand their political knowledge, appreciate political diversity, and take informed interest in particular political events (elections, appointments to office, scandals, etc.). In rural areas, for instance, the government should provide centers equipped with radio and television sets, fax machines, newspapers, and Internet connections, where citizens can gather to share news from Monrovia and elsewhere in the country and world. News circulating through political subdivisions gives people the opportunity to make up their minds about a candidate or policy. Participating in what Neuman calls "information-highway discussion groups focused on political campaigns from the perspective of a single issue such as gun control, abortion, the environment," (1996:15) security matters, rehabilitation of former fighters, pervasive corruption, immoral activities of public office holders, education, agriculture, health, ethnicity, and

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technology will truly encourage political diversity. Mechanisms for citizens to interact with elected representatives to discuss problems that affect their political subdivisions encourage political responsiveness between the representatives and the people.

Another serious issue for people and policymakers to grap- ple with is freedom of speech, which poses particularly difficult questions for political communications infrastructure:

Although they may wish to protect the privacy of and independence of their citizenry, democratic governments continue to use every tool available to monitor the electronic grid to track down crime, espionage and sabotage. The ability to monitor phone records, charge accounts, and electronic mail can be used to capture a drug trafficker or to derail a political critic. (Neuman, 1996:17)

Such practice has been, and is still in use in Liberia. Policy- makers should take a step to alleviate the practice of monopolizing the communications industry, so that private citizens with venture capital can invest in and own communications networks that will be independent of government's intrusion in its programming policy, as well as the dissemination of information.

Conclusion

As an integral part in nurturing democratic virtues among Liberians in both the indigenous polities and the settler state and the contemporary Liberian society, political communication has also contributed significantly toward the country's economic and political developments. In the indigenous polities, leaders used political communication to carry out public policy and contain citizen belligerence toward their rule or misrule. Typically, the indigenous leaders advocated democratic governance and political communication to unify and amalgamate their people, which brought about stability in their polities. Contrastingly, leaders in the settler state used political communication to maintain absolute control over the

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Liberian populace and to sustain their power base, at the exclusion of building democracy for all Liberians. To reiterate, the Americo- Liberians utilized political communication to effectively convince the masses to accept them as members of African humanity, follow their ideology, and interact at all levels of society.

Previously, Liberian policymakers used political communication against opposition groups, with the aim of solidifying their grip on state power. In contemporary Liberia, leaders use political communication to achieve political and policy legitimacy and implement sustainable development programs. Liberians, on the one hand, use mass communication to keep their representatives and policymakers aware of their needs and wants, and when necessary to demand change. Because of this, Liberian policymakers should create the political environment which allows Liberians to have access to uncensored information and political communication. When Liberians have access to uncensored political communication and information, they will be able to expand their political knowledge and participate in political activities, such as elections, appointments to office, scandals, etc., in their respective political sub-di- visions and at the national level.

In a world of evermore rapid globalization and technological advance, Liberia cannot afford the past pattern of those in power preventing uncensored information on policy, politics, economics, and development from reaching the breadth and length of the nation. Democracy becomes much stronger when policymakers ar- ticulate political communication in the interest of the masses of the people. Liberia stands to benefit immensely by this approach in its effort to build democratic government and free market economy. It is safe to conclude that political communication and democracy are imperative for Liberia's peace and sustainable development.

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ELLEN JOHNSON SIRLEAF IS THE 24th, not 23rd PRESIDENT OF LIBERIA: A NEW INTERPRETATIVE HISTORY

William E. Allen and D. Elwood Dunn

The new vision of Liberian history should strive to reconcile inconsistencies in the historiography through a systematic and in- depth review of the extant record. In light of this thinking, the following is a more detailed and expanded version of our 2005 Joint Statement which holds that President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf is actually the 24th head of state of Liberia, not the 23rd as is presently purported by the government and the media. (See the Dunn and Allen Joint Statement (http://Liberianobserver.com). We are con- vinced that the old method being used to count the presidents is mistaken. Therefore, this article is a call to fellow academics, the government, and the media to reopen the debate that was prema- turely closed in December 2005 when the Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism abruptly concluded that president elect Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was the 23rd president. The decision to end the discussion came amid a lively debate generated by the issuance of our Joint Statement. (See the Dunn and Allen Joint Statement and letters to the editors in the Daily Observer and The Perspective; e.g., http://Liberianobserver.com). The facts are too plain to be over- looked: Mrs. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf is the 24th president of Liberia.

William E. Allen, Ph.D. holds a bachelor in history (University of Liberia); postgraduate at Indiana University and Florida International University; Ph.D. history (field Africa; specialty convergence of West Africa and Atlantic cultures); currently assistant professor of history, Kennesaw State University. His publications include "Rethinking the History of Settler Agri- culture in Nineteenth-Century Liberia," The International Journal of African Historical Stud- ies 35 (2004): 435-62; and "Historical Methodology and Writing the Liberian Past: The Case of Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century," History in Africa 32 (2005): 21-39. D. Elwood Dunn is the Alfred Walter Negley Professor of Political Science at Sewanee: The University of the South. He was editor of the Liberian Journal 1985-1995.

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Until 1980, counting the presidents of Liberia was straight- forward and easy. Elementary school students recited the names of the presidents: the first was Joseph Jenkins Roberts, Stephen Allen Benson the second, Daniel B. Warner the third, and so on. The recitation ended with William V. S. Tubman as the eighteenth president. Counting the presidents by rote continued when William R. Tolbert Jr. ascended the presidency in 1971; accordingly he became the nineteenth president. After 1980, the smooth rhythm of the recitation was challenged when a number of "presidents" came to power outside the usual constitutional procedure; these were the military junta and the interim governments that followed. The public faced a conundrum. For example, was military leader Samuel Doe the twentieth president? Should the rapid succession of leaders of caretaker governments that succeeded him be counted as presidents? Finally, should Moses Blah, Charles Taylor's vice president and his eventual successor, be enumerated as a president or as an interim leader? These queries were being raised on the eve of the inauguration of the new president. The Joint Statement, presented after a careful review of the historical facts, attempted to shed new light on an ongoing national debate (FrontPageAfrica.com, 2/16/05; http://www.theperspective.org/articles/1219200501.html). This paper reviews three themes related to the presidential count. First, our research identified one critical omission in the elementary school recitation, an oversight that eliminated a president from the headcount. Second, we revisited the practice of counting non-consecutive terms, only because some have questioned this tradition. Finally, the article clarified the status of the interim governments. We hold that the current method of counting the presidents is flawed, because it excludes the brief tenure of Vice President James S. Smith. Trained as a physician, Smith became president (as required by the constitution of 1847) following the overthrow of President Edward J. Roye in the coup d'etat of October 26, 1871. The exclusion of Smith from the presidential count is due, in part, to uncertainty about whether he did actually become president. In- deed, there are grounds for doubts. To begin, archival sources agree that Smith was away from Monrovia (likely in Bassa) when the coup occurred (e.g., 55th Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, January 1872, 20-21). This raises the question of whether

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he ever did return to Monrovia to be sworn into office. His safety, for example, would have been a concern, considering that the opposition party had led the insurrection. One contemporary writer decried the "state of anarchy and confusion" and bemoaned that "men are arrested and imprisoned for no other cause than they differ from the dominant party who deposed President Roye" (Lynch, 1967, 52). And Abayomi Karnga indicated that the coup leaders warned of inflicting "bodily injury" on the vice president if he came to Monrovia (Karnga, 1926, 47-48). Furthermore, travel between Monrovia and the rest of the country was usually by water; it could be long and circuitous. Therefore, one has to wonder if the vice president would have ventured the journey in view of the tense political situation that prevailed in the country at the time. Finally, the archives seem to give conflicting dates for the arrival of Smith in Monrovia. The May 1872 issue of The African Repository (here- after, AR) gives the date of arrival as "November 2" (AR, 1872, 130), while another source cites October, the month of the coup (55th Annual Report of the ACS, January 1872, 20-21). These ob- viously contradictory dates have contributed to uncertainty over whether Smith did in fact go to Monrovia and become president. But the exclusion of Smith from the presidential headcount could also be the result of pure oversight; his tenure was very brief, less than two months. In spite of the doubts, the historical evidence clearly demonstrates that Vice President Smith became president, a fact that secondary sources have noted in the past (e.g., Richardson, 1959, 108). The historical evidence of Smith's ascendancy was documented contemporaneously by the American Colonization Society, sponsor and founder of Liberia. Here are the facts that we have re- constructed. After President Roye was ousted, the Legislature handed executive power to a three-man committee. The action of the Legislature suggests that the constitution was usurped, since under the circumstances power should have immediately devolved to Vice President Smith. However, the evidence unquestionably shows that Vice President Smith did eventually replace the three- man committee. First, less than three months after the coup, the

ACS noted the following: "On the 26th day of October . . . the sov-

ereign people of Liberia did . . . depose President E. J. Roye from

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his high office of President of Liberia . . . . Vice President Smith had arrived at Monrovia and became the acting president" (55th An- nual Report of the ACS, January 1872, 20-21). Another ACS source mentioned that "deposition of President Roye, October 26, 1871, brought into the Executive office of Liberia Vice-President James

S. Smith. Arriving at Monrovia . . . he at once began his duties as

President . . . (AR, 48, 5, 1872, 130). A final proof that Smith did become president is provided by himself, in his very own Annual Message to the Legislature, delivered on December 4, 1871. In his Message, which The African Repository described "to be of historic value," Smith had this to say about his new position. "Circum- stances of a peculiar character must have occurred to cause my ap- pearance before your honorable body to deliver the Annual Message

. . . Fortunately for us, though President Roye was deposed on the

26th of October . . . the deposition was accomplished without the shedding of blood" (AR, 1872, 130). Thus, Vice President James S. Smith ascended to the presidency in accordance with the provision for succession prescribed in the Constitution of 1847. His term lasted from November 2 or 4, 1871 to January 1, 1872. Accordingly, James S. Smith was the 6th president of the Republic. He becomes the shortest-tenured president in Liberian history, followed by another vice president, Moses Blah, who served from August 11, 2003 to October 14, 2003. Also, included in our presidential headcount are the second non-consecutive administrations of Presidents Joseph Jenkins Roberts (1872-1876) and James Spriggs Payne (1876-1878), an old practice that some recently questioned. The rationale for inclusion is that the second, non-consecutive terms are separate from the first, and hence constitute distinct administrations. Therefore, the first and second terms should be counted. Liberians may have followed a precedent in American history. For instance, Americans count the two non-consecutive administrations of President Grover Cleveland (1885-1889) and (1893-1897); this explains why Mr. Barack Obama is the 44th president of the United States. Hence, the old practice of counting the second non-consecutive terms of Presidents Roberts and Payne should be maintained. Consequently, Roberts is the first and seventh president and Payne, the fourth and eighth. Finally, we excluded from the presidential count the various

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interim or transitional governments and the military regime, because each is an interregnum, a departure from the process of succession as provided by the constitution. Thus, the following are excluded: The three-man executive committee that briefly held power following the overthrow of President Roye (October 26, 1871 to November 2 or 4, 1871); the military regime of Samuel K. Doe (1980-1986); and the various interim governments that were formed during the Civil War (1990-97; 2003-2006). Our model followed the longstanding convention of restricting the count to elected heads of governments and those successions that were consistent with the constitution. Accordingly, for example, Vice President Moses Blah, who succeeded elected President Charles Taylor, is counted as the 23rd president. Based on the above, the revised list and ranks of Liberia's presidents, from Joseph Jenkins Roberts (#1) to Ellen Johnson Sir- leaf (#24) is as follows: 1. Joseph Jenkins Roberts (1848-1856) 2. Stephen Allen Benson (1856-1864) 3. Daniel B. Warner (1864-1868) 4. James Spriggs Payne (1868-1870) 5. Edward J. Roye (1870-1871) 6. James S. Smith (1871-1872) 7. Joseph Jenkins Roberts (1872-1876) 8. James Spriggs Payne (1876-1878) 9. Anthony W. Gardner (1878-1883) 10. Alfred F. Russell (1883-1884) 11. Hilary R. W. Johnson (1884-1892) 12. Joseph J. Cheeseman (1892-1896) 13. William D. Coleman (1896-1900) 14. Garretson W. Gibson (1900-1904) 15. Arthur Barclay (1904-1912) 16. Daniel E. Howard (1912-1920) 17. Charles D. B. King (1920-1930) 18. Edwin J. Barclay (1930-1944) 19. William V. S. Tubman (1944-1971) 20. William R. Tolbert, Jr. (1971-1980) 21. Samuel K. Doe (1986-1990) 22. Charles M. G. Taylor (1997-2003) 23. Moses Z. Blah (August 11, 2003-October 14, 2003) 24. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf (2006-).

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Forthcoming and Recent Publications on Liberia

Alberts, Gutherie. Songs of the African Coast: Cafe Music of Liberia

To all interested parties, I welcome the opportunity to announce the release of SONGS OF THE AFRICAN COAST: CAFE MUSIC OF LIBERIA. This unique recording includes music recording in 1949 in Liberia by the noted ethnomusicologist, and my late Great Uncle, Arthur Alberts.

The CD includes 18 tracks from well-known Liberian artists including the blind Prof. Howard B. Hayes, Malinda Jackson Parker, and the Greenwood Singers. Not only were these noted artists, but all were well respected professional citizens of Liberia. Also included on this CD are extensive notes on the music and six beautiful photos taken by Arthur Alberts of the artists and never before seen by the public.

The songs on this CD are mastered from original tapes and some appeared on the landmark 78-rpm set released by Alberts in 1950 entitled "Tribal, Folk and Cafe Music of West Africa."

The compositions in many cases sounds almost like Calypso, or even early Jazz, and clearly illustrate the ties between American and African music.

The CD is available from:

CDbaby - $11 http:/www.cdbaby.com/cd/arthuralberts

Amazon.com - $13.99

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http://www.amazon.com/Sonqs-African-Coast-Music-Liberia/dp/B000S1 MINI

Or you may contact Guthrie Alberts directly at: galberts@ver- izon.net

Broderick, Cyril E. Dr. Escape - Liberian, Africa and the USA: The Surrender of Harbel. Dr. Cyril E. Broderick, an associate professor in the Depart- ment of Agriculture and Natural Resources at Delaware State Uni- versity, has recently published a book on history of his native African country of Liberia. Dr. Broderick's book Escape - Liberia, Africa and the USA: The Surrender of Harbel focuses on the country's development, wars, political dynamics, agriculture, economics and reconciliation for peace. The 198-page book encapsulates the history of Liberia - both pre- and post independence as it also presents Dr. Broderick's perspective the country's needs for human development, especially with relating to the education of the Liberian masses. He also focuses on the development of agriculture in the country and the need for national and foreign investments in manufacturing and other industries for nation building.

Dr. Broderick has been a DSU faculty member since 1992. (From: http://www.desu.edu/advancement/pr/press elease.php?article id=340)

Available from:

Atlantic Book Store (across from the DSU campus) 1159 N. DuPont Highway Dover, Delaware Amazon.com - $14.99 http:/lwww.amazon.com!ESCAPE-Accommoda- tion-Reconciliation-AgriculturalDevelopment/dp/ 14 19668099

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Dennis, Benjamin G. and Anita K. Slaves to Racism: An Unbro- ken Chain from America to Liberia, 251 pp. Algora Publishing,

The son of a Liberian diplomat and a hereditary chief of the Mende tribe, Dennis spent his childhood summers in Liberia, and since the 1950s has lived as a "black man" and worked as an academic in the US. He and his wife Anita, both sociologists and an- thropologists, explore why the experiment to repatriate slaves from the US to Africa begun in 1822 has failed, by comparing the prej- udice and discrimination in Liberia to patterns he has encountered in the US. - 2008, Book News Inc. Portland, OR.

Available from:

Algora Publishing - Paperback: $23.95, Hardcover or E-Book: $33.95 http://www.algora.com/259/book/details.html

Amazon.com - $23.95 http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ISBN=0875866573/

Barnes and Noble - $23.95 http://search.barnesandnoble.com/booksearch/isbnlnquiry.asp?r=1 84z=y&EAN=08 75866573

Dunn, D. Elwood and Robert Stauffer. Editors, "Constitutional Documents of Liberia, 1820-1861" in Constitutions of the World From the Late 18th Century to the Middle of the 19th Century. Editor-in-Chief, Horst. Dippell K.G. Baird, 2008, 170 pp.

Item also available under the titles:

"The Rise of Modern Constitutionalism, 1776-1849" in Constitu- tions of the World From the Late 18th Century to the Middle of the 19th Century.

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"Constitutions of the World: Hawai'i and Liberia" in Constitu- tions of the World From the Late 18th Century to the Middle of the 19th Century. Robert Stauffer and D. Elwood Dunn (Hard- cover - April 2008)

"Constitutional Documents of the United States of America 1776- 1860" Supplement: Hawai'i and Liberia Edited by Robert Stauffer, D. Elwood Dunn with the assistance of Miriam Leitner" in Constitutions of the World From the Late 18th Century to the Middle of the 19th Century. Editor in Chief Horst Dippel, America: Volume 1. K.G. Saur: 2008.

Constitutions of the World From the Late 18th Century to the Middle of the 19th Century [Electronic Resource]. (ebook) (Eng- lish Edition) Note: Part of series title Gale Virtual Reference Li- brary-(English Edition).Approved, on order: starts with: vol.1 (e-book) (2006) + Cost: $198 per (e-book) volume.

Available from:

Publisher, de Gruyter $181 http ://www.degruyter.com/cont/glob/neutralMbwEn.cfm?rc=36054 http://www.degruyter.com/cont/fb/ge/detailEn.cfm?id=IS-9783598357589-1

Amazon.com Hardcover: $181 http://amzn.com/3598357583 Barnes and Noble $181 http://search.barnesandnoble.com/booksearch/isbnlnquiry.asp?ISBSRC=Y&IS BN =3598357583

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Dunn, D. Elwood, Liberia and the United States Darning the Cold War: Limits of Reciprocity, 304 pp., 2009.

Dunn combines the tools of a dispassionate social scientist with the detailed knowledge of an insider to produce a remarkably even-handed and insightful study....-John Yoder, Professor of Political Science, Whitworth University

Exploring the dynamics and limitations of reciprocity in Liberia- US relations, the book offers a perspective on security and economic assistance as instruments of foreign policy. It examines policy formulation and implementation, and the tactics and consequences of the relationship as both countries pursued their national interests. At once a diplomatic history and case study of African foreign policy and presidential leadership, the work illus- trates how development and security assistance were used by the U.S. as antidotes against communism in the Cold War and how Liberia, in spite of the asymmetrical relationship, was able occasionally to benefit from the arrangement.

Available from: Palgrave - $84.95 http://www.palgrave-usa.com/ Amazon.com - $84.95 http://www.amazon.com/Liberia-United-States- duringCold/dp/0230617352/ref=ntt at ep dpi 4

Marshall Sr., Rupel E., The Wails of Palm Trees Poetry and Other Writings. American Library Press, Inc. 8019 Belair Road, Suite 10, Baltimore, MD 21236. ISBN: 1-56167-460-5 Rupel Marshall wrote much of this book after fleeing Liberia to Sierra Leone and then to the U.S. in 1991. He earned his degree in Political Science from Cuttington and earned a law degree. He served as superintendent in Montserrado County and was national president of the Jaycees. His poetry reflects the anguish of being torn from the homeland and desire for restoration of peace and prosperity along with expressing the importance of family and

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friends. He is currently the national president of the Cuttington Alumni Association in the Americas.

