Restoring Solidarity: "Accountability" in Radical Leftist Subcultures
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City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2019 Restoring Solidarity: "Accountability" in Radical Leftist Subcultures Sarah M. Hanks The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3291 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] RESTORING SOLIDARITY: ‘ACCOUNTABILITY’ IN RADICAL LEFTIST SUBCULTURES by Sarah M. Hanks A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Sociology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York. 2019 © 2019 SARAH M. HANKS All Rights Reserved !ii Restoring Solidarity: ‘Accountability’ Leftist Subcultures by Sarah M. Hanks This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Sociology in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _________________ __________________________________________ Date David Brotherton Chair of Examining Committee _________________ __________________________________________ Date Lynn Chancer Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: David Brotherton Hester Eisenstein James Jasper THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK !iii ABSTRACT Restoring Solidarity: ‘Accountability’ Leftist Subcultures by Sarah M. Hanks Advisor: David Brotherton In radical left activist subcultures, ‘accountability processes’ are a form of DIY transformative justice dealing with abuse and sexual assault, focusing on the needs of the ‘survivor’ and transformation of the ‘perpetrator.’ Within activism identifying abuse is particularly difficult because it means acknowledging abuse by a person considered politically virtuous. The specifics of a process are situational and provisional. The overwhelming pattern is male identified people abusing female identified, gender non-binary, and transgender people. My research examines why activists are developing processes to address problems and whether or not they are successful. Within the subculture, the topic is important enough to hold workshops and trainings, create curriculum, spend hours of time, form groups and end communities. But the significance is not reflected in academia. I interviewed 12 activists who participated as a survivor, abuser / perpetrator, facilitator / mediator, or general support. In addition, I collected supplementary information from 121 zines to analyze experiences around sexism, consent, men’s groups, and transformative justice. The problems I found include activists' use of community-based strategies in a youth subculture, the complexity of creating flexible social institution alternatives, and the !iv development of cultural norms consistent with prefigurative politics around gender equity, especially in inevitable sexual relationships between activists. And all of these issues converge in a subculture with an unstable and mobile population, whereby activists are continuously engaging with dominant institutions and cultural practices. Activists’ argot includes reflexivity and privilege, but admitting fault and committing to change is not in our cultural repertoire. Dominant culture, as seen in the political sphere and the “#Me Too” movement, has proven individuals benefit from denial of fault. In ‘accountability processes,’ even if transformation occurs, it is rarely recognized. If activists’ aim is solidarity, activists can not condone injustice and the marginalized can not continue to be marginalized. !v TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION…………….…………………………………………………………….…….1 CHAPTER 1 SETTING THE SCENE: A RADICAL LEFTIST SUBCULTURE………………10 CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY……………………………………….…………….…………35 CHAPTER 3 HISTORICAL PATTERNS IN NEW LEFT MOVEMENTS……………….……57 CHAPTER 4 ORGANIZING, SEX, AND RELATIONSHIPS………………………………….87 CHAPTER 5 TRANSFORMATIVE JUSTICE AND ACCOUNTABILITY…………..………112 CHAPTER 6 DEVELOPMENTS AND CONSEQUENCES………………………………….153 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………187 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………………197 !vi LIST OF TABLES TABLE 1: INTERVIEWEES’ SELF IDENTIFICATION……………………………………. 44 TABLE 2: INTERVIEWEES’ ROLE IN PROCESS…………………………………………. 45 TABLE 3: INTERVIEWEES’ NUMBER OF PROCESSES…………………………………. 46 TABLE 4: ZINE THEMES…………………………………………………………………….50 TABLE 5: SEXISM ZINE TITLES……………………………………………………………50 TABLE 6: CONSENT AND RAPE ZINE TITLES……………………………………………51 TABLE 7: MEN’S GROUP ZINE TITLES……………………………………………………53 TABLE 8: TRANSFORMATIVE JUSTICE AND ACCOUNTABILITY ZINE TITLES…….53 LIST OF IMAGES FIGURE 1: FROM “A HISTORY OF PATRIARCHY” COMIC, THE SUPER HAPPY ANARCHO FUN