The book is available directly from Rupel E. Marshall:

8423 Meadowsweet Rd. Pikesville, MD 21208 [email protected] 443-690-7171

Mason Ed.D, Melvin Dr. Savoring Education: An Autobiogra- phy. Brentwood Christian Press, 4000 Beallwood Avenue, Columbus, GA 31904.

Dr. Mason is a former president of Cuttington University and saw it through the 14 year civil war.

The book is available directly from Dr. Melvin J. Mason in both hard and paperback:

Dr. Melvin J. Mason 809 Pearl Street, Apt. 8A Elizabeth, N.J. 07202 melvinmason(c7optonline.net 908-629-1430

Oritsejafor, Emmanuel 0., 2009. "National Integration in Liberia: An Evolving Pursuit." The Journal of Pan African Stud- ies, vol. 3, no. 1, (September 2009): 96-120. http://www.jpanAfrican.com

Reticker, Gini, Director, and Abigail Disney, Producer. Pray the Devil Back to Hell. DVD. Pray the Devil Back to Hell recounts the efforts of Liberian women determined to bring dignity and peace back to their country stand up to Charles Taylor and the warlords, armed only with white t-shirts and courage. Their story has inspired legions of fans during the film's nationwide theatrical run, multiple festival awards, and international screenings.

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Pray the Devil Back to Hells Global Peace Tour follows its successful theatrical run. Since premiering in New York in April 2008, it has won awards at the Tribeca, Silverdocs, Jackson Hole and Heartland film festivals. The film opened in theaters in No- vember 2008 and played to rave reviews in more than 40 cities, including New York, Los Angeles, Washington DC, San Francisco, Boston, and Chicago. Pray the Devil Back to Hell has also screened in cities and countries around the world-London, Bosnia, Monrovia, Peru, Khartoum, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Kenya, Goma (the Congo), and Davos, Switzerland, where Pray the Devil Back to Hell had the honor of being the first film ever to be shown at the World Economic Forum in January 2009.

Pray the Devil Back to Hell is directed by Academy Award- nominated, Emmy-winning documentary filmmaker Gini Reticker and produced by Abigail Disney, who is also the Co-Founder and Co-President of the Daphne Foundation. To Find out more, please visit: www.praythedevilbacktohell.com Available from: RoCo Films Educational - Institutional Price: $295; K-12: $95

Ross Steven. Liberia: A Fragile Peace. VHS and DVD, 60 min. 2006.

The documentary powerfully captures the crisis mode ofLiberia as it struggles to transition from a long and brutal civil war toward a sustainable peace. The real task of reconstruction and reform now begins. - Elwood Dunn, Sewanee: the University of the South

This is just the right film at exactly the right time, as Liberia finally begins to turn the corner on a quarter century of violence and tragedy - Nancee Oku Bright, Producer/Director Liberia: America's Stepchild

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Available from: California Newsreel - $24.95 http://newsreel.orq/navititle.asp?tc=CNO185

The Personal Papers of William V.S. Tubman, Liberia's Longest Serving President.

William V.S. Tubman Papers, 1904-1992, Bulk 1944-1971

William V. S. Tubman (1895-1971) became the nineteenth president of Liberia in 1944 and served until his death in 1971. As Liberia's longest serving president, Tubman's presidency was marked by great changes in the economy, politics and social environment of Liberia. As head of state of the only independent West African state, President Tubman enjoyed high international stature during the decolonization era and was intimately involved with the formation and early years of the Organization of African Unity and with West African diplomacy.

Reproduces papers from the years of Tubman's presidency (1944-1971), his personal correspondence, and memorabilia from Tubman's family. Papers are arranged into three record groups: Liberian government papers (reels 1-31); W.V.S. Tubman personal papers (reels 31-43); and, Civil society related materials (reels 43- 47).

Personal and governmental correspondence; records of the Ex- ecutive, Judicial and Legislative offices and their respective departments; diplomatic correspondence; records from the Executive Mansion; resolutions from the True Whig Party; financial statements and invoices; government reports; Tubman Farm records; biographical information on the Tubman family; records from fraternal orders; records from women's, youth, and other civic organizations; medical records and correspondence; records and correspondence of religious organizations; some news clippings and photographs; souvenir programs; drafts and copies of speeches; invitations. These papers are primarily in English.

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Available from:

The Liberian Collections Project at Indiana University Full set of forty-seven microfilms; 35mm: $2,000 to qualifying institutions Contact Dr. Verlon Stone for more information: [email protected]

Wesley, Patricia Jabbeh. The River Is Rising. Autum House Press: Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 2007.

Wesley writes with clear-eyed lyricism about her ruthless and beleaguered homeland, and the bittersweet relief and loss of the diaspora. Her poems are scintillating and vivid, quickly sketched fa- bles shaped by recollections of childhood playmates, moonlight and ocean surf hibiscus hedges, and big pots of boiling soup. But these paeans to home blend with percussive visions offalling rockets and murdered children, sharp recollections of hunger and mourning, and a survivor 's careful gratitude in a land of cold winds and ra- tioned sunlight, her carefully measured memories and cherished dreams of return. - Booklist Patricia Jabbeh Wesley's poetry is heartfelt, wise, and alive... One senses in her that rare combination of someone who has been deeply schooled in both literature and life, and who has integrated those two into a deeply felt and shrewd worldview. -Stuart Dybek

Available from:

Amazon.com $14.95 http://www.amazon.com/River-Rising-Patricia- Jabbeh-Wesley/dp/1932870180

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Also published by Patricia Jabbeh Wesley: Becoming Ebony Crab Orchard Award Series in Poetry Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 2003

Before The Palm Could Bloom: Poems of Africa New Issues Press Kalamazoo, Western Michigan University, 1998

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Finding Aid and File List for the William V.S. Tubman Papers

Created as part of the Endangered Archives Programme Project:

Rescuing Liberian History-Preserving the Personal Papers of William V S. Tubman, Liberia's Longest Serving President

Project Co-principals: D. Elwood Dunn, Sewanee: University of the South Verlon L. Stone, Indiana University Tubman Project Archivists: Colleen McCorkell Megan MacDonald Lois Sabo-Skelton

Funded by the Endangered Archives Programme, British Library and CAMP/Title VI Librarians-Africana Librarians Council, Center for Research Libraries

Additional Indiana University support by IU Archives E. Lingle Craig Preservation Lab IU Libraries School of Library and Information Science Archives of Traditional Music Department of Folklore & Ethnomusicology

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Online at http://www.dlib.indiana.edu/collections/findingaids/, search for "Tubman Papers" in the Liberian Collections at the In- diana University Finding Aids website.

Cite as: The William V.S. Tubman Papers. [Microfilm]. Blooming- ton, IN: Liberian Collections, Indiana University Archives of Traditional Music, 2008.

Note on Microfilm: The standard "target" frames notifying the reader of missing, partial, or damaged pages have been omitted.

Due to the deteriorating condition of the W.V.S. Tubman Collection when it was retrieved and conservation work undertaken, the originals are often in poor condition and many pages are damaged or missing. Such problems occur so frequently throughout this collection that re- peated notifications would be more distracting than help- ful.

The researcher should assume that all extant pages have been microfilmed. Missing pages and abrupt endings are not omissions, but an accurate presentation of the documents as they exist in the William V.S. Tubman Collec- tion.

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William V. S. Tubman Papers Summary Information:

Repository: Liberian Collections Indiana University 504 North Fess Avenue Bloomington, IN 47408 Phone: +812-824-2678 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.onliberia.org

Creator: W. V. S. Tubman

Title: William V. S. Tubman Papers

Span Date: 1904-1992

Bulk Date: 1944-1971 Collection Number: LCP2005/014

Endangered Archives Programme Project Number: EAP 027

Extent of Collection: 21 cubic feet

Container Description: 21 records cartons

Alternative Form Available: 48 microfilm reels (1 restricted) Primary Language of Collection: English Abstract: William V. S. Tubman (1895-1971), Liberia's longest serving President, served from 1944-1971. Tubman's presidency was marked by great changes in the economy, politics and social environment of Liberia. The materials in the collection include papers from the years of Tubman's presidency, his personal correspondence and memorabilia from Tubman's family.

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Administrative Information:

Access Restrictions: The microfilms of this collection are available for research use or purchase. One reel containing medical and school records and a small number of personal letters is restricted and not available.

Finding Aid Completed: 2008

Accession Information: Microfilms are available for research. Physical collection of papers will be returned to Liberia at the direction of the Tubman family. Contact the Liberian Collec- tions at Indiana University for current location details.

Copyright Transferred: Copyright interests for this collection have not been transferred to the Trustees of Indiana University. Ownership of the W.V.S. Tubman papers and applicable copyrights are held solely by the family of W.V.S. Tubman. The copyright for correspondence other than that of W.V.S. Tubman in this collection resides with the writer of the said letters. It is the responsibility of all users to seek the applicable permissions of all writers or their heirs, prior to citing, quoting, or publishing from this correspondence in a way that can identify the writers.

Users seeking permissions prior to citing, quoting, or publishing from this correspondence in a way that can identify the writer may consult the Liberian Collections Project at Indiana University for guidance in contacting the copyright owners.

Custodial History: William V.S. Tubman accumulated the bulk of these personal papers and government documents during his presidency (1944-1971). Additional materials date from his pre- presidential life and career and a few documents were added posthumously by staff or family. After his death, the materials were transferred from the Liberian Executive Mansion in Monrovia to the Tubman Memorial Museum on the family estate in Bong

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County. In 1979, Mrs. Antoinette Louise Padmore Tubman, widow of the late President W.V.S. Tubman, commissioned Dr. Christopher Clapham, then a Senior Lecturer in Africa Studies at the University of Lancaster, to examine and classify the papers and to make recommendations as to the display, storage, preservation and access to the remaining papers. The papers were stored in the estate's basement library after the Museum closed in the 1980s.

The materials remained in the estate library, but in deteriorating conditions. In 2003, during Liberia's civil war, soldiers rum- maged through the file cabinets in search of valuables, tossing folders and papers onto the floor and leaving them exposed to damage in Liberia's tropical climate. In 2005, the materials were retrieved "as is" from the library and shipped to the E. Lingle Craig Preservation Laboratory at Indiana University where they were deep frozen at -10° F to stop mold growth and exterminate insects. Conservators then cleaned, flattened and disinfected the documents, preserving the original order when possible. From 2005-2008 Liberian Collections Project archivists sorted the materials, restoring, when possible, the filing order described by Dr. Christopher Clapham and the Liberian Executive Office filing guidelines.

Following the organization phase, the collection was microfilmed in 2008. The complete physical collection of the President W.V.S. Tubman Papers will be moved to Liberia whenever the Tub- man family requests the shipment. Until then the collection will be stored at Indiana University.

Restrictions: Due to the sensitivity of the content, some documents have been removed. Records withdrawn include personal letters, school report cards and medical reports. Targets have been placed at the points where these documents were removed to inform the user of intentional gaps in the collection.

Preferred Citation: The William V.S. Tubman Papers. [Mi- crofilm]. Bloomington, IN: Liberian Collections Project, Indiana University Archives of Traditional Music, 2008.

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Processed by: Colleen McCorkell, Megan MacDonald, Lois Sabo-Skelton with assistance from Emily Symonds, Rose Marie Walter, Eric Holt, Darchelle Switzky, Jennifer Albano, Denise Dalphond, Andrea Bertrand, Bergis Jules and Shane Tucker.

Biographical Note: William Vacanarat Shadrach Tubman (1895-1971), nineteenth president of Liberia, was born November 29, 1895 in Harper City, Maryland County, Liberia to Alexander Tubman and Elizabeth Rebecca Barnes Tubman. His paternal grandparents, manumitted slaves, were repatriates who in 1837 had immigrated from Georgia (USA) to the Maryland Colony in Africa. Tubman received his education at Government Elementary School in Harper City and the Cape Palmas Methodist Seminary. He began his political career in 1912 as an assistant in Probate Court, going on to serve in Harper City as a Councilman and teacher from 1914- 1917. During this period Tubman also read law under the tutelage of Senator Monroe Cummings. He was admitted into the Maryland County bar in 1917 and appointed County Attorney. He became In- spector of Internal Revenue in 1919. He was elected to the Liberian Senate from Maryland County in 1923, serving until 1937 at which time President Edwin J. Barclay appointed him to be Associate Jus- tice of the Supreme Court of Liberia. Tubman left the Supreme Court in 1943 to run for the presidency. His campaign was successful and he succeeded Edwin J. Barclay as president in January 1944. Clarence L. Simpson, Sr. served as his first vice president.

As Liberia's longest serving president, Tubman's presidency was marked by great changes in the economy, politics and social environment of Liberia and the African continent. Scholars divide the Tubman presidency into three periods. During the first period (1944-1955), he made successful efforts to bring loyal personal and political supporters into the government. As a Monrovia outsider he created a new political base of indigenous Liberians and disaffected members of the political elite. He also began to implement the policies that would characterize his presidency: the pursuit of national unification through accelerated assimilation of indigenous Liberians into the mainstream of an essentially repatriate-created

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society; advocacy of his Open Door Policy for foreign economic involvement in development; and diplomatically aligning with the Western countries in their East/West power conflicts.

During the second period (1955-1968), Tubman attempted to modernize the country's economic and social institutions. The right to vote had been extended earlier to indigenous citizens, although a restrictive property clause was maintained. By 1964 a series of administrative reforms included the transformation of the former hinterland provinces to county status, dividing Liberia into nine counties-the original five coastal counties, plus four new interior counties: Lofa, Bong, Nimba and Grand Gedeh. The coastal and interior regions had been separated by lack of roads, disparities in education, means of communication and even by different laws. This reorganization was designed to remove distinctions between the coast and interior and to advance the goal of greater national integration of the indigenous peoples.

Although the legacy of the past still reflected differences in education, lifestyle and worldview between inhabitants of the coast and the interior, educational and political opportunities began to make inroads into the interior during the 1960s. These major internal political reforms brought representational parity between approximately 30,000 repatriates and one million indigenes, but the historic economic ascendancy of the repatriates and the absolute political power by the presidency still remained.

Through his Open Door policy Tubman continued to facilitate and encourage foreign businesses to locate and invest in Liberia, including major companies such as the Liberian Mining Company (LMC), the Liberian American Swedish Mineral Company (LAMCO), Bong Mining Company and the Firestone Tire and Rub- ber Company (already established in the late 1920s). Concession agreements were signed with over sixty companies, including agricultural and forestry concerns. Within a period of 25 years, Liberia attracted foreign investments exceeding one billion U.S. dollars. Although Liberia seemed to benefit from its phenomenal economic

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growth during the 1950s and 1960s, this prosperity was not accompanied with commensurate human development and equity. The Liberian economy depended on foreign investors who usually ex- ported their unprocessed extracted products to processing industries in more economically developed countries, depriving Liberia of jobs and revenues that could have supported a better educational, medical and economic infrastructure. Instead, Liberia's national economy developed into a dual system in which the concession sector had little connection with the rest of the economy.

During the decolonization era President Tubman enjoyed great international stature as one of Africa's leading statesmen. His presidency coincided with Africa's dramatic transition from a continent of colonies to a continent of independent states. In 1944 as Tubman began his first term as President, only four independent states ex- isted in Africa: Egypt, Ethiopia, South Africa and Liberia. By the time of his death in 1971, there were forty independent African states.

When the British colony of Gold Coast became the independent country of Ghana in 1957, it set in motion African attempts to establish the political direction for a re-emerging Africa. Tubman believed in a future determined through consultations among Africa's leaders and he favored an organization that featured African political cooperation and consultation among its leaders, rather than the "continental government" model favored by Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah. A series of conferences, including the 1959 San- niquellie Conference in Liberia, the Casablanca Conference in 1961 and a number of smaller meetings and behind-the-scenes talks en- sued. On May 25, 1963, thirty-three independent African countries signed the Charter for the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Liberian President Tubman and his Secre- tary of State, J. Rudolph Grimes, played key roles in drafting and negotiating the final document.

Tubman's foreign policy usually aligned Liberia with the Western countries in Cold War politics, opposing countries and

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movements perceived to be leaning towards socialism or communism. Tubman would sometimes, however, associate Liberia's foreign policy with the non-aligned states, notably on issues of decolonization.

During the third period of the Tubman era, the final years of his presidency (1968-1971), the country struggled with economic recession and fiscal stringency. The Tubman administration faced growing opposition resulting in the intensification of political pa- ternalism.

Tubman died on July 23, 1971 in a London clinic following a prostate operation. He was succeeded by his Vice President, William R. Tolbert, Jr. Tubman was survived by his wife, Antoinette Louise Padmore Tubman and his children, including Wilhelmina Tubman-Tucker, William V. S. Tubman, Jr., William Eli Tubman (deceased) and John Hilary Tubman.

Sources:

Dunn, D.E., Beyan, A.J., & Burrowes, C.P. (2001). Historical dictionary of Liberia (2nd ed.). Lanham, M.D.: Scarecrow Press.

Dunn, D.E., & Holsoe, S.E. (1985). Historical dictionary of Liberia (1st ed.). Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press.

Dunn, D. E. & Tarr, S. B. (1988). Liberia: A National polity in transition. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press.

Ernst, J. (2001). Across the sea. In From Augusta to Africa (Part 1). Retrieved October 25, 2008, from http://chronicle.augusta.com/tubman/

Ernst, J. (2001). William V.S. Tubman. In From Augusta to Africa (Part 2). Retrieved October 25, 2008, from http://chronicle.augusta.com/tubman/

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"Farewell to an African pioneer," Africa Week Magazine, 1st - 7th October 2007.

Gifford, J.M. (1975). Emily Tubman and the African colonization movement in Georgia. The Georgia Historical Quarterly, 59(1), 10-24.

Holsoe, S.E. (1969) The ancestry of the president of Liberia, William V. S. Tubman. Liberian Studies Journal, 2(1), 9-13.

Kraaij, F.P.M, van der. (1983). The open door policy ofLiberia: An economic history of modern Liberia. Bremen: Im Selbstver- lag des Museums.

Sawyer, A.C. (2005). Beyond plunder: Toward democratic governance in Liberia. Boulder: Lynne Reiner Publishers.

Sawyer, A. C. (1992). The emergence of autocracy in Liberia: Tragedy and challenge. San Francisco: Institute for Contempo- rary Studies. Scope and Content Note: The W.V.S. Tubman papers com- prise 21 linear feet of documents spanning the years from 1904 to 1992 with the bulk of the materials covering the period of his presidency, 1944-1971. The collection is organized into three record groups: Liberian Government Papers W.V.S. Tubman Personal Papers Civil Society-Related Materials. The Liberian Government Papers record group consists of documents pertaining to the activities and business of the Liberian Government. The W. V.S. Tubman Personal Papers record group consists of documents from Tubman's life outside of his presidency and concerns his family, friends and personal business matters. The Civil Society-Related Materials record group consists of documents from civic, religious and fraternal groups.

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The first three series of the Liberian Government Papers record group consist of materials from the three branches of the government: The Executive Branch Administrative Files include papers, reports, correspondence and other documents from the various government departments, offices, bureaus, commissions and organizations of the Tubman administration.

The naming convention for departments and agencies was to file documents under the last name used during Tubman's presidency. For example, the subseries Department of Information and Cultural Affairs contains the Liberian Information Service correspondence because the earlier Liberian Information Service was re- organized into the Department of Information and Cultural Affairs in 1965. Government agencies grow and divide over time and often change their names.

The Legislative Branch Administrative Files include laws ("acts") passed by the Legislature, drafts of legislation and House of Representatives' correspondence. The Judiciary Branch Admin- istrative Files contains records from the Supreme Court and the ten Circuit Courts.

The Liberian Government Papers record group includes two related series in addition to materials for the three governmental branches. The voluminous General Government Correspondence series contains personal letters specifically addressed to Tubman that petition the President for some type of action: job, loan, school fees, rent, or medical fees. Some ask for a visitation; others thank him or include a small gift (such as a Bible). Many letters are handwritten, coming from all parts of Liberia, both rural and urban and from every strata of the society. Fulfilling these requests would often involve both governmental and personal issues, a reflection of Tubman's all-encompassing leadership style and persona.

The Subject Files series contains speeches, souvenir programs and invitations that do not pertain to a specific government department or agency. It includes materials from Tubman's Vice Presi- dents and former President Arthur Barclay.

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The William V.S. Tubman Personal Papers record group is divided into four series: Personal Correspondence, Tubman Finan- cial Records, Tubman Farm Records and Tubman Family Biogra- phy. The Personal Correspondence contains letters from family members and friends of Tubman, including an extensive set from his butler, Jimmy Barrolle, who handled many personal matters for Tubman.

The documents in the Tubman Financial Records series are a sampling of the large collection of financial records found at the Tubman Estate. These records (mainly receipts) pertain specifically to Tubman's family and include groceries and clothing for the family, home repair costs and other documentation of general spending for a family. There are also a number of letters regarding personal business matters.

The Tubman Farm Records pertain to farms and related facilities owned by the Tubman family, including the Totota Farm, Coo- Coo's Nest and the Tubman Zoo. The majority of these documents are financial records, but they also include reports and correspondence.

The Tubman Family Biography contains notable documents from Tubman and his family members including college degrees, family court documents, news clippings and other memorabilia.

The Civil-Society Related Materials record group contains papers of various non-governmental organizations that Tubman was either affiliated with or interested in. Many youth and women's organizations are represented in the Civic, Social and Political Or- ganizations series as well as documents from the World Health Organization. There are also documents from other organizations such as the Boy Scouts of Liberia. The Fraternal Orders series contains correspondence, souvenir programs and financial documents from various lodges within the Ancient Free and Accepted Masons, the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows, the United Brothers of Friendship and Sisters of the Mysterious Ten and the Order of the Eastern Star.

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The Health and Medical Organizations Records series contains speeches, correspondence, reports and souvenir programs for various medical centers throughout Liberia.

The In Memoriam series includes death notices, eulogies, obituaries and obsequies from friends, members of the community, col- leagues and others. Materials include documents from memorial services held in Liberia for many notable people, including John F. Kennedy, Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt. Of special interest is the official funeral program for Martin Luther King Jr. at the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia. Also included are notices, protocols and order of processions for Tubman's own funeral.

The Religious Organizations series includes conference memorabilia, correspondence, reports, speeches and invitations from various churches and religious organizations. Tubman was a staunch Methodist, but many of the materials are from other religious organizations.

Arrangement: The collection is organized into three major record groups: Liberian Government Papers, WVS. Tubman Per- sonal Papers and Civil Society-Related Materials. All materials are arranged alphabetically within each series and then chronologically within each folder. (Additional organizational details for the correspondence follow.)

Notes on Arrangement of Correspondence: When possible, the current arrangement reflects the original categorization of the Tubman papers. However, because the documents were in considerable disarray when retrieved in 2005, restoring their arrangement was based on a variety of strategies. Scattered papers retrieved from the floor were inspected for relationships in "found proximity," content or if stains and holes matched other pages. Records organization was retained "as found" when files were retrieved intact from the filing cabinet drawers. Project archivists also referenced a 1946 filing guide for Liberian government papers and used most of the

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organizational categories from Professor Christopher Clapham's unpublished 1979 report, "The W.V.S. Tubman Library of Presi- dential Papers," based on his 1970s inspection and organization of the intact collection. Archivists also consulted the Historical Dic- tionary of Liberia (Scarecrow Press) and conferred with D. Elwood Dunn, Svend E. Holsoe and other experts on the Liberian government during the Tubman era.

Given the large amount of correspondence strewn on the floor of the Tubman Estate basement library closet when the records were retrieved, the following principles were followed to sort the letters into the proper record groups and series:

Liberian Government Papers Record Group Letters on official government letterhead stationary or with an official signature block at the end of the letter were filed appropriately in the Executive Branch, Leg- islative Branch or Judiciary Branch Administrative Files series. Many of these letters mixed official and personal business.

Correspondence of a governmental nature that did not appear on official government letterhead stationary or did not include an official signature block was filed in the General Government Correspondence series This series includes letters specifically addressed to President Tubman that often petition him for some type of action.

The General Government Correspondence series is arranged alphabetically by author's name. Separate files were created for each person who corresponded four times or more with Tubman. Otherwise, all documents were arranged alphabetically in a "General" file for each letter of the alphabet (e.g., General "A", 1935-1971, undated). Because Tubman had close relationships with many writers, some letters use first names only. When

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the author's last name could not be ascertained with certainty, the letters were arranged by first names. (e.g., "Bob", 1946-1949, undated)

Correspondence found in the "Miscellaneous" files at the end of the General Government Correspondence series did not have a legible name or was a fragment without identification. The "Miscellaneous" letters were arranged chronologically, with undated documents in the "Miscellaneous, undated" file.

W. V.S. Tubman Personal Papers Record Group The Personal Correspondence series in this record group contains letters from family members and friends of Tubman, including an extensive set from his butler, Jimmy Barrolle, who handled many matters for Tub- man. Because Tubman had a close relationship with most of these people, many letters only use first names. When the last name of the letter's author cannot be ascertained with certainty, they are arranged by first names. (e.g., Alice, 1946, 1968, undated; Belle, 1945, undated) The Personal Correspondence files are arranged alphabetically.

Under these arrangement rules, some individuals appear in more than one correspondence record group or series.

Controlled Access Terms:

Tubman, William V.S., 1895-1971 Liberia. Dept. of Agriculture Liberia. Dept. of Education Liberia. Dept. of Internal Affairs Liberia. Dept. of Justice Liberia. Dept. of State Liberia. Economic conditions

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Liberia. Embassy (U.S.) Liberia History (1944-1971) Liberia History (1847-1944) Liberia. Legislature Liberia. Politics and government 1944-1971. Liberia. Social conditions Liberia. Supreme Court. Liberia. Treasury Dept. Speeches, addresses, etc. Liberian [proposed] Booker Washington Institute. Liberia Cuttington College and Divinity School Liberia College University of Liberia Bong County (Liberia) Grand Bassa County (Liberia) Grand Cape Mount County (Liberia) Grand Gedeh County (Liberia) Lofa County (Liberia) Maryland County (Liberia) Montserrado County (Liberia) Nimba County (Liberia) Sino County (Liberia) Monrovia (Liberia) Palmas, Cape (Liberia) United Nations True Whig Party Firestone Plantations Company Freemasons United Methodist Church in Liberia Barrolle, Jimmy Barclay, Arthur, 1854-1938 Barclay, Edwin James, 1882-1955 Chesson, Joseph Howe, Sally Hnee Tubman, Alexander (brother) Tubman, William E. (son)

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Separated Material: Materials found with the William V.S. Papers were separated from the collection if not relevant to Tub- man's presidency, his cabinet, or his family during his years in office. For the Tubman Financial records one of every three years was retained intact to preserve the complete annual cycle. The remaining two years in each cycle were removed because of their bulk and repetitive nature.

Photographs Removed: Most photographs were transferred to the W.V.S. Tubman Photograph collection for digitization and availability via the World Wide Web. A few photographs attached to and directly related to a specific document were retained and microfilmed.

Numbering for Records Cartons (Boxes) and Microfilms: In the following content list, the box number of each record carton containing the physical papers is indicated as well as the reel number of each microfilm. There are 21 boxes of papers, numbered Box 1 through Box 21, and 47 microfilm reels, numbered InU 3P- 1070.01 through 1070.47. (The restricted materials constitute an additional box and microfilm reel of materials.)

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File List:

Box 1

Reel 1070.01 Record Group: Liberian Government Papers

Series: Executive Branch Administrative Files

Subseries: Bureau of Civil Service Annual and Special Reports, 1944, 1946, undated Central Office, 1947-1967, undated Subseries: Bureau of Police General Correspondence, 1968, undated Subseries: Bureau of Public Health and Sanitation Annual and Special Reports, 1945-1953, undated Budgets, 1950 Central Office, 1945-1971, undated County and District Medical Offices, 1949-1950 Government Hospital, 1946-1969 International Correspondence, 1946-1950, undated Medical Supplies Agreement, 1957 Subseries: Bureau of Statistics Intelligence Report, 1961

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Subseries: Bureau of Youth General Correspondence, 1967-1970 Subseries: Business and Commercial Establishments American South African Line, Inc., 1947, 1948 Associated Consulting Engineers, 1963 Bank of Monrovia, 1945-1968, undated Bong Mining Company, 1964-1970, undated Export-Import Bank of the United States of Amer- ica, 1950-1955, undated Firestone Plantations Company Correspondence, 1944-1970, undated Firestone Plantations Company Reports, 1944- 1952, undated Firestone Plantations Company Rubber Price Sheets, 1950-1988 Inter-Caribbean Shipping Corporation, 1944, 1948 Reel 1070.02 Liberia Mining Company, Ltd., 1943-1953, undated Liberia Mining Company Correspondence, 1945- 1967, undated LAMCO- Liberian American-Swedish Minerals Company, 1956-1969, undated The Liberia Company, 1947-1953, undated Liberian Co-operative Association, Inc., 1950- 1964 Liberian Engineering and Construction Company, 1965, 1966, undated Liberian Import-Export Corporation, 1947, undated Liberian International Airway/Liberian National Airways, 1947-1968, undated

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Liberian National Shipping Lines, 1964-1967 Liberian Telephone Exchange, undated LIBSCO, 1963 Monrovia Development Corporation Papers, 1950 Monrovia Industrial and Maritime Corporation, Ltd., 1948-1955 Pan American Airways Inc., 1944-1970 Publishers and Printing Companies, 1944-1969, undated Raymond Concrete Pile Company, 1945-1950 Resamny Brothers Corporation, 1945-1970 Rubber Planters Association of Liberia, 1948- 1988, undated United States Trading Company, 1943-1968 Miscellaneous Contract-related materials, circa 1947, 1948-1957 Miscellaneous Contract-related materials, 1962- 1971, undated Reel 1070.03 Miscellaneous General Business Correspondence, 1944-1963 Miscellaneous General Business Correspondence, 1964-1971, undated Miscellaneous Inventories, 1945, undated Box 2

Subseries: Centennial Commission Celebration Correspondence, 1944-1957, undated Celebration Drama, Literature and Music, 1946, undated Celebration Invitation Lists, 1946-1947, undated Clippings, 1947, 1956, undated Commission, 1946-1949, undated Financial Statements, 1946-1947

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Legislation, undated Programs, 1945-1948 Public Welfare Committee, 1947 Roster of Detachment Company "E", undated Special Order, 1947 Speeches, 1946-1948, undated Supply Lists, 1947, undated

Subseries: Child Welfare Organizations General Correspondence, 1950-1968, undated Subseries: Community Welfare Service General Correspondence, 1950 Subseries: Department of Agriculture and Commerce Bureau Circulars, 1946, 1951 Bureau of Labor, 1955 Bureau of Natural Resources and Surveys, 1963- 1971, undated Reel 1070.04 Central Office, 1945-1969, undated Experiment Station Correspondence, 1962-1971, undated Experiment Station Reports, 1945-1968, undated General Correspondence, 1945-1969, undated General Reports, 1944-1960, undated Government Reports, 1944-1964, undated Invitations Sent, 1950-1969 Land Sales, Surveys and Deeds, 1921-1970, undated United States Foreign Economic Administration, 1945-1950

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Subseries: Department of Commerce and Industry Correspondence and Agreements, 1964-1969, undated Subseries: Department of Education Annual and Special Reports, 1943-1963, undated Booker Washington Agricultural and Industrial In- stitute of Liberia - Board Minutes, 1946-1950 Booker Washington Agricultural and Industrial In- stitute of Liberia - Correspondence, 1945- 1971, undated Booker Washington Agricultural and Industrial In- stitute of Liberia - Invitations, 1947-1960 Central Office, 1945-1971, undated Reel 1070.05 College of West Africa, 1943-1969, undated Cuttington College and Divinity School, 1948- 1971, undated Exams, 1944, 1961 The Lutheran Mission in Liberia, 1950 Mission Schools, 1944-1971, undated National Teachers Association of Liberia Bulletin, 1970 Private Schools, 1946-1971, undated Public Schools, 1943-1971, undated Public Schools Invitations and Souvenir Pro- grammes, 1947-1970 Rick's Institute, 1965-1969, undated Saint Teresa's Convent, 1948-1967, undated School-related documents, 1944-1971, undated

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Box 3 Secretary of Public Instruction, 1944-1970, undated Teachers Training Schools, 1946-1950, undated University of Liberia Invitations, Speeches and Souvenir Programmes, 1944-1971, undated University of Liberia/Liberia College, 1946-1971, undated Subseries: Department of Information and Cultural Affairs Correspondence, 1934-1971, undated Press Releases, 1959-1968, undated Publications, 1956-1971 Reel 1070.06 Publishing Correspondence, 1963-1971, undated Subseries: Department of Internal Affairs Annual Report, 1945 Bureau of Labor, Annual and Special Reports, 1945-1971 Bureau of Labor Correspondence, 1952-1970, undated Central Office, 1945-1969, undated Correspondence, 1945-1966, undated Court Records and Decisions, 1946-1970, undated Harmon-Taylor Land Dispute, 1944-1945 Reel 1070.12 Invitations Sent, 1947-1970, undated National Unification Policy, 1967 President Tubman's Decisions - Central Province, 1945 President Tubman's Decisions - Eastern Province, 1946

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Reel 1070.07 Secretary of Internal Affairs, 1936-1969, undated Tribal Complaints and Incidents, undated County

Bong County - Commissioner, 1944-1955, undated Bong County - General Correspondence, 1944- 1969, undated Grand Bassa County - Commissioner, 1944-1970, undated Grand Bassa County - General Correspondence, 1943-1968, undated Grand Bassa County - Paramount and Clan Chiefs, 1945, 1946, undated Grand Bassa County - River Cess District, 1944- 1970, undated Grand Bassa County - The Superintendent, 1940- 1968, undated Box 4

Grand Cape Mount County - Commissioner, 1945- 1969, undated Grand Cape Mount County - General Correspon- dence, 1949-1968, undated Grand Cape Mount County - The Superintendent, 1945-1970, undated Grand Gedeh County - Commissioner, 1943-1965, undated Grand Gedeh County - General Correspondence, 1945-1970, undated Grand Gedeh County - Paramount and Clan Chiefs, 1945-1969 Grand Gedeh County - The Superintendent, 1966- 1970

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Reel 1070.08

Lofa County - Commissioner, 1945-1969, undated Lofa County - General Correspondence, 1945- 1969, undated Lofa County - Paramount and Clan Chiefs, 1935- 1971, undated Lofa County - The Superintendent, 1965-1969, undated Maryland County - Commissioner, 1944-1967, undated Maryland County - General Correspondence, 1936 [?]-1971, undated Maryland County - Paramount and Clan Chiefs Correspondence, 1945-1970, undated Maryland County - The Superintendent, 1944-

1 971, undated Montserrado County - Careysburg District, 1945- 1964, undated Montserrado County - Commissioner, 1944-1970 Montserrado County - General Correspondence, 1941-1971, undated Montserrado County - Kakata District Commis- sioner, 1944-1962, undated Montserrado County - Kakata General Correspon- dence, 1944-1969, undated Montserrado County - Kakata Paramount and Clan Chiefs, 1944-1963, undated Montserrado County - Kakata Township Commis- sioner, 1945-1970, undated Montserrado County - Krutown, 1942-1971, undated Montserrado County - Marshall Territory, 1941- 1967 Montserrado County - Paramount and Clan Chiefs, 1945-1969, undated

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Montserrado County - Todee District, 1946-1963 Nimba County - Commissioner, 1944-1968, undated Reel 1070.09

Nimba County - General Correspondence, 1946- 1969 Nimba County - Paramount and Clan Chiefs, 1946-1969, undated Nimba County - The Superintendent, 1967-1968, undated Sinoe County - District Commissioners, 1945- 1968, undated Sinoe County - General Correspondence, 1944- 1970, undated Sinoe County - Paramount and Clan Chiefs, 1946- 1969 Sinoe County - The Superintendent, 1945-1970, undated District Commonwealth District, City of Harper, Cape Pal- mas - Correspondence, 1946-1964 Commonwealth District, City of Monrovia - Cor- respondence, 1946-1968, undated Commonwealth District of Clay-Ashland - Corre- spondence, 1943-1952 Province Central Province, 1945-1971, undated Eastern Province, 1944-1961

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Box 5 Subseries: Department of Justice Annual Report and Opinions of the Attorney Gen- eral, 1965, 1966 Attorney General Correspondence, 1945-1950 Attorney General Correspondence, 1955-1971, undated Attorney General Investigations and Reports, 1944-1970, undated Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization, 1945- 1971, undated Reel 1070.10 Clerks of Courts, 1944-1948 County Attorneys, 1943-1968, undated Court Proceedings and other miscellaneous documents, 1943-1969, undated Curator of Intestate Estates, 1945, 1950 General Correspondence, 1949-1970, undated General Investigations, 1946, 1962 Justices of the Peace, 1931-1955 Prisons, 1945-1967, undated Solicitor General, 1944-1970, undated

Subseries: Department of National Defense Annual and Special Reports, 1963, undated Armed Forces of Liberia, 1945-1971, undated Blank Naval Exam, undated Central Office, 1944-1971, undated City Plans, 1955, undated Correspondence, 1940-1971, undated Liberian Frontier Force, 1944-1955, undated Liberian National Guard, 1963-1971, undated Military Commissions, 1947, 1951 PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor 106 DOCUMENTS

Reel 1070.11

Subseries: Department of Planning Economic Affairs, 1963-1971, undated Subseries: Department of the Post Office Annual and Special Reports, 1940-1950, undated Central Office, 1938-1971, undated Communications Services, 1945-1968, undated Local Post Offices, 1946-1967 Philatelic Agents, 1940-1950, undated Box 6

Subseries: Department of Public Works and Utilities Annual and Special Reports, 1944-1967, undated Central Office, 1943-1949 Central Office, 1950-1969, undated Coastwise Vessel Agreement, 1947 General Reports, 1945-1966, undated Reel 1070.12 Invitations Sent, 1945-1970, undated Monrovia Port Management Company, 1947- 1969, undated "Report of Survey for Improvements to Road Communications", undated Subseries: Department of State Diplomatic Correspondence

Diplomatic Correspondence - Africa, 1960-1969, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - the Americas, 1946- 1963

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Diplomatic Correspondence - 1963, 1968 Diplomatic Correspondence - Ethiopia, 1964, 1966, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - The Federal Repub- lic of Germany (West Ge rmany), 1964, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - France, 1935-1970, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - German Democratic Republic (East Germany), 1962, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - Ghana, 1954, 1955 Diplomatic Correspondence - Holland, 1970 Diplomatic Correspondence - Israel, 1955, 1964, undated Diplomatic Correspondence Italy, 1963-1969 Diplomatic Correspondence Liberian Embassy, 1945-1955 Diplomatic Correspondence Liberian Embassy, 1961-1965 Diplomatic Correspondence Liberian Embassy, 1966-1971, undated Diplomatic Correspondence Netherlands, undated Diplomatic Correspondence People's Republic of China, 1964-1969 Diplomatic Correspondence Republic of Guinea, 1957-1968, undated Diplomatic Correspondence Republic of Korea (Seoul), 1950 Diplomatic Correspondence Sierra Leone, 1963 - 1968, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - Spain, 1952-1965, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - Sweden, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - Togolese Republic, 1963 -1965

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Diplomatic Correspondence - United Arab Repub- lic, 1964, 1970 Diplomatic Correspondence - United Kingdom, 1946-1970, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - United Soviet So- cialist Republic, 1959, undated Diplomatic Correspondence - United States of America, 1931-1968, undated Reel 1070.13

Diplomatic Correspondence - Yugoslavia, undated Diplomatic Speeches, 1947-1969, undated Liberian Correspondence with News Clippings, 1963-1969 Secretary of State Correspondence, 1945-1955 Secretary of State Correspondence, 1961-1971, undated United Nations Correspondence, 1946-1970, undated Box 7 Other Correspondences Bureau of African Affairs, 1959 Bureau of Archives, Patents and Trademarks, 1930-1946 Bureau of Concessions, 1964, undated Bureau of Information, 1948-1966 Bureau of Printing, 1947, 1968 Central Office, 1927-1971, undated Central Office Reports, 1946-1963 Central Office Reports, 1966-1968, undated Secretary of State Correspondence - Bobby Ni- adoo, 1964-1967

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Reel 1070.14 Other Memorabilia Conference Materials, 1944-1969, undated Consular and Embassy Reports, 1945-1970, undated Foreign Service Inspector Report, 1955 International Visits, 1946-1969, undated Invitations Received, 1947-1971, undated Invitations Sent, 1944-1971 Itineraries, 1948-1968, undated The Liberia Official Gazette, 1947-1971 Reel 1070.15 Liberian Consular Service, 1946-1971, undated Liberian Legation, 1946-1970, undated Meeting Notes, undated Miscellaneous, 1946-1969 Organization of African States (OAU), 1963, 1969 Passport/Documents of F.A. Price, 1947, 1950, 1952 Property Inventories, undated Protocol Office, 1948-1970, undated Reports on Foreign Countries, circa 1946, 1955- 1967, undated Reports on the United Nations, 1946, 1957, undated Souvenir Programmes, 1945-1970, undated Treaties, 1951, 1952, undated United Nations Representative - H. Lafayette Har- mon, 1944-1967 U.S.A. Legation, 1946-1959, undated

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Box 8 Reel 1070.16

Subseries: Department of the Treasury Budgets, 1937-1952 Budgets, 1953-1968, undated Bureau of Accounts, 1948-1971 Bureau of Audits, 1947-1970, undated Bureau of Customs, 1944-1971, undated Bureau of Mines Correspondence, 1941-1971 Bureau of Mines Reports, 1945-1950, undated Bureau of Revenues, 1945-1971, undated Bureau of Revenues Reports, 1947-1965 Central Office, 1945-1971, undated Executive Warrants, 1945, 1952 Financial Advisor, 1941-1967, undated Inspector of Revenues, 1944-1955, undated Internal Revenues, 1945-1971, undated Meeting Agenda and Minutes, 1967, undated National Economic Committee, 1944-1971 Payroll, 1946, 1949 Reel 1070.17 Reports, 1948-1970, undated Secretary of the Treasury, 1945-1971, undated Subseries: Elections Commission Correspondence, 1947-1968 Purchase Vouchers, 1955-1956 Related documents, 1954-1971, undated Subseries: The Executive Mansion Battalion Guards, 1968-1969, undated Central Office, 1943-1966 Central Office, 1967-1971, undated

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Committee Reports for Tubman's Diamond Ju- bilee Anniversary, 1970 Construction Reports, 1947-1971 Executive Action Bureau, Correspondence, 1963- 1971 Executive Orders, 1940-1968 Executive Secretary to the President, 1940-1951, undated Executive Secretary to the President, 1952-1971, undated Inventories, 1947, undated Investigations and Reports, 1940-1967, undated Box 9

Reel 1070.18 Limited Power of Attorney (LPA) Documents, 1945-1963 Limited Power of Attorney (LPA) Documents, 1964 Limited Power of Attorney (LPA) Documents, 1965-1968 Limited Power of Attorney (LPA) Documents, 1969-1971, undated Limited Power of Attorney Financial Statements, 1950-1971, undated Meeting Agendas, 1948, undated Military Attaché to the President, undated National Bureau of Investigation - Correspon- dence, 1964-1971 National Bureau of Investigation - Reports, 1961- 1971, undated National Intelligence and Security Service - Corre- spondence, 1963-1970 National Intelligence and Security Service - Re- ports, 1963-1968, undated

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Reel 1070.19 National Police Force, 1948-1970, undated Newsletter, 1968, 1969 Office of the Advisors to the President, 1963-1971 Office of the Administrative Assistants, 1947-1968 Office of the Business Management Division, 1954-1970 Office of the Economic Advisor, 1955, 1967, undated Office of the Press Secretary to the President, 1954-1971 Proclamations, 1944-1969 Public Relations Officer, 1946-1968 Report on Liberian Development Programs, undated Social Secretary to the President, 1946-1968, undated Social Secretary to the President - random news clips, 1954, undated Special Assistant to the President, 1954-1971, undated Special Executive Commission Report, 1965 Special Security Service - Correspondence, 1964- 1971, undated Special Security Service - Guidelines, undated Special Security Service - Investigations, 1963, 1969 Special Security Service - Reports, 1965-1970 Stenographer Notepad with Notes, undated Stenographers and Typists, 1944-1950 T.S.M.Y. "Liberian" Presidential Yacht, 1964- 1970, undated Undercover Reports, 1963-1970

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Box 10

Reel 1070.20

Subseries: Inaugural Committees Inauguration Announcements, Invitations and Souvenir Programmes, 1952-1968 Reports and Correspondences, 1946-1968 Subseries: National Commission Territorial Subdivisions Report, 1962 Subseries: National Planning Agency Preliminary Finances for Buchanan Plant, 1965 Subseries: Political Parties Independent True Whig Party, 1954, 1955 Political Cartoon, undated Political Opinions (Drafts), undated Reformation Party, 1949, 1955 True Whig Party - Correspondence, 1942-1957 True Whig Party - Correspondence, 1959-1969, undated True Whig Party - Finances, 1950, 1963, undated True Whig Party - Independent fragment, circa 1950 True Whig Party - Meetings, 1948, 1954, undated True Whig Party - Official Party Documents, 1946-1959, undated True Whig Party - Party Opinions, 1955, undated True Whig Party - Petitions, Statements and Testi- monials, 1952-1971, undated True Whig Party - Reception committees and plans, undated True Whig Party - Resolutions, 1945-1954

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True Whig Party - Resolutions, 1955-1966 True Whig Party - Resolutions, 1967-1971 True Whig Party - Resolutions, Kakata, Montser- rado, 1955 True Whig Party - Resolutions, undated True Whig Party - Signature Page Fragments, undated True Whig Party - Souvenir Programs, 1950-1971, undated Reel 1070.21

True Whig Party - Speeches, 1954-1971, undated Subseries: Public Utilities Authority General Correspondence, 1964-1968 Subseries: Rental Board General Correspondence, 1968 Subseries: Special Foreign Missions to Liberia Economic Development Plans, 1966, 1969, undated United States Military Missions, 1946-1968, undated United States Public Health Service, 1945-1950, undated Series: The Legislative Branch Administrative Files Annual Message, Edwin Barclay, 1943 "Congressional Record" Publication, 1946 House of Representatives, correspondence, 1945- 1971, undated House of Representatives, Edwin Barclay Ad- dress, 1955

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Invitations Sent, 1943-1969 Joint Addresses and Resolutions, 1950, undated Laws, 1942-1954 Laws, 1955-1968, undated Proposed Laws, 1930-1953, undated Senate, 1946-1971, undated Box 11

Reel 1070.22 Series: The Judiciary Branch Administrative Files

Subseries: The Circuit Courts First Judicial Circuit Court, 1942-1969 First Judicial Circuit Court - Brownell Divorce Record, 1940-1944, undated First Judicial Circuit Court - Fahnbulleh Trial, 1968 Second Judicial Circuit Court, 1945-1966 Third Judicial Circuit Court, 1947-1968 Fourth Judicial Circuit Court, 1938-1966 Fifth Judicial Circuit Court, 1946-1968 Sixth Judicial Circuit Court, 1946-1967 Seventh Judicial Circuit Court, 1967-1968, undated Eighth Judicial Circuit Court, 1966, 1967 Ninth Judicial Circuit Court, 1967 Tenth Judicial Circuit Court, 1968 Subseries: The Supreme Court Correspondence and addresses, 1946-1971, undated Opinions and Court Records, 1941-1970

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Reel 1070.23 Subseries: Other Judiciary Materials: Commissioners of Probate, 1945-1970 Stipendiary Magistrate's Office, 1940-1971, undated Series: General Government Correspondence Addy, David A., 1963-1969 Adighibe, Beatrice Freeman, 1967-1971, undated Adighibe, Julius, 1963-1970, undated Ajavon, Ad. N., 1947-1950 "Allen", 1967, 1968 Alpha, Isaac, 1949-1969 Anderson, James, 1945-1970 General "A", 1935-1971, undated Bailey, Harper S., 1951-1966 Baker, Samuel Perry, 1968, 1969 Barnes, 1948-1969, undated "Bob", 1946-1949, undated Bowier, 1944-1971, undated Brewer, 1946-1971, undated Browne, 1948-1968, undated Browne, Jacob, 1947-1954, undated Bryant, Timothy, 1968, 1970 General "B"- Badio-Boeck, 1945-1971, undated General "B" - Boi-Butler, 1944-1971, undated Campbell, Thomas T., 1947-1969 Cassell, Arthur B. (Abee), 1946-1969, undated Chesson, Joseph J.F. "Chess", 1967-1969, undated Cooper, 1944-1971 Cooper, Augustus W., 1948-1970, undated Cooper, Jas. H.R., 1964-1968, undated Cooper, Llewellyn, 1965-1968 Cox-Johnson, Bertha, 1970, 1971 Cox-Koenig, Henrietta, 1967, 1970

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Reel 1070.24

General "C" - C-Clark, 1945-1970, undated General "C" - Clarke-Cupid, 1945-1971, undated Box 12 Dagbe, Agnes N., 1966, 1967, undated "Danielette", 1946-1971, undated Davis, 0. Natty B., 1945-1970, undated Dean, Ellen, 1964, 1967, undated Dennis, 1944-1971, undated Dennis, Laurence A., 1964, 1965 Diggs, Joseph H., 1946-1970 "Dolly", 1964-1970 Dukuly, Millie, 1966-1970 General "D" - Dabson-Delam, 1945-1970, undated General "D" - Delaney-Dioh, 1944-1971, undated General "D" - Dixon-Dyer, 1944-1970, undated "Edith", 1967-1971, undated "Ellen", 1960-1971, undated Ellis, Ruth, 1964-1967 Ellis, Sam, 1948, 1950, undated "Ernest", 1945-1968 General "E", 1945-1971, undated Farmah, Ola, 1964-1970 Freeman, 1945-1971, undated Reel 1070.25 Freeman, Benjamin G., 1947-1950, undated Freeman, Hawah, 1967-1971 Fullman, Rebecca, undated General "F", 1945-1971, undated Garber, Joseph W., 1950, 1963, undated Gardiner, 1945-1971 Gardiner, Faikai, 1967-1970 Gardiner, Francis R.T, 1965-1971, undated

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Gauchy, R., 1943-1948 "George", 1945-1947 Gibson, 1944-1971, undated Gibson, G.W., 1946-1949, undated Gibson, LeRoye A., 1969-1971 Gibson, W. Fred, 1946-1967, undated Gray, Phebian Freeman, 1964-1971 Greene, Perry A., 1955-1969 General "G" - G-Givens, 1947-1971, undated General "G" - Glader-Gus, 1944-1970, undated Harris, Edith E., 1965-1970 Haynes, Kate, 1947, undated Henries, Richard, 1946-1966 Hoff, 1947-1971, undated Hoff, Beatrice, 1964-1969 Howe, Sally Hnee, 1966-1969, undated General "H" - H-Hayden, 1946-1971, undated General "H" - Hayes-Hutchins, 1946-1971, undated General "I", 1964-1969 Jackson, 1947-1971, undated Jackson, Victor Emanuel, 1964-1970, undated "Jenkins", 1964-1969, undated Jim "Cousin", 1964-1971, undated "Jocelia", 1962-1970, undated Reel 1070.26 Johnson, 1945-1971 Johnson, David B., 1968, undated Johnson, Carney, 1947, 1950, undated Jones, 1945-1969, undated Jones, Edward Sumo, 1962-1969 Jones, Ernest C.B., 1945-1964, undated "Joseph", 1968-1970, undated General "J" - Jackson-George - Jenkins, 1945- 1971, undated

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General "J" - Jerersha-Jury, 1945-1971, undated King, 1945-1971, undated King, Adeline, 1967, 1968, undated "Kingspride", 1964, 1965, undated Kpoto, Keikura Bayeh, 1964-1966 General "K" - K-Kniffen, 1945-1970, undated General "K" - Knight-Kyne, 1945-1971, undated Lawrence, Christmas, 1964-1968, undated "Leona", 1967-1970 [Loasana, Komel], 1968-1970 Lomax, Louise, 1968, undated General "L", 1945-1971, undated Box 13 "Makeda", 1967, 1968, undated Martin, Tom Y., 1948, 1950 Mason, Mayetta, 1967, 1968 Massaquoi, 1946-1969 Maurice, 1969, undated McClain, Priscilla, 1968-1971, undated McGill, Angie, 1967, 1968 Mitchell, David, 1945-1950 Mitchell, Wede Jones, 1965-1969 Monger, Amos C., 1967-1970 Moore, Walter William, 1964-1971 Morgan, Edwin A., 1944-1948, undated Morris, George D. N., 1967, 1968, undated General "M" - M-McCauley, 1944-1971, undated Reel 1070.27

General "M" - McClain-Morais, 1945-1971, undated General "M" - More-Myrtle, 1944-1969, undated Nebo, Albert, 1946-1969, undated Nurse, Charles D.B., 1948-1971 Nurse, Richard N., 1967-1969, undated General "N", 1945-1970, undated

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"Ola", 1964-1969 Olie, Bob, 1947-1970 General "0", 1945-1971, undated Padmore, George (Geo.), 1948-1969 Payne, Samuel W., 1950-1967 Pelham, T.E. Cess, 1950, 1967 Price, Rose, 1967, 1970, undated General "P", 1945-1971 General "Q", 1946-1969 Rai ley, Gretel, 1967, 1968, undated Richards, Augusta, 1968, 1969 Roberts, 1946-1969, undated Rode, C.H., 1964-1970 "Roland", 1965-1969, undated "Roosevelt", 1945-1967 Ross, D.F, 1962-1966 Ryan, Fred, 1954-1970 undated General "R"- Rachel-Roberts, 1947-1971, undated General "R" - Robinson-Ruth, 1943-1970, undated Scott-Ricks, Mae, 1968-1971 Sherman, Charles Dunbar, 1967-1969, undated Simpson, Chas. H.D., 1950-1967 Smith, 1944-1970, undated Smith, Fred V.B., 1967-1970 Stryker, Emma, 1965-1971 Summerville, Louise, 1968, 1969, undated Reel 1070.28

General "S" - Sa-Shank, 1943-1971, undated General "S" - Shannon-Smythe, 1944-1971, undated General "S" - Snetter-Swen, 1944-1971, undated Tarloe, Aloysius J., 1967, 1968 Thomas, Ida, 1966-1977 Thomson, Sam David, 1944-1969, undated

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Thorne, Franco, 1967, 1969 Tolbert, 1946-1970 Traub, Z. Dumh, 1968-1971 Trotman, Buskin, 1967, 1969, undated Tubman, 1944-1971, undated Tuning, Clarence 0., 1947-1968 General "T" - Tae-Thomson, 1945-1971 General "T" - Thorne-Tyler, 1946-1971, undated General "U", 1946-1971 "Victoria", 1947-1969, undated General "V", 1944-1971 Washington, Cynthia, 1968, 1969 Watson, J.B., 1945-1968 Watts, Samuel S. (Wattie/Wattis), 1947-1970 Williams, 1944-1970, undated Williette, Cos, 1964-1967, undated Wilson, 1946-1971, undated Dash, Wilson, 1946-1948 Wilson, J. Hilary, 1945-69 Reel 1070.29

General "W" - W-Wille, 1944-1971, undated General "W" - Williamson-Wynn, 1946-1971, undated Box 14 Yancy, 1946-1971, undated Yancy, Allen, 1926-1947 Yancy, Ernest, 1949-1950, undated Yancy, Fulton, 1962, 1971, undated General "Y", 1944-1970, undated General "Z", 1947-1970, undated Miscellaneous, 1940-1946 Miscellaneous, 1947-1949 Miscellaneous, 1950-1959 Miscellaneous, 1962-1969 Miscellaneous, 1970, 1971

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Reel 1070.30 Miscellaneous, undated

Series: Subject Files Concession Agreements: Miscellaneous, 1951- 1959 The Executive Mansion: Construction Reports, 1947-1971 The Executive Mansion: Dinner Menus, 1945- 1949 The Executive Mansion: Invitation Lists, 1946, 1948 The Executive Mansion: Invitations Received, 1946-1971, undated The Executive Mansion: Invitations Sent, 1964- 1971, undated The Executive Mansion: Wedding Invitations and Announcements, 1947-1971, undated Government Committees, 1948-1967, undated Government Improvement Reports, undated Handwritten Notes, Lists and Drafts, 1970, undated Miscellaneous Documents, 1948-1955, undated Music, 1947, 1970, undated N.P. Mander, Ltd., Church Organ Builders, 1964 President Arthur Barclay Address, 1904 President Arthur Barclay: Report of the Feeling of Aboriginal Population, undated Souvenir Programs: Honoring President Tubman, 1947-1971, undated Souvenir Programs: Legislative, 1945-1948 Souvenir Programs: Miscellaneous, 1943-1971, undated Souvenir Programs: Poems, 1968, 1970, undated

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Reel 1070.31 Souvenir Programs: Thanksgiving Services, 1945- 1969 Speeches: Annual Messages by Tubman, 1949- 1967, undated Speeches: Apartheid, 1963, undated Speeches: Celebratory and Holiday, 1941-1971, undated Speeches: Cultural and Manuscripts, 1963-1969, undated Speeches: Economic Development, [1970], undated Speeches: General and Govermental, 1946-1971, undated Speeches: Honoring Tubman, 1964-1971, undated Speeches: Unification, 1966, undated Box 15

Speeches: William V.S. Tubman, 1947-1971 Vice President Clarence L. Simpson, Sr., 1943- 1967 Vice President William R. Tolbert, 1947-1970, undated

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Record Group: W.V.S. Tubman Personal Papers Series: Personal Correspondence A, 1967-1968 Alice, 1946, 1968, undated General "A", 1949-1969 Barrolle, Jimmy, 1948-1962 Barrolle, Jimmy, 1963-1964

Reel 1070.32 Barrolle, Jimmy, 1965-1966 Barrolle, Jimmy, 1967 Barrolle, Jimmy, 1968 Barrolle, Jimmy, 1969 Barrolle, Jimmy, 1970, undated Bowen-Carr, Edith R., 1966-1971 Buckle, Janet, 1943-1970, undated Belle, 1945, undated General "B", 1948-1968, undated C, 1950, undated Caroline, 1946-1969 Cecilia, 1945, 1947, undated Coleman, Olivia "Gertrude" (Miss Consequtial), 1968-1969, undated Cooper, Ellen G., 1948-1969 Cooper, Emma J., 1964, 1967 Cooper, Eugenia "Gene" Simpson, 1946-1970, undated Cooper, Georgina Payne, 1946-1969 Cornelia, undated Creinna, 1962-1970 General "C", 1946-1971, undated D, 1948

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Darling, 1968-1969 Dearie, 1947-1971 Dennis, Evangeline, 1967-1969 Dennis, Francis A., 1963-1968 Dukuly, Victoria "Edythe", 1948-1971, undated Dunbar, Blanche, 1967-1971 Duncan, Elouise "Equi", 1961-1971, undated Dupigny-Leigh, Col. T. W., 1966-1969, undated General "D", 1944-1968, undated E, 1945, 1969, undated Reel 1070.33 Elizabeth; Rebecca; Shadlyn (daughter), 1968- 1970, undated Ellen, 1947, 1970, undated Ellis, Willis "P.D.", 1946, 1967, undated Ethel, 1947, 1949 General "E", 1950-1969 F, undated Fannie (cousin), 1950-1967, undated Fannie (daughter), 1966-1969, undated Fanny, 1948-1971, undated Fecomp, 1968-1969 Florence, 1969-1971 Frecilia, undated General "F", 1944-1968 Gardiner, Sr., Frank, 1968-1970 Garvey, Amy Ashwood, 1946-1947, undated Gibson, Myrtle, 1967, undated Gray, Williametta E., 1967 Greene, Perry A., 1966-1967 Gertrude, 1947, undated Gertrude, (Dear Cos), 1966, undated General "G", 1950-1969, undated Harris, Edith E., 1950-1970, undated Haynes, Catherine J. Tubman, 1946, 1950

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Hodge, Anna, 1946-1971, undated Hodge, Nellie, 1950, undated Hes, 1946, undated General "H", 1946-1970 I, 1950, undated IBSALT, 1967, 1968 Box 16 Jim, 1968 Joyce, 1969-1970, undated General "J", 1946-1968 General "K", undated L. C., 1964-1968 Lati, undated Leona, 1968, undated Liz, 1970-1971 General "L", 1947-1971 M, 1967, 1968 Maggie, 1948-1969, undated Mai, 1950 Mary, 1970, 1971 Mary (daughter), 1945, 1946 Mary Frances, 1950, 1967, undated Massaquoi, Winifred ("Wini"), 1967-1969, undated Michael Dean, 1970-1971 M. P. B. R., 1968-1970 General "M", 1946-1971 Nelson, Claudia "C", 1967-1971 Nervy, undated General "N", 1961, 1968, undated Obiamiwe, Elizabeth "Lizzie" H. Wilson, 1945- 1971, undated P, 1946-56, undated Padmore, Mai, 1968-1971, undated Page, Parnella, 1964-1965

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Patsy, 1968-1971 Pearson, Penella, 1963-1970 Prudence, 1964-1965 General "P", 1947-1970, undated Rachel, (daughter?), 1966-1970 Rachel, (Sis), 1946-1948, undated Rau lla, 1946, undated Rea, 1945-1968, undated Rebecca, 1950-1971, undated Reel 1070.34

Reeves, Thelma "ES" T., 1963-1969, undated Reeves-Gorgla, Myrtle, 1961, 1964 Rillis, 1967-1968, undated Romeo, 1946, undated Ruh le, Effua C. Pratt, 1968 General "R", 1944-1969, undated Sis, 1945-1968, undated Snyder, Evelyn, 1961-1968 General "S", 1945-1971, undated Tebade, 1964-1969, undated Thelma, 1967, 1969 Tolbert, Henrietta, 1964-1970 Tolbert, Mable (`Mabel'), 1945-1971 Toulia "T", 1968-1970 Tubman, 1945-1969, undated Tubman, Alex (brother), 1944-1949 Tubman, Alex (brother), 1950-1971, undated Tubman, Alex (son), 1967-1968, undated Tubman, Alexander (nephew), 1948, 1963, undated Tubman, Antoinette, 1944-1970, undated Tubman, Elizabeth (daughter) (Nyne Plu), 1961- 1962, undated Tubman, Elizabeth (sister), 1944-1950 Tubman, Fatu, 1962-1970

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Tubman, John H., 1959-1969 Tubman, Lavoisier, 1967-1971 Tubman, Maria E., 1947, circa 1950 Tubman, Samuel Czar, 1968-1971 Tubman, Wilhelmina "Coocoo", 1950-1962, undated Tubman, William Alfred, 1945-1969, undated Tubman, William E., 1959-1990, undated Tubman, William V. S. "Shad" Jr., 1961-1967 Tubman, Wilmot, undated Tubman-Cooper, Rebecca, 1945-1970, undated Tucker, Laura W., 1962-1971, undated General "T", 1944, 1968, undated V, undated Vat, 1971, undated Vic, 1945-1969, undated Vict, undated Wilson, A. Dash, Jr., 1945-1969, undated Wilson, Fan, 1946-1970, undated Watchen, 1968-1969 Wokie, 1969 Reel 1070.35 General "W", 1944-1969, undated Yaa, 1967-1968 Y. M. P. M., 1964-1967, undated Your Child, undated Miscellaneous Letters, 1944-1970, undated

Series: Tubman Family Biography Antoinette Tubman's Monrovia College Citation, undated College Citations, 1971, undated Condolence Letters, 1944, 1971 Correspondence/Documents, Pre-Presidential, 1934-1943, undated

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Court Documents, 1929-1931 Cuttington College Degree, 1961 Draft concerning the Assassination Attempt on Tubman, undated Forced Labour Commission Document and Corre- spondence, 1924-1932, undated Legal Documents, 1943-1987 Memorabilia, 1947-1971, undated Morgan State College Degree, 1954 Museum Guest Book, 1976-1978 News Article copies, 1955 News Articles, 1961 News clipping of W.V.S Tubman, Jr. Marriage, 1961, undated Order of the Marriage Service, 1948 Poems, undated Temple University Certificate, 1971 Tubman Farm Visitor's Register, 1979-1981 Wilhelmina "Coocoo" Tubman Sheet Music: Friihlingsrauchen, undated William E. Tubman's Personal Finances, 1950- 1992 William Eli Tubman's University of Liberia Diploma, 1977 W.V.S. Tubman Memorial Museum Feasibility Re- port, 1972 Box 17 Series: Tubman Farm Records Coffee Estate, 1964-1965 Coo-Coo's Nest Correspondence, 1966-1969 Coo-Coo's Nest Financial Accounts, 1963-1971 Coo-Coo's Nest Invoices, 1967-1969, undated

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Reel 1070.36 Farm Account Reports and Statements, 1946- 1990, undated Farm Payroll, Miscellaneous, 1949-1989 Farm Reports, Dr. F.A. Price, 1965 Farm Reports, Dr. F.A. Price, 1966 Farm Reports, Dr. F.A. Price, 1967 Farm Reports, Dr. F.A. Price, 1968 Farm Reports, Dr. F.A. Price, 1969 Farm Reports, Dr. F.A. Price, 1970 Farm Reports, Dr. F.A. Price, 1971, undated Farm Reports - Firestone, 1963 Farm Reports - Firestone, 1964 Farm Reports - Firestone, 1965 Reel 1070.37 Farm Reports - Firestone, 1966 Farm Reports - Firestone, January-June 1967 Farm Reports - Firestone, July-September 1967 Farm Reports - Firestone, October-December 1967 Farm Reports - Firestone, January-March 1968 Reel 1070.38 Farm Reports - Firestone, April-December 1968 Farm Reports - Firestone, 1969 Farm Reports - Firestone, January-June 1970 Farm Reports - Firestone, July-December 1970 Farm Reports - Firestone, 1971 Firestone Tapping Inspection Report, 1965 Totota Farm Burglary System, 1966 Totota Farm Inauguration Party Program, 1964 Totota Farm Fuel Invoices and Receipts, 1967- 1971

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Box 18 Totota Farm Invoices and Receipts, 1959 Totota Farm Invoices and Receipts, 1961 Reel 1070.39 Totota Farm Invoices and Receipts, 1962 Totota Farm Invoices and Receipts, 1963 Totota Farm Invoices and Receipts, 1964-1969 Reel 1070.40 Totota Farm Invoices and Receipts, 1970-1991, undated Totota Farm Payroll, May 1969 Totota Farm Reports - Alan L. Grant Company, Correspondence, 1964-1971 Totota Farm Rubber Slips, 1966-1989, undated Tubman Farm Correspondence, 1949 -1965 Tubman Farm Correspondence, 1966-1991 Tubman Farm Zoo Correspondence, 1960-1970, undated Tubman Farm Zoo Invoices and Receipts, 1963- 1970, undated Tubman Farm Zoo Reports, 1963-1971 Series: Tubman Financial Records Tubman Financial Records, 1944 Tubman Financial Records, 1947 Reel 1070.41 Tubman Financial Records, 1950 Tubman Financial Records, 1956 Tubman Financial Records, 1959 Tubman Financial Records, January-February 1962 Tubman Financial Records, March 1962 Tubman Financial Records, April 1962 PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor 132 DOCUMENTS

Box 19 Reel 1070.42 Tubman Financial Records, May 1962 Tubman Financial Records, June-September 1962 Tubman Financial Records, October-November 1962 Tubman Financial Records, December 1962 Tubman Financial Records, 1965 Reel 1070.43 Tubman Financial Records, January-May 1968 Tubman Financial Records, June-October 1968 Tubman Financial Records, November-December 1968 Tubman Financial Records, 1971 Record Group: Civil Society-Related Materials Series: Civic, Social, and Political Organizations Boy Scouts of Liberia, 1944-1971, undated Liberia National Youth Organization, 1967-1969 The Liberia War Veterans Association Inc., 1963 The Liberian Girl Guides Association, 1963-1971, undated Liberian National Youth Council, 1971 National Federation of Liberian Women, 1963, 1967 The National Liberian Women's Social and Politi- cal Movement, 1946-1969, undated Saturday Afternoon Club, Inc., 1946-1955 The Tubman Sinoe Women Political and Social Group, 1955

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Young Men's Christian Association, Inc. (YMCA), 1947-1967 Young Women's Christian Association, Inc. (YWCA), 1949-1963, undated World Health Organization, 1948-1952 Miscellaneous Correspondence and Memorabilia, 1947-1970, undated Reel 1070.44 Miscellaneous Programs, 1946-1969, undated Miscellaneous Women's Organizations, 1949- 1971, undated Miscellaneous Youth Organizations, 1954-1971, undated Box 20 Series: Fraternal Orders Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: International Orders, 1921-1971, undated Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Masonic Temple and Finances, 1961-1970, undated Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Miscella- neous Correspondence, 1948-1968, undated Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Morning Star Lodge No.6, 1943-1970 Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: The Most Worshipful Grand Lodge, 1947-1955, undated Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: The Most Worshipful Grand Lodge Correspondence, 1945-1970 Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Oriental Lodge No.1, Correspondence, 1950-1969 Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Publications, 1957, 1971 Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Souvenir Pro- grammes, 1944-1955

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Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Souvenir Pro- grammes, 1962-1967 Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Souvenir Pro- grammes, 1968 Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Souvenir Pro- grammes, 1969-1971 Ancient Free and Accepted Masons: Speeches, 1946-1970 Bassa Brotherhood Industrial and Benefit Society, 1944-1969 Grand United Order of Odd Fellows: Correspon- dence, 1946-1968 Grand United Order of Odd Fellows: Souvenir Programmes, 1965-1971 International Order of Good Templers, 1950-1971, undated Reel 1070.45 Order of the Eastern Star: Correspondence, Invita- tions and Speeches, 1954-1971, undated Order of the Eastern Star: Proceedings of the Gen- eral Grand Chapter, 1966 Order of the Eastern Star: Souvenir Programmes, 1963-1968 United Brothers of Friendship and Sisters of the Mysterious Ten: Correspondence, 1946-1970, undated United Brothers of Friendship and Sisters of the Mysterious Ten: Souvenir Programmes, 1945- 1969, undated Miscellaneous Groups, 1947-1971, undated

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Series: Health and Medical Organizational Records Advisory Council on Health, 1967 The American Foundation for Tropical Medicine, 1946, 1950 Firestone Plantations Company Medical Center, 1945-1968 Invitations and Souvenir Programmes, 1947-1971, undated Medical Correspondence and Reports, 1945-1971, undated Mental Health Center of Liberia, 1963-1968 Monrovia Community Center, 1960 Social Services Association Raffle, 1969 Speeches, 1970, undated Tubman Medical Clinic and ELWA Hospital Records, 1969

Series: In Memoriam Correspondence from Bereaved, 1963-1971, undated Death Announcements, 1963-1969 Eulogies, 1954-1971, undated Obituaries, 1964, 1966, undated Obsequies, 1945-1987, undated Box 21 Series: Religious Organizations African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1945-1971, undated

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Reel 1070.46 The Alexander Tubman Memorial Center: Mount Scott United Methodist Church, 1945-1970, undated The "At the Throne of Grace" Ministry, 1966- 1967 Baptist Church Congregations and Organizations, 1946-1970, undated Baptist World Alliance Correspondence, 1968 Catholic Missions, 1942-1970, undated Church of Christ Congregations, 1967-1971 The Church of the Lord (Aladura) Center Street, 1967-1970 The Church of the Lord (Aladura) Congregations, 1965-1969 The Church of the Lord (Aladura) Nigeria, 1947- 1969 The Church of the Lord, Carey Street, Monrovia, 1947, 1948, undated Episcopal Church Congregations, 1945-1971 Episcopal Church, Liberian Central Conference, 1965 The Episcopal Church, Missionary Diocese of Liberia, 1946-1970 Episcopal Church, Miscellaneous Religious Pro- grams, 1965-1968, undated The First Methodist Church: Grand Bassa County, 1945-1969, undated First Methodist Church: Monrovia, 1944-1968, undated The First United Methodist Church, Monrovia, 1969-1970 Jimmy Barrolle Prayer, undated Journal of the Twelfth Session of the Liberia An- nual Conference of the Methodist Church, 1951

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Liberia Baptist Missionary and Educational Con- vention, 1946-1971 Methodist Church Congregations and Organiza- tions, 1937-1969, undated Methodist Hostel for Girls, 1968, 1971 Patten Memorial Church, Monrovia, 1946-1969, undated Presbyterian Congregations, 1948-1971 Providence Baptist Association and Church, 1945- 1971 Seventh-day Adventist Missions, 1947-1950 St. Thomas Episcopal Church, 1948-1988, undated United Brothers of Friendship & Sisters of the Mysterious Ten Hymnal Booklet, undated

Reel 1070.47

United Methodist Church: Conference Materials, 1945-1971, undated United Methodist Church: Conference Speeches, 1965 United Methodist Church: Correspondence from Bishops, 1945-1969 United Methodist Mission: Ganta, 1950-1969 Miscellaneous Religious Correspondence, 1945- 1971, undated Miscellaneous Religious Programs, Announce- ments and Invitations, 1945-1970, undated

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(rain /he 041be Senator award dY1.katxeQy Ma5faekse#5

SENATOR KENNEDY RELEASES REPORT ON REFUGEE CRISIS IN LIBERIA

HOLD FOR RELEASE: Monday, February 11, 1991

Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Immigration and Refugee Affairs, today released a staff report on the refugee crisis in Liberia, which he characterized as one of the most critical and neglected humanitarian emergencies in the world today."

"Liberia has become a casualty of the persian Gulf War," said Kennedy. "A distracted world has ignored its suffering."

. "Nearly half the people are now refugees or displaced from their homes and lands. Some 1.2 million men, women and children have fled for their lives and are in urgent need of international assistance,"

"The process of reconciliation and a genuine ceasefire after months of civil war has only just begun, but it cannot succeed without assistance from the United States and the international community."

Senator Kennedy announced he has introduced a bill to establish a "Liberian Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Fund" to give more adequate authority, and greater urgency, to U.S. programs of assistance.

Other findings and recommendations of the report include the following:

o Although the United States has led the way, contributing $127.2 million to date, much more needs to be done and greater support sought from other international donors (who have contributed only $44.1 million thus far). By all estimates, an equal amount of emergency relief assistance will be required over the coming year, particularly in sustaining food shipments.

Inver)

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o The agricultural sector of Liberia's economy has been

totally disrupted by the conflict in the countryside, and with a

severe shortage of seeds, an entire crop-cycle will likely be missed, leaving Liberians dependent upon outside food support, particularly rice, their staple product. The United States must be prepared to increase P.L. 480 Food for Peace shipments in the coming year.

o The United Nations should appoint a regional coordinator for the Liberian relief effort, who has both the

stature as an international diplomat as well as experience in

international relief operations. There is an urgent need for

greater coordination of international assistance within Liberia

as well as in the neighboring countries impacted by tens of thousands of refugees.

o To support the return of a democratically elected government in Liberia, the United States must continue to

encourage regional efforts to secure a ceasefire and to implement

a plan for the return of civilian control and the preparation for internationally supervised elections. These efforts at political reform cannot be accomplished, however, without economic

assistance to rebuild the social and productive infrastructure of war-torn Liberia.

o While efforts to restore stability are under way, the U.S. Attorney General should exercise his new authority, under

the terms of the Immigration Act of 1990, to grant temporary

haven ("temporary protected status") to Liberians now in the United States.

A copy of the report is attached. For additional information, call Toni Marwitz at 224-7877.

###

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THE EXECUTIVE MANSION 011ICE or THE PRESIDENT MONROVIA, LIBERIA

It was in this context that a new Constitution was

approved by the Citizenry in 1984, and elections held in

1985, with the participation of four new political

parties.

Regrettably, since 1985, various attempts have been

made to destabilize this constitutionally elected

government, but to no avail. This administration has

endeavored over the last four years to preserve a

civilian government, which is more broad-based than any

government Liberia has had or known throughout its

history, All ethnic sectors are today adequately

represented in the three branches of Government.

Unfortunately, however, on December 24, 1989, an

invasion, led by Charles Taylor, a fugitive from justice

both in Liberia and the United States of America, was

launched. Our security investigations have shown the

involvement of Libya, Burkina Fasco, and La Cote D'Ivoire

in support of these rebels.

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THE EXECUTIVE MANSION OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT MONROVIA, LIBERIA

This is, therefore, tantamount to external

aggression. These three Nations perpetrated the

recruiting, training, transportation, and hosting of

these rebels whose sole visible intent is to inflict

damage on the citizenry and infrastructure of the

Country, and thereby destabilize government.

Since the Nimba incursion, we have exercised

patience, restraint, caution and maturity in dealing with

the rebels. Extreme care has been taken to safeguard

and protect innocent citizens within the affected areas.

The army has been specifically instructed to only attack

areas occupied by rebels, or in self-defense. This is

the reason why this threat to our peace and security has

dragged on for a protracted period. We continue to

exercise restraint so that we do not unduly inflict loss

on the non-combattant population in the area.

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THE EXECUTIVE MANSION

OFFICE 01 THE PRESIDENT

MONROVIA, LIBERIA

Our Government remains committed to a genuine economic

adjustment program, and this has been evident in various

policy actions and overtures over the past six months.

We shall persist in these efforts.

In addition, our Government is committed to protect

human rights. Liberia is one of the few countries in

Africa today which does not have political prisoners.

Consistent with our commitment to the rule of law,

we have never relented in dealing drastically with

indiscipline amongst soldiers, and have severely

punished all acts of abuse which have been brought to

our attention.

In view of the national and international concern

to bring a lasting solution to this crisis, our

administration will continue to foster and maintain a

government of National Unity.

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THE EXECUTIVE MANSION OFFICE OF THE PRESIDE/4T MONROVLA. LIBERIA

We further remain committed to the holding of free

and fair election in 1991 and will be prepared to welcome

international observers to the 1991 Presidential

elections.

In further crystallizing our interest in the

undeterred continuity of the Liberian nation and people,

this Special Ten-Man Presidential Delegation comprising

of a cross-section of leaders of political parties, the

Liberian Council of Churches and officials of Government,

has been constituted and empowered to visit the United

States of America to exchange views and clarify our

positions on the options envisioned in solving the

problem. We are confident that this problem will be

brought to a speedy and amicable resolution.

Faithfully yours,

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RYN91 .076 S.I.C.

102d CONGRESS 1st Session

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

Mr. Kennedy introduced the following bill; which was read twice and referred to the Committee on

A BILL

To authorize supplemental apprcoriations fcr fiscal year 1991 for

relief, rehabilitation, and reconstructicn in Liberia.

1 Pe it enacted by the Senate and ffcuse of Representatives

2 of the United States of America in Congress assemblel,

3 SECTION 1, SHORT TITLr.

4 This Act may be cited as the "Liberian Relief,

5 Rehabilitation, and Reconstruction Act cf 1991".

6 SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

7 The Congress finds that- -

8 (1) as a result of 3 year-long civil war, a general

9 breakdown of law end order, the displacement of up to

10 one-half of the country's populaticn, the destruction of

11 significant sections of the infrastructure and resilting

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RYN91 .076 5.1.C. 2

1 economic collapse, the People of Liberia are enduring

2 widespread acute pain and suffering;

3 (2) severe malnutrition and disease are threatening

4 the general population of Liberia; as many as 80 percent

5 of the children residir; in the capital city of Monrovia

6 have been seriously malnourished;

7 (3) agricultural lands have been abandoned, seEds and

8 other means for farmers to plant and harvest crops have

9 been lost, and agricultural markets have been destroyed

10 as a result of violent civil war;

11 (4) sanitary water supplies for the capital city of

12 Monrovia have been destroyed, the capital's two largest

13 hospitals must be totally refurbished, most of the

14 country's health clinics and many cf the country's

15 schools have been destroyed or abandoned;

16 (5) the fragile eccnomy has been thoroughly

17 debilitated by war; and

18 (6) because of its Ion; and special relationship with

19 Liberia, it is in the interest of the United States and

20 the international community to respond to the urgent

21 needs of the people of Liberia and to assist in every way

22 possible to promote denocratic institutions and the

23 social and economic development of the nation.

24 SEC. 3. INTERNATIONAL rISASTER ASSISTANCE.

25 Chapter 9 of part T of the Foreign Assistance Act cf 1961

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RYN91 .076 S.1.C.

1 (22 U.S.C. 2292-2292p) is amended by adding at the end

2 thereof the following new se:tion:

3 "SEC. 495L. LIBERIAN CIVIL STRIFE ASSISTANCE.

4 "(a) Authorization of Assistance.--The President is

5 authorized to provide assistance for civil strife relief,

6 rehabilitation, and general recovery in Liberia. Assistance

7 under this section shall be provided for humanitarian

8 purposes and shall be provided on a grant basis.

9 "(b) Use of Funds.--In providing the assistance

10 authorized in subsection (a), priority shall be given to

11 funding activities which- -

12 "(1) maximize the use of private voluntary acEncies

13 for relief, rehabilitation, and reccvery projects;

14 "(2) emphasize emer gency health projects, including

15 efforts to rehabilitate the primary health care system of

16 Liberia;

17 "(3) contribute tc the restoration of schools and

18 the general education system, including efforts to

19 support the teaching of displaced children; and

20 "(4) contribute tc efforts by the international

21 community to respond tc LiDerian relief and development

22 needs.

23 "(c) Transfers and General Authorities.--(1) In addition

24 to the amounts otherwise available for such purpose, there

25 are authorized to be appropriated to the President

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RYN91 .076 S.I.C. 4

1 $45,000,000 for fiscal year 1991 for use in providing

2 assistance under this section.

3 "(2) The President is authorized tc transfer up tc

4 $750,000 of the amount appropriated pursuant to this section

5 to the 'Operating Expenses of the Agency for International

6 Development' account, which amount shall be used for

7 management support activities associated with the planring,

8 monitoring, and supervision of emergency humanitarian

9 assistance for Liberia.

10 "(3) The President is Granted the authority to transfer

11 funds appropriated pursuant to this section to the

12 Development Fund for Africa for use in supporting longer-term

13 rehabilitation activities in Liberia.

14 "(4) Assistance under this secticr shall be furnished in

15 accordance with the policies and general authorities

16 contained in section 491.

17 "(5) Amounts appropriated under this section are

ie duLnorized to remain availaDle until September 30, 1992.".

19 SEC. 4, MIGRATION AND REFUCEE ASSISTANCE.

20 (a) Authorization of Appropriations. --In addition to

21 amounts otherwise available for such purpose, there are

22 authorized to be appropriated to the Department of State for

23 "Migration and Refugee Assistance" $20,000,000 for fiscal

24 year 1991 for emergency relief, repatriation, and

25 rehabilitation efforts for Liberian refugees who have fled

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RYN91 .076 S.I.C. 5

1 civil strife and, where appropriate, fcr support of relief

2 programs assisting local pcoulations in the bordering

3 countries of Sierra Leone, Suinea, and Cote d'Ivoire, which

u have been affected by the influx of Liberian refugees.

5 (b) Availability of Furds.--Amounts appropriated urder

6 this section are authorized to remain available until

7 September 30, 1992.

8 SEC. 5. EMERGENCY FOOP ASSISTANCE FOR LIBERIA.

9 (a) Authorization of Assistance.--The President is

10 authorized to provide supplemental emergency food assistance

11 for civilian victims rf civil strife it Liberia, including

12 additional emergency food assistance (primarily rice,

13 processed foods, and oils) for the needs of the affected and

14 displaced civilian porulation of Liberia through title II

15 A" Food for Peace") programs and to provide ocean and inland

16 transport of such food suorlies.

17 (b) Use of Grants.--In Providing assistance authorized by

18 this sectiuii, the President is authorized to make grants to

19 United States, international, and indigenous private and

20 voluntary organizations as may be necessary to carry out the

21 provisions of this section.

22 (c) Transfers and General Authorities.- -

23 (1) Authorization cf appropriations.--In addition to

24 the amounts otherwise available fcr such purpose, there

25 are authorized to be appropriated tc the President

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RYN91 .076 S.I.C. 6

1 $27,000,000 for fiscal year 1991 fcr use in providing

2 assistance under this section.

3 (2) Management support activities.--The PresidEnt is

4 authorized to transfer up to $500,000 of the amount

5 appropriated pursuant to this section, to the "OpErating

6 Expenses of the Anency for International Development"

7 account, which amount shall be used for management

8 support activitieF associated with the planning,

9 monitoring, and sunervisiol of emergency food assistance

10 for Liberia.

11 (3) Availability of funds.--Amcunts appropriated

12 under this section ere eJtnorized to remain availatle

13 until September 3P, 1992.

(d) Additional Funds fcr Humanitarian Assistance fcr

15 Liberia.--It is the sense cf Congress that, in order tc

16 provide additional resources for relief, rehabilitation, and

17 reconstruction programs fcr victims of civil strife in

16 Liberia, not less than 512,000,009 of the local currencies

19 generated and available under provisions of title II of the

20 Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1!54

21 (the **Food for Peace" program) during fiscal year 1951

22 should be made available fcr disaster assistance purposes

23 authorized by section 495L(D) of the Foreign AssistancE Act

24 of 1961, as added by this Act. Such funds should be available

25 for general relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction

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RYN91 .076 S.I.C.

1 purposes and may include tra provision cr transport of

2 emergency food assistance. Such assistance should be

3 administered by the Agency for International Development.

4 SEC. 6. GENERAL PROVISTONs.

5 (a) Nonapplicability of Provision.--The assistance

6 authorized for Liberia by this Act may be provided without

7 regard to section 518 of tra Foreign Orerations, Export

8 Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 19S0

9 (Public Law 101-167), section 620(Q) of the Foreign

10 Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2370(0) (the so- called

11 Brooke-Alexander amendment), or any sirilar provision cf the

12 law relating to foreion assistance repayments.

13 (b) Regular Assistance Programs to be Maintained. -- Relief

14 and rehabilitation assistar:a provided for Liberia under this

15 Act, or any amendment made Dy this Act, is in addition to the

16 regularly programmed assistance for that country for fiscal

17 year 1991 under chapter 1 cf the Foreign Assistance Act of

10 1961 (relating to develoomeht assistance) 'and titles 1, 11,

19 and III of the Agricultural Trade Development Assistance Act

20 of 1954 (relating to food assistance).

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APPENDIX B

THE EXECUTIVE MANSION °CC Or THE PRESIDENT MONROVIA, LIBERIA

April 30, 1990

Dear Honourable Kennedy:

This letter comes to you and through you to the

American people in the light of the Nimba crisis which

has persisted for a little over four months.

Liberia, founded in 1822 was virtually a one-party

State until 1980. It was in an attempt to broaden the

base of political participation and rectify social and

economic anomalies of that time that the Military in

Liberia initiated the April 12, 1980, Revolution. This

act did not only put an end to the century-old hegemony

of one sector of the population, it also set the pace for

multi-ethnic involvement in the administration of this

Republic.

Honourable Edward Kennedy Senator United States Congress Washington D.C. U.S.A.

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LIBERIA: RELIEF AND RECONSTRUCTION

A Staff Report

Prepared for the Use of the

Subcommittee on immigration and Refugee Affairs

of the

Committee on the Judiciary United States Senate

One Hundred and Second Congress

First Session

February 11, 1991

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COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

JOSEPH R. EIDEN, JR., Delaware. Chairman EDWARD H KENNEDY, Massachusetts STROM THURMOND. South Carolina HOWARD M. METZENBAUSI, Ohio ORRIN G. HATCH. Utah DENNIS DECONCINI, Arizona ALAN K. SIMPSON. W2,oming PATRICK J LEAHY, Vermont CHARLES E GRASSLEY, loon HOWELL HEFLIN, Alabama ARLEN SPECTER. Pennseania PAUL SIMON. Illinois GORDON J. HUMPHREY, New Hampshire HERBERT KOHL, Wisconsin MARK H GrTENSTEIN, Chief Counsel DIANA HUFFMAN, Stoll Director TERRY L. WOOTEN, Minority Chief Counsel and Staff Director

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND REFUGEE AFFAIRS

EDWARD M. KENNEDY. Massachusetts. Chairman PAUL SIMON, Illinois ALAN K SIMPSON, Wyoming Jrnar TINRER, Staff Dirrictor CAROLYN P. Osounin, Chief Counsel RICHARD W. DAY, Minority Counsel

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Tittle of Contents

Foreword

Summary of Findings and Recommendations

Liberia Today

A. The War

B. Refugees

Genesis of the Problem A. Background

B. The Economy

Policy Issues

Refugee Assistance

International Efforts A. Overview B. Situation in Guinea C. Situation in the Cote d'Ivoire D, Situation in Sierra Leone E. Situation in Other West African Nations

Humanitarian Needs A. Human Rights Abuses B. Refugee Status for Liberians

'VIII. Conclusion

Appendices:

A, Text of The Liberian Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Bill

B. April 30, 1990 letter from the late President Doe to Senator Edward M. Kennedy

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FOREWORD

By Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Chairman Subcommittee on Immigration and Refugee Affairs

While America and the world have remained understandably

preoccupied with the war in the Persian Gulf, problems in other

areas have been pushed aside and largely ignored. Yet, their

urgency and humanitarian needs have not been diminished by the

lack of attention. If anything, it is to the contrary.

The civil conflict in Liberia -- and the massive relief and

rehabilitation needs that have emerged in its wake -- is a case

in point. For over a year, Liberia has been at war with itself,

creating in per capita terms one of the world's largest refugee

flows with all the accompanying relief and medical needs of an

impoverished and displaced population. Out of an estimated

population of 2,500,000 Liberians, more than 1,200,000 have been

displaced from their lands and homes. The country is devastated,

and famine threatens unless continued food supplies are received

well into the coming year.

The United States, as the single largest donor of

humanitarian assistance, has given generously but cannot be

expected to fund the entire relief effort alone. Liberia

requires a massive infusion of resources to rehabilitate its

decimated economy and restore its stability. Sadly, the crisis

there has been largely ignored by the rest of the world. Liberia

clearly deserves priority attention by the international

community as well as the traditional donors.

In order to bring some greater understanding to the crisis

in Liberia, and to inform the Congress on what more needs to be

done to assist the people of Liberia -- with whom we have had

such a long, historic association -- I asked the staff of the

Subcommittee to monitor closely, and to report upon current

developments in Liberia. With the special assistance of Ms. Toni

Marwitz, a Pearson Fellow with the Subcommittee who has field.

experience in Liberia, the following report was prepared for the

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Subcommittee,

Clearly, much more needs to be done to assist the people of

Liberia as they recover from long months of civil war. It is our

hope that this staff report will promote a better understanding

of the urgent relief and rehabilitation needs of Liberia, and the

role the United States can and should play in meeting those

needs.

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Itakeleir \ .1

aiKtfier set le

Poynesville albs!

- County boundary' * National capital County seal

Railroad - Road 'Internal boundsnes shown do not reflect the addnon of i!VC,7 count. woe 1984

25 60 kiiometsre

Base 8006381A02839, 5.87

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SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Liberia

o Nearly half of Liberia's population are now refugees or

displaced persons from their homes and lands. Over 1.2 million

have fled from the civil conflict and are in urgent need of

assistance. Although the United States has led the way,

contributing $127.2 million to date, much more needs to be done- -

and greater support sought from other international donors (who

have contributed only $44.1 million thus far).

o By all estimates, an equal amount of emergency relief

assistance will be required over the coming year, particularly

sustained food shipments. The agricultural sector of Liberia's

economy has been totally disrupted by the conflict in the

countryside, and with a severe shortage of seeds, an entire crop-

cycle will likely be missed, leaving Liberians totally dependent

upon outside food support, particularly rice, their staple

product. The United States must be prepared to increase P.L. 480

Food for Peace shipments in the coming year.

o Although longer-term assistance needs are still to be

determined, the Congress should enact legislation, such as "The

Liberian Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Act of 1991"

to give more adequate authority, and greater urgency, to U.S.

programs of assistance.

o The United Nations should appoint a regional coordinator for

the Liberian relief effort, who has both the stature as an

international diplomat as well as experience in international

relief operations. There is an urgent need for greater

coordination of international assistance within Liberia as well

as in the neighboring countries impacted by tens of thousands of

refugees.

o To support the return of a democratically elected government

in Liberia, the United States must continue to support regional

efforts to secure a ceasefire and to implement a plan for the

return of civilian control and the preparation for

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internationally supervised elections. These efforts at political reform cannot be accomplished, however, without economic

assistance to rebuild the social and productive infrastructure of

war-torn Liberia.

o While efforts to restore stability are under way, the U.S.

Attorney General should exercise his new authority, under the

terms of the Immigration Act of 1990, to grant temporary haven

("temporary protected status") to Liberians now in the United

States.

LIBERIA TODAY

The War

Civil war erupted in Liberia on December 24, 1989 when a

small group of insurgents led by Charles Taylor crossed the

border from the Cote d'Ivoire and seized government installations

and villages in Nimba County. Attempts by the Liberian armed

forces to oust them were initially successful, but after months

of fighting the rebel forces gained control of the rest of the

country. The Liberian army conducted an extremely brutal

counterinsurgency operation in the area, destroying villages and

exterminating members of rival ethnic groups.

The atrocities committed by the Liberian armed forces

prompted many villagers to align themselves with the rebels.

Among the recruits were orphaned children from Nimba County, who

themselves became guerrilla fighters. The rebel forces resorted

to bloody retaliation against members of the Krahn tribe as

revenge for abuses committed by the late President Samuel K.

Doe's own people during a coup attempt in 1985 and in the early

months of 1990. The insurgency rapidly deteriorated into tribal

warfare. It is estimated that as many as 13,000 people were

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killed in the fighting.'

As the rebel force increased in size, its leadership

splintered into two factions: the National Patriotic Front of

Liberia (NPFL) headed by Charles Taylor and the Independent

National Patriotic Front of Liberia (INPFL) led by Prince

Johnson. These forces were opposed by remnants of the Armed

Forces of Liberia (AFL).

In early September 1990, President Samuel K. Doe was

captured in the port of Liberia and tortured to death by Prince

Johnson's men. After his execution, the AFL fought desperately

in the streets of Monrovia in an effort to cling to power. They

burned and destroyed parts of the city.

A five-nation military force from the Economic Community of

West Africa (ECOWAS) comprised of troops from Nigeria, Sierra

Leone, The Gambia, and Ghana has been in Liberia since late

summer. While purportedly a peacekeeping contingent, soldiers

from this force known as the Economic Community Monitoring Group

(ECOMOG) have mortared some civilian areas of Monrovia and its

suburbs, and bombed the port of Buchanan. They are reputed to

have committed other abuses against civilians, such as looting

and pillaging.2 Nonetheless, ECOMOG has played a valuable role

in restoring stability to the country through the maintenance of

the cease-fire which became effective on November 27, 1990.

Recently an Interim Government of National Unity (IGNU)

headed by Amos Sawyer was installed in Monrovia, the capital

city. Backed by ECOMOG, the interim government is attempting to

impose security and revitalize the economy. Charles Taylor

refused to recognize the interim government, but Prince Johnson

gave it his strong support.

'Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance, U.S. Agency for International Development, December 1990.

2News from Africa Watch, October 26, 1990.

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On January 19, 1991, the two rebel leaders reached a

settlement that laid the groundwork for the formation of a government of national unity. However, Johnson has jeopardized the interim government by demanding the resignation of Amos Sawyer. Given the unpredictable nature of both Johnson and Taylor, the future of this accord is very much in doubt.

Refugees

Civil strife in Liberia has resulted in the largest per capita displacement of refugees of any country in the world today. More than 1.28 million persons (out of an estimated population of 2.5 million) have been displaced from their homes; as many as 730,000 fled to other West African countries, while the number of internally displaced persons requiring assistance is estimated at 1.2 million. Relief efforts were frustrated by the security situation until late December. The atmosphere continues to -improve, however, as the ceasefire holds. The increasing numbers of Liberians who have gravitated to Monrovia seeking safety, food and shelter have placed extraordinary strains on existing relief capabilities. The international donors are currently examining ways to deal with the influx of newly arrived Liberians. Liberians have formed voluntary relief groups in the U.S. and in their native country, which have been very active in humanitarian activities. For example, representatives of the Washington-based Liberian Coalition for Relief, Resettlement and

Reconstruction (LICORE) recently completed a visit to Liberia and Sierra Leone to provide medical, dental and social services to refugees. Two additional voluntary relief agencies (Oxfam and Lutheran World Federation) arrived in Liberia on January 11 to assess the situation for future humanitarian assistance. Nonetheless, relief supplies remain in short supply, and

logistical problems are pervasive. It has been next to impossible to supply internally displaced Liberians behind the

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lines. The rice stockpiles in the capital are seriously

depleted, and food shipments are erratic at best. Much more

international assistance is needed to provide urgently needed

food, shelter, transportation and medical care. A massive

support effort will be necessary to restore the economy and to

reestablish security.

A unique aspect of the Liberian refugee situation is that

there are no refugee camps outside its borders. Many refugees

are being helped by the inhabitants of neighboring countries who

themselves are living in impoverished conditions. These

villagers were the sole source of help for Liberian refugees

until relief supplies finally started to arrive months later.

Since these foodstuffs are distributed only to the refugees,

those who provided help earlier in the hope of being compensated,

are now themselves in dire need.

While the problem is equally acute in Sierra Leone and the

Cote d'Ivoire, a recent UNDRO appeal to replenish the food

supplies of villagers in Guinea has been largely ignored. The

international community should provide compensatory food

assistance to all three countries.

GENESIS OF THE PROBLEM

Background

The United States and Liberia have had a longstanding

relationship dating back to the country's founding in 1822 as a

refuge for former American slaves. A series of white governors

appointed by the American Colonization Society ruled Liberia

until 1847, when the Republic of Liberia declared its independence.

Although Liberia's unofficial colonial status was short-

lived, it remained an economic dependency of the United States.

Trade between the Liberia and the United States cemented a link

with the "Mother Country" as the settlers sought American food

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and goods through a maritime relationship. Cultural and economic

ties remained strong. Liberia was an anomaly in Africa, as its

dependence on the United States was perpetuated by its failure to

join any African free-trade association or regional

organization .3

For most of its history, Liberia was under the political

control of the Americo-Liberians, as the descendants of the

original colonizers became known. For many decades, the Americo-

Liberians controlled only a narrow strip along the coast, while

the interior tribal areas remained desperately poor and

neglected. This minority government (representing only 5 percent

of the population) was elitist. It created a class society that

limited government appointments almost exclusively to its

members.

The Americo-Liberians dominated the economy and monopolized

its resources until 1980, when they were deposed in a bloody

military coup. The ruling class oppressed and exploited the

indigenous Africans, and at times virtually enslaved them as

indentured workers. A League of Nations inquiry confirmed that

young men from the interior were hunted down and shipped off in

Spanish and German ships, primarily to the island of Fernando Po,

while others were conscripted for forced labor within Liberia

itself.' William Tubman, who served as president from 1944

until 1971, was well aware of the political and economic

disparities in Liberian society, but his so-called "unification

policy" was unification in name only.5 After his death,

President William Tolbert attempted to reverse the policy of

excluding tribal people from positions of power. This lessening

of constraints is viewed by some experts as hastening Tolbert's

3Africa: The People and Politics of an Emerging Continent by Sanford J. Ungar, published 1966 to Simon and Schuster, Inc.; page 95,

'Ibid.

5Ibid.

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own demise.

Liberia soon began to experience labor disputes and other

political troubles. The repressed frustrations of the African

majority, caused by years of political exclusion and limited

participation in the country's economic life, surfaced during

1979 in the form of massive civil disturbances commonly referred

to as the rice riots. The riots, sparked by large scale popular

dissatisfaction with the Government's announced intention to

raise the price of rice, resulted in more than $50.0 million

worth of damage and represented the first spontaneous nationwide

challenge to Americo-Liberian rule.

These developments brought Liberia's historical stability

into question for the first time, and sent considerable shock

waves through the ruling elite and foreign investors. When the

Government rescinded its announced price increase and released

most of the demonstrators, the country returned to normal on the

surface, but the underlying dissatisfaction of the population

remained. Despite these warnings that all was not well, the

Liberian government virtually ignored the need for political and

economic reform.

On April 12, 1980, a small group of disaffected and

uneducated non-commissioned officers led by Master Sergeant

Samuel Kanyon Doe overthrew the government and deposed the

Americo-Liberian dynasty. Doe and his men murdered President

Tolbert in his private quarters, and later conducted a grisly

public execution of government ministers on the beach behind the

Executive Mansion.

With the takeover of the government by Doe and his fellow

soldiers -- most from the Krahn tribe -- tribal forces were

unleashed. Samuel Doe declared himself Commander-in-Chief and

chairman of the People's Redemption Council. As Doe's power

grew, he rewarded his own people with economic and educational

opportunities unavailable to others. He placed fellow Krohn in

positions of power in the army and surrounded himself with Krahn

henchmen. Doe also encouraged egregious abuses against civilians

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by Krahn military and police.

The coup was followed by a period of confusion and considerable economic, political and administrative turmoil which

occasionally bordered on anarchy as undisciplined troops left their barracks and took to the streets. The soldiers harassed businessmen, confiscated property and extorted money in an effort

to avenge themselves against the ousted Americo-Liberians.' These abuses along with the government's corruption and mismanagement prompted several attempts by former Doe supporters

to overthrow him. There was a failed counter-coup in 1981 in

which Doe had five of his former close associates executed. At

least two coup plots in 1984 were nipped in the bud, but resulted

in the arrest and execution of some of the plotters. The 1985

failed coup attempt led by one of his former generals (described

later in this paper) deterioriated into ethnic violence.

Subsequent attempts to oust the Doe government were equally unsuccessful.

The confusion and dislocation that followed the coup was an

unsettling experience from the standpoint of the United States which made every effort to assist the People's Redemption

Council, as the new Government was called, in coming to grips with its new responsibilities. The disturbing nature of the coup's aftermath was considerably heightened by the visit of

Muammar Qadhafi in response to a government invitation, and the

potential threat he represented to U.S.-Liberian relations and

important U.S. facilities. This was also the time when major

economic and financial problems arising from the policies of the

previous government began to surface. U.S.-Liberian relations since the 1980 coup revolved

largely around U.S. efforts to marshal' the financial resources

needed to deal with a long series of economic, managerial and

political crises. The U.S. attitude towards the Liberian

'Pierre Etienne Destert, Africa 1990, "The World Today Series", August 1990.

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government during the past decade was predicated on protecting

U.S. strategic interests and investments. This led to the

government's continued support of Samuel Doe despite his human

rights abuses and flagrant corruption.

Doe's attempts to achieve legitimacy as a constitutionally-

elected president disregarded completely all democratic norms.

The leaders of the coup had promised to return the country to

civilian rule, presumably through a fair and democratic process.

While the Government was eventually returned to "civilian"

control, this was achieved through a flawed electoral process

that violated recently enacted election laws and the new constitution.

Doe's manipulation of the election process and suppression

of opposition leaders resulted in many human rights abuses.

Peaceful student demonstrations erupted into violence in 1984

after the arrest of Amos Sawyer, the principal drafter of the new

Constitution and a University of Liberia professor. Many

university students were injured and others killed as

uncontrolled troops fired into the crowds. Soon thereafter the

troops went on a rampage, beating and raping students on campus.

Doe's handling of the opposition press was equally repressive,

resulting in the arrest and detention of newspaper editors and

the closing down of independent newspapers. He also banned

periodicals such as The Economist, Newsweek and Time which were

critical of his regime.

A "Special Elections Commission" was created by Doe to

supervise national elections. Had it not been for opposition by

certain U.S. Embassy staff, the U.S. would have provided more

than $1.5 million in assistance to the commission. The

commission departed from democratic principles by refusing to

certify many of the opposition parties and silencing independent

politicians by throwing them in prison for dissemination of

"rumors, lies, and disinformation ".'

7Ungar, p. 117.

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By most accounts the October 1985 election was fair and

honest, but the vote count which took place out of sight of impartial observers was clearly rigged by Doe's supporters. The long-promised return to democracy was achieved by fraudulent means.

In November 1985, two months after the national election, a former commanding general of the Liberian armed forces led an

aborted coup attempt. This failed coup attempt was a clear reaction to the rigged election. General Thomas Quiwonkpa, one

of the 1980 coup plotters and himself a member of the Gio tribe,

had the full support of the Mano and Gio people of Nimba County. After he was captured and killed by Doe's forces, the Krahn

sought to exterminate the general's supporters. While the total numbers were never reported, hundreds were rumored to have been

slaughtered by the Armed Forces of Liberia and buried in common

graves. Hatreds festered until they exploded in the year-long

civil war of 1990.

The Economy

Until 1980, Liberia had been one of the most stable

countries in Africa. This stability, coupled with Liberia's

traditional friendship toward the United States, made it a safe and attractive haven for American investment and U.S. government facilities. The United States has historically been the largest investor

and major trading partner of Liberia. More than 5,000 American

citizens lived and worked there prior to the civil war. Major

investments such as the Firestone Company provided temporary

relief from a fiscal crisis in the 1920's.8 During World War

II, the United States' need for natural rubber was so great that

a Destert. p. 57.

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there was a virtual occupation of Liberia.9 Firestone operated

the largest rubber plantation in the world until it was overrun

by hostile forces in the summer of 1990.

During the 1950s, several mining companies, some with

substantial U.S. interests at the time, became the largest foreign exchange earners in the economy. These and other enterprises represented the fifth largest concentration of

private U.S. investment (estimated in 1987 to equal somewhat less

than $300 million) in sub-Saharan Africa.

The U.S. military built the port of Monrovia during the

Second World War to facilitate shipping of raw materials, and

also constructed the international airport at Robertsfield. In the post-war period, free and unimpeded U.S. access to the port

and airport and the need to protect private U.S. investment were

considered important to the overall strategic interests of the United States. Between 1962 and 1980, Liberia's growing strategic

importance was underscored by the establishment of major Voice of

America transmitting facilities, a long-range aid to navigation

(OMEGA) station, and important diplomatic telecommunications facilities near Monrovia. These properties were burned and looted during the insurrection, and their gasoline supplies

stolen. Their destruction was almost total. Given the major

investment necessary to restore the facilities, it is doubtful

that any of these operations will ever be resumed.

The country enjoyed a brief period of economic boom after

World II as foreign investors started to exploit Liberia's iron

ore resources. During the Tubman era, the government created

unusually favorable conditions for foreign investors. This period of stability continued until the Doe regime, when the

economy quickly slid into a state of disarray.

Despite rapid economic growth stimulated by exports and

substantial U.S. economic assistance, Liberia experienced very

9 Ungar, p. 102.

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little development. This was due in large part to the structure

of the economy and the vast gulf that separated the urban Western-oriented Americo-Liberian elite from the rural and

largely tribal indigenous population. In practical terms, this separation translated into extremely limited indigenous

participation in the economic and political life of their country.

During normal times Liberia's traditional economy is based

on subsistence agriculture, which accounts for about 90% of all

agricultural households. Production in this sector is centered

on rice, cassava and other food crops, with occasional sale of

surpluses. Coffee, cocoa and palm kernels are produced almost

exclusively for export. Rice is the staple food and is grown by

almost all agricultural households.

The monetary economy can best be characterized as a free enterprise system, although the Liberian government exerted considerable influence through tax and expenditure policies and

the ownership of twenty-two public corporations. The private sector was divided into two subsectors: the concessions and the non-concessions. The concessions were foreign enclaves with

limited linkages to the local economy. In terms of contributions to the Liberian Gross Domestic Product, employment and export

earnings, the concessions were by far the largest elements of the economy. The non-concession subsector was dominated by resident foreigners, predominantly Lebanese and Indians. Numerically, and

in terms of influence, the Liberians tended to be on the fringes

of their own economy.

The corruption and mismanagement of the economy by the Doe

government prompted additional capital flight. Approximately $30

million in capital left the country after the coup in 1980,10

and the economy had shrunk about 20% between 1985 and the

wUngar, p. 108.

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beginning of the civil war." Large American companies such as Pan American Airlines and Chase Manhattan Bank closed their

operations in Liberia in 1987. Other problems such as the

decline in world iron ore prices caused LIMCO (formerly LAMCO), the expatriate mining company, to phase out its activities. The Liberian monetary system was largely debased during the

1980s because of the infusion of large quantities of Liberian coins. This resulted in moving Liberia off the dollar standard

since Liberian coins were convertible only at a discount on the

black market. The infusion of coins increased the shortage of

foreign exchange, caused an almost 60% depreciation of the Liberian dollar and generated dramatic price increases. Despite

the infusion of new coins, the economy continued to experience a major liquidity crisis. The Lebanese and Indian merchant class

found it almost impossible to purchase goods and supplies overseas with this useless currency, and fled to other countries where they also maintained operations.

Liberia was faced with a severe growth and debt crisis. The government's inability or unwillingness to pursue the policy reforms needed to reestablish private sector and external

confidence virtually halted the flow of private and public investments. The Liberian government's failure to reform the

policies and operations of the public sector contributed to increasing budget deficits and resulting pressures on productive elements of the economy. This in turn led to an escalating loss in business confidence, capital flight, disinvestment, liquidity crises, rapidly rising prices, severe foreign exchange shortages,

and the swift deterioration of most Government social services.

These factors combined with Liberia's inability to maintain a

trade balance and a worldwide recession brought the economy to the brink of collapse. As the country faced economic disaster,

its standard of living declined as well, exacerbating the

"Ibid., p. 57.

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conditions which brought about the 1980 coup.12

After Doe's overthrow of the Tolbert government, U.S. economic assistance increased rapidly, becoming the largest per

capita program in Sub-Saharan Africa. Although the level of

economic assistance was declining worldwide, the U.S. government committed more than $500 million in economic assistance funds to

the Liberian government. Much of this amount did not benefit Liberia directly but was used to pay the debts it owed to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

The concentration of aid appeared to have been highly

successful in protecting U.S. strategic interests over the short

term, but it was considerably less successful in eliciting

lasting economic policy reform. This large infusion of economic

assistance had little more than a marginal impact on Liberia's economic and financial crisis.

The Administration continued to support the Doe government despite its obvious corruption and continuing human rights

abuses. In January 1986, when Doe was sworn in as President,

the U.S. publicly stated it was lending its full support to the

new president. A senior State Department official in Liberia for

the inaugural ceremonies promised to provide an additional $42 million in assistance for fiscal year 1987 citing progress toward

democracy as his rationale.I3 In a subsequent visit by then-

Secretary of State George Shultz, the U.S. praised President Doe

not only for his strides toward a democratic process but for

progress on the human rights front as well.

In 1986, a GAO report substantiated large-scale irregularities and independent observers judged the election to have been fraudulent. Congress substantially reduced U.S.

assistance in reaction to these findings. The Administration did not push to restore economic assistance, finally conceding that

flIbid., p. 57.

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was Liberia's official currency. In addition, Liberia's federal code which was drafted by American law professors parallels the U.S. code. U.S. and Liberian officials have long referred to the "special relationship" which exists between the two countries. Its historical commitment to Liberia notwithstanding, the

U.S. government has chosen a cautious approach to addressing the present conflict. The policy has been to remain neutral and permit the Liberian people to solve their own problems. The American Embassy in Monrovia pushed for an interim government involving neither Doe nor Taylor, while deferring to the West African Economic Community to restore peace. No clear leader emerged, however, and the U.S. was unwilling to back one candidate over another. The ECOWAS mediation process was frustrated by two intransigent personalities. Charles Taylor refused to attend mediation sessions held in Sierra Leone and The Gambia and vowed to fight the peacekeeping forces, claiming that ECOWAS was in fact trying to prop up the Doe government. Taylor threatened to

.execute a number of Nigerian hostages in October in an effort to force ECOWAS' withdrawal.' Samuel Doe's unrealistic demands before he would consider stepping down dragged out the attempts by the U.S. government to create an interim government. He deluded himself into believing he would be rescued by ECOWAS and

demanded that he be awarded a scholarship to Oxford or Cambridge

before agreeing to depart Liberia in order to spend a "genteel,

scholarly life in exile."16 The Gulf Crisis has clearly diverted attention from other trouble spots in the world. Nevertheless, the Administration's

policy predates developments in the Persian Gulf. The

Administation's policy of minimal involvement, which predated developments in the Persian Gulf, and the apparent lack of U.S.

15New York Times International, February 5, 1991, pg. A9.

16The London Sunday Times, August 26, 1990.

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diplomatic initiatives to resolve the conflict has been a major

disappointment to most West Africans. Many Liberians feel abandoned by their long-time ally and

friend, which elected not to play an active role as a peacemaker

until late in the conflict. Liberians viewed the "special

relationship" between the U.S. and their country as justification for military intervention. They felt betrayed when the

Administration sent in 245 Marines to rescue American citizens

and fortify the Embassy, but failed to take sides in the fighting.°

It is difficult for Liberians to accept the argument that

the U.S. had nothing to gain and much to lose by committing its forces for any other purpose than protecting American citizens and installations. Liberians frequently overlook the fact that

there was no single group to support or to fight, and the loss of American lives that would have resulted from trying to end

internal fighting would have made U.S. intervention extremely

unpopular at home.

It was nine months after the onset of the civil war before

Herman Cohen, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs,

travelled to Liberia to negotiate a ceasefire. Emergency food

supplies did not start arriving in Liberia until September 1990.

Had the U.S. adopted a more active role in resolving the crisis

or stepped in sooner with relief supplies, the refugee situation

might not have become so desperate.

The United Nations was also reluctant to involve itself as a

peace-maker as its policy is to let the affected nations resolve their own differences. Due to the initial inability of ECOWAS to

obtain a cease-fire and move toward a settlement, the U.N. took

no action. An urgent appeal by a coalition of Liberian

organizations in the United States to the U.N. Secretary General

to involve the Security Council in the crisis went unanswered.

The Administration also called for a U.N. peacekeeping force.

17The New York Times International, August 31, 1990. p. A10.

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The United Nations not only declined to dispatch troops to

Liberia but also failed to designate a special representative to

promote a political resolution and to complement U.N. Liberian

relief efforts.18 The appointment of a top-level diplomat to facilitate the international aid effort and to break the bureaucratic and diplomatic logjams which frustrated much of the relief would have prevented many of the problems Liberians refugees face today.

One of the tragic consequences of the civil war was the separation of families. An unfortunate policy decision by the State Department contributed to this problem when voluntary

evacuation of official dependents and U.S. citizens began. Only

one parent was permitted to accompany a child born in the U.S. on the evacuation flights, leaving other families behind. When the

evacuation of U.S. citizens was undertaken later in the Persian

Gulf area, all members of a family unit were permitted to be repatriated. This caused many Liberians to suspect the

Administration of discriminatory policies. This situation was compounded when family members in Liberia or other West African countries sought to obtain visas to be reunited with their relatives who were temporarily in the U.S. Most were denied visas on the assumption that they intended to remain in the United States. The decision to process Liberian

citizens as refugees was not made until September 1990, following consultations with Congress.

In late January 1990, as reports of abuses by the Liberian army grew, it was revealed that two U.S. military advisors had

accompanied Doe's troops to Nimba County to advise Liberian military commanders on "matters pertaining to discipline". Likewise, U.S. military advisors were seen in the company of AFL

soldiers during the 1985 coup attempt. The presence of these advisors bred suspicion among many Liberians that the U.S.

'8'Liberia Refugees and Relief", a report by Refugees International, October 17, 1990.

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officials actually advised the Liberian army on how to crush a

rebellion. In the eyes of many Liberian people, the U.S. military mission in Liberia was linked to the army's brutal

repression of the insurgents and its vicious rampage against

residents of Nimba County.

REFUGEE ASSISTANCE

The United States is the largest donor of humanitarian

relief to the Liberian people, but much more assistance is needed. Contributions from other nations have been minimal, and

response from U.N. organizations and the International Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies has been

disappointing as wel1.19

Coordination of the feeding effort by UNHCR has been inadequate and lacked direction. A UNHCR coordinator arrived in Monrovia for the first time in January 1991. The relief effort overwhelmed permanent staff, and was handled almost exclusively by temporary staff until recently. Insufficient food supplies

were arriving in the refugee villages in neighboring countries and the food baskets contained little protein. Human rights

advocates identified a need to improve coordination among the UN agencies involved in relief to the host countries. Increased

food shipments to Liberia are a dire necessity, as malnutrition is pervasive and people are dying of starvation there. A delegation led by Congressmen Howard Wolpe and Donald

Payne visited West Africa in December 1990. They observed during their visit to Liberia that conditions in Monrovia were

appalling. According to a New York Times article of December 9,

80 percent of the children in Monrovia were severely malnourished. Monrovia has lacked food, water and electricity for months. Without an adequate drinking water supply, there

19"Liberia: A Human Rights Disaster", News from Africa . Watch, October 26, 1990.

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have been outbreaks of cholera, diarrhea, and other related illnesses.

The Wolpe delegation confirmed the reports of malnutrition and stated that cases of starvation are becoming apparent. They concluded that the acute food shortage which exists in the

capital is the result of lack of responsiveness from the international community other than the United States. This

inadequate supply of relief food has contributed significantly to

the suffering of the people. The congressional delegation urged

immediate legislative response to the Liberian crisis. Although food shipments to the four countries affected by

the crisis are insufficient, in the countries bordering Liberia

the population at least has access to commercial food supplies or

locally grown food reserves to cushion the impact. It is therefore imperative that the World Food Program increase its

commitments to resolve the acute food shortage in Liberia. Additionally, the Administration must make every effort to elicit increased support from Japan and the Economic Community nations. Commercial cargo operations to Monrovia resumed on December

B, when the Spriggs Payne Airport reopened. This small airport,

which is located in the suburb of Paynesville, can handle flights from neighboring countries only. A $479,000 grant by the Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance to Airsery International has

facilitated airlift support of relief supplies by private voluntary organizations and non-government organizations working

in Liberia.

The return of refugees from neighboring countries promises

to be a slow and arduous process. While some Liberians have returned from the Cote d'Ivoire, few are willing to be

repatriated to their homeland at this stage. Before Liberians can be reintegrated into society, there must be guaranteed food

and water supplies, minimal medical care, and adequate shelter. Any newly elected government must be able to demonstrate that

stability has been restored to Liberia before the refugees will

return home, as they fear continued atrocities and the threat of

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famine.

INTERNATIONAL EFFORTS

The U.S. government has led the relief effort in Liberia.

As of mid-December 1990, U.S. assistance consisted of a total of about $72.6 million, including in-kind assistance and embassy contributions.

In the fall of 1990, U.S. AID/Food for Peace approved a

Title II emergency food request for Liberia. To date, a total of

168,557 metric tons of rice and 22,459 metric tons of processed

foods have been authorized in support of the Liberia emergency.

As of the end of January, 83,339 metric tons of Title II food aid had been shipped to the region. An additional 15,000 metric tons

of rice stockpiled in Cote d'Ivoire were recently borrowed for immediate use. Another 26,038 metric tons have been purchased and are being forwarded for immediate shipment to the region. On

January 9, 1991, the Administration announced the release of an

addition $2.6 million in economic support funds earmarked for ECOWAS, and $6.0 million from the President's Emergency Refugee Migration Assistance (ERMA) funds for relief efforts in Guinea, Cote d'Ivoire and Sierra Leone. U.S. private agencies have donated almost $1.8 million. The Liberian Agricultural Company (LAC), an American-owned rubber plantation in Liberia, has provided assistance to thousands of

impacted civilians and offered shelter to many displaced persons.

Other private voluntary agencies such as the American Red Cross, CARE, CRS, Lutheran World Relief, Medical Assistance Programs International, and World Relief have made significant donations

to the relief effort.

In addition to this assistance, there are eight major relief

organizations working in Liberia today. They are the United

Nations Development Programs (UNDP), United Nations Childrens

Fund (UNICEF), World Food Program (WFP), United Nations

Development. Relief Organization (UNDRO), Medicins sans Frontieres

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(MSF), Catholic Relief Services (CRS), Action International

Contre La Faim (ACIKF) and Special Life Emergency Food (SELF). Oxfam and Lutheran World Federation, the largest arrivals, are studying future assistance needs.

A number of voluntary relief groups formed by Liberians and

friends of Liberia in the U.S. have assumed a very active role

in the relief effort. These include the Christian Health

Association of Liberia (CHAL); the Liberian Coalition for Relief, Resettlement and Reconstruction; the Interfaith Refugee

Organization of Liberia; and the Liberian Committee for Relief

Resettlement and Reconstruction (LICORE). The lives of many

Liberians have been saved thanks to the efforts of the Special

Emergency Life Food (SELF) agency in Monrovia, which has

distributed rice throughout the city. Assistance provided by the international community totals

approximately $44 million. CRS in Burkina Fasso, Togo, and Sierra Leone has donated relief food supplies. The ICRC has

undertaken the feeding of displaced persons in Harbel, Liberia

and has assisted with the transport of refugees to the Ivoirian

border. It has also taken over responsibility for the Monrovia water supply and dispatched medical personnel and supplies to

that city. MSF/Belgium is continuing its efforts to provide medical and technical assistance, food distribution and

supplementary feeding to all four countries impacted by the Liberian crisis. Despite these efforts, recent reports indicate that, although malnutrition among young children has decreased,

it remains at the critical stage. In Ooctober 1990 as many as

80% of the children under age five in Monrovia were reportedly

malnourished. January 1991 estimates indicate that, while there

has been a dramatic decrease, 27% of children five or under in Monrovia are malnourished, while malnutrition in other areas for

the same age group ranges from 10% to 30%. Government donations have been channelled primarily through

UNHCR, LCRS, and ICRC. Contributions as of mid-December 1990 totalled $44,131,569. The largest donor to date has been the

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Government of the Netherlands, whose assistance now totals $4.8

million. The next largest donors are Japan and France, whose

contributions are approximately $1.5 million and $1 million respectively.

Situation in Guinea

The UNHCR estimates that there are more than 400,000

Liberian refugees in Guinea, the bulk of whom are located in the tropical forest region. These refugees have been given shelter

in 126,000 individual households, resulting in a total affected

population of 740,000. A new census is being done by UNHCR to

determine the exact number of refugee population in Guinea.

As the costs of local food and fuel soared, friction between

local villagers and the refugee population has erupted. The

local population is also resentful that food deliveries have been

restricted to refugees, with no mechanism to replace the food

supplies from which they fed the refugees for the first several

months of the crisis. In August 1990 UNDRO made a special appeal

to the international community to compensate the Guinean villagers, but the response has been very disappointing.

In addition, large numbers of Guinean nationals left Liberia

to return to their country of origin. Their presence has placed

additional strains on the Guinean economy, which was already in a precarious state.

Relief assistance in Guinea has been hampered by poor roads, made worse by the recently-completed rainy season. The logistics

of transporting relief supplies has been further hampered by the

lack of trucks. The feeding program has been largely ineffective

as the refugees were often receiving less rice than required, and

the food distributions rarely contained a full food basket. The

distributions generally lack oil, salt, vegetables, and protein sources.

After determining that the refugee situation in Guinea

constituted a disaster, the American Ambassador in Conakry

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authorized the release of relief funds last February to Medicins sans Frontieres/Belgium for the assistance of those affected by

the crisis in that country.

Situation in the Cote d'Ivoire

According to the Ivoirian government's registration figures,

there are as many as 250,000 refugees in the Danane, Guiglo and Tabou departments. The Ivoirian villagers demonstrated the same

hospitality as the Guineans by taking the refugees into their own homes and sharing their food with them until international relief

supplies arrived. While no accurate survey has been conducted to

measure the impact on the affected population, the burden of

providing for this influx of refugees has been enormous.

The government has repaired water pumps in the refugee

areas, and is working with international organizations to educate

the refugees on health-related issues. The local inhabitants and

the refugees continue to share water resources and health facilities. The Wolpe congressional delegation was satisfied

that relief officials in Cote d'Ivoire are dealing effectively

with the refugee situation. Conditions in refugee areas are reportedly satisfactory. 20 UNDRO has not yet issued an appeal for assistance to the

affected population in the Cote d'Ivoire, but it is clear that

the need to recompense the villagers for their hospitality exists

in that country as well.

The American Embassy in Abidjan has been very generous in

providing assistance. In January the Ambassador declared the

existence of a disaster in the Cote d'Ivoire, and presented

$25,000 and a vehicle to the League of Red Cross Societies. A

Department of Defense plane flew in 54,000 pounds of emergency medical supplies for the refugees. The USAID Regional Economic

Development Services Office also donated a vehicle and clothing

20OFDA Situation Report No. 15, January 26, 1991.

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to the relief effort.

Situation in Sierra Leone

The most critical need for assistance is in Sierra Leone,

where the government has informed the UNHCR that it can not

accept any additional refugees. In the early months of the civil

war great numbers of Liberians fled across the border. An additional 32,000 third country nationals also fled to Sierra

Leone to escape the brutality in Liberia. In later months, the

numbers of asylum seekers increased rapidly as refugee ships from

Monrovia began arriving in Freetown. Sierra Leone actually

turned away one of these ships.

Despite its stated reluctance to provide assistance, the

government of Sierra Leone has continued to offer asylum to Liberians fleeing civil strife. Emergency relief capabilities in the country are very limited. According to the OFDA, refugee

camps on the Sierra Leone/Liberia border lack adequate support.

Shortages of relief supplies have been reported. Additional food supplies are being sent to the affected areas by A.I.D.'s Office

of Food for Peace,21 but the situation of the refugees could become desperate without more international attention. The UNHCR estimates that approximately 126,000 Liberians

sought refuge in the Southeastern region of Sierra Leone. The

affected population in that region numbers 25,000. As a

consequence of the influx of the refugees, fuelwood prices have

risen by 50 percent while transportation fees and housing costs

have tripled. The economic burden on the host villagers has been enormous, particularly since the international agencies provided

food and medical supplies to the refugees with no assistance to

the people who housed and fed the newcomers for several months.

An appeal for assistance for the impact population in Sierra

Leone should be issued by the UN.

210FDA Situation Report No. 15, January 25, 1991.

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In August 1990 the U.S. Ambassador declared that the refugee

situation constituted a disaster, and released $25,000 to assist

the relief effort. In October, the Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance donated $25,000 to support the activities of the Sierra Leone Red Cross, and has provided additional funding

to CARE to enable a logistics expert to assist the Embassy in Freetown.

Situation in Other West African Nations

The UNHCR estimates that as many as 12,000 Liberian are

located in Ghana, Nigeria, Mali and The Gambia. In addition, an estimated 20,000 Ghanaians have returned to their native country.

As of mid-December, the numbers of refugees in Ghana was growing rapidly. The estimated 8,100 Liberian refugees and other

nationals in Ghana are housed in a camp outside Accra. The 1,000 refugees in Nigeria are receiving only minimal assistance. This

is a deliberate policy of the Nigerian government to encourage

the refugees to move elsewhere. Estimates of refugees in Mali are 1,500. A small number of Liberians have registered with the UNDP in The Gambia.

HUMANITARIAN NEEDS

Human Rights Abuses

Gross abuses against civilians by all sides in the conflict precipitated the flight of refugees into neighboring countries.

The level of violence is a heritage of Liberia's recent past, dating from the 1980 coup and subsequent attempts to overthrow the Doe government. The 1990 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices charged the Liberian government with extensive human

rights violations. As a result of Liberia's persistent lack of progress in protecting basic human rights and its failure to

implement needed economic reforms, U.S. economic assistance has

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also declined in recent years.

On March 8, 1990, Congressman Ted Weiss introduced

legislation in the House of Representatives condemning the

atrocities committed by government troops and urging President

Bush to tie future aid to Liberia to improvements in human rights

conditions there. This bill receive considerable bipartisan

support and was cosponsored by 51 congressmen. On March 29 the

bill was marked up and reported out favorably by the House

Foreign Affairs Committee; it was approved by unanimous consent

on April 24.

A similar resolution was introduced by Senator Edward M.

Kennedy on May 10, 1990. The senator urged the Administration to

lose no time in responding to the situation in Liberia. He

stressed the need to support progress toward a democratic system

that guaranteed fundamental rights of freedom and liberty, not a

military regime of repression and intolerance.

Senate Resolution 282 condemned the violence in Liberia and

called on President Bush to suspend all U.S. military assistance

until human rights conditions had improved. It specifically

prohibited U.S. military advisors from accompanying Liberian

troops fighting in counter-insurgency campaigns. The Senate

resolution urged President Doe to conduct an impartial inquiry

into human rights abuses in Nimba County and to prosecute those

individuals accused of these crimes. It also called on the

Administration to support the efforts of the United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees and other international and private

voluntary organizations to meet the urgent needs of Liberian

refugees in neighboring countries and to facilitate their

repatriation. Finally, the resolution urged the Government of

Liberia to honor its commitment to conduct elections in 1991.

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Refugee Status for Liberian Citizens

By mid-summer 1990, as many as 14,000 Liberians22 found

themselves stranded in the United States as the civil war raged

in their home country. For several months they encountered

serious difficulties in obtaining safe haven here. Even though the INS policy decision granted voluntary departure to some

Liberians, the implementation of this policy by district offices was inconsistent and inequitable. Many found themselves without

any visible means of support and subject to deportation to Liberia.

This problem continued until enactment of the Immigration

Act of 1990 on November 29. Section 302 of the Act provided

Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for aliens fleeing ongoing conflict where conditions prevent immediate return. Soon after

the date of enactment, the Department of State recommended that

Liberians be designated for this new status. On December 21, 1990, INS ruled that the extended voluntary departure policy for

Liberians would be continued, pending a decision on the

applicability of TPS status for these aliens. Liberians, along with certain other nationalities, can expect to be granted

temporary protected status soon.

Additionally in December 1990, at the express urging of this

Subcommittee, the Department of State authorized its consular

officers abroad to process Liberian refugee applicants on a

limited basis for possible resettlement in the United States.

Liberians applying for immigrant status abroad may now be

considered for humanitarian parole on a case-by-case basis when

their immigrant visa petitions are not current. U.S. Embassies

and consulates abroad were instructed to give sympathetic consideration to Liberian non-immigrant visa applicants in

22"Sanctuary for Liberian Victims", New York Times editorial of July 26, 1990.

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'countries of first asylum wishing to join relatives who are in

temporary or deferred status in the United States.

CONCLUSION

Recovery from the civil war's destruction will take years.

Liberia has been totally devastated by the war. Extraordinary

efforts are necessary to restore commercial, industrial and

agricultural enterprises which were abandoned and looted. Roads

and bridges will require extensive repairs and major investment.

The dam in Monrovia was destroyed beyond repair, so a new water

source will have to be developed. Hospitals need to be rebuilt,

beds, medical supplies and drugs will have to be replaced.

Of Liberia's pre-war population, as many as 50% have been

dislocated. The country's educated class has fled and the

educational system is practically non-existent. Liberia's

intelligentsia should be urged to return to rebuild their

country. Emphasis must be placed on restoring schools and

encouraging teachers to return to their jobs. Repatriation of

the 780,000 refugees in Guinea, Sierra Leone and the Cote

d'Ivoire should proceed as soon as possible.

Liberia enjoyed a close historical relationship to the U.S.,

with strong cultural, economic, and family ties existing between

the two countries in what is termed the "special relationship."

American prestige in Africa has suffered as a result of Liberia's

failure to achieve political stability. It is clear that for the

reasons detailed in this report, including the self-interests of

the United States in achieving its policy goals in Africa, the

United States has a moral and political imperative to come to the

aid of the Liberian people as they enter the post-war recovery

period.

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SUMMARY: The Liberian Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Act of 1991*

The Liberian Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Act of 1991 provides for a generous and comprehensive U.S. government response to Liberia's immediate and longer-term relief and recovery needs.

o The bill authorizes $45 million for disaster assistance to meet the Immediate and survival needs of the Liberian people. This money is to provide for emergency water supply systems, clothing and shelter, the movement of food, emergency health care and disease prevention, rehabilitation of schools and hospitals and the furnishings of seeds and tools to small farmers. To be administered by the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance, U.S. Agency for International Development, this assistance would largely be programmed through American and international private relief and development agencies. Emergency health care and education system rehabilitation projects would be priority targets of the program. This bill authorizes the transfer of non-utilized disaster assistance funds to AID'S Africa bureau for longer-term rehabilitation needs in Liberia, though it is clear the Immediate relief requirements in Liberia are staggering.

o $20 million is provided by the bill for the estimated 780,000 Liberians who have fled the violence in their country to surrounding nations and, as well, to the local populations adversely affected by the refugee influx. The funds provided would be available for the relief and rehabilitation of the refugees as well as assistance for repatriation efforts. Basic education projects for the Liberian children considered refugees would be encouraged under this section of the bill.

o $27 million is provided for the purchase and transport of 40,000 additional metric tons of emergency food assistance. This amount of food (mostly rice, processed foods and oils) Is required for the survival of displaced and disrupted Liberian civilians during the coming year. Additionally, $12 million in local currencies owned by the United States (generated by prior-year Food for Peace programs) is to be made available for the local transport and storage of emergency food supplies and for general relief and rehabilitation purposes.

o This bill does not provide an authorized level of appropriations for reconstruction activities in Liberia because the dimensions of such a program are not sufficiently known.

* - Prepared in consultation with the U.S. Committee for Refugees.

PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor The Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Call for Papers The Journal is pleased to invite articles for the upcoming Winter/Spring 2010 issue:

Through Sovereign Borders: Population Migrations

Globalization has opened the borders of sovereign states to population migrations unique to the 21st century. These movements have a direct impact on the economic, social and political dynamics of states, and are changing the nature of international relations. Economic opportunities, created by dismantled trade barriers, contribute to the free flow of capital and labor around the globe. How- ever, the movement of people may also exacerbate threats posed to the international order; undermine the political stability or sense of identity of established states; or even lead to state failure or the closure of state borders. The way a state defines a nation for its inhabitants, while also accommodating and integrating newcomers, is a pressing matter. This issue will address the economic, social and- political, implications of population and demographic change, seeking to explore the realities of today's heterogeneous world. The Journal welcomes submissions on topics relating to the implications of population and demographic change, such as immigration, state efforts to regulate and manage movement of peoples, national security concerns, and global population shifts.

For more information regarding submission requirements and deadlines, please visit our website: www.journalofdiplomacy.org or forward all inquiries to:

Tiffany M. Hufford Editor-in-Chief The Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Seton Hall University 400 South Orange Avenue South Orange, NJ 07079 [email protected]

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I N I I

H H 1 1 11 01 EP 0000696277

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Editor: James S. Guseh Associate Editor: Emmanuel Oritsejafor

The Liberian Studies Journal, a publication of the Liberian Studies Association, is a biennial refereed journal devoted to the publication of original research on social, political, economic, scientific, and other issues about Liberia or with implications for Liberia. The Journal is the second oldest African studies journal published continuously in the United States.

Manuscripts are accepted in English and French.

Please submit manuscripts or direct all inquiries to

The Editor Liberian Studies Journal Department of Public Administration North Carolina Central University Durham, North Carolina 27707 E-mail: j (919) 530-5201 (919) 530-7912

PUBLISHED ON BEHALF OF THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION BY THE SHERIDAN PRESS www.sheridanpress.com 1.800.352.2210

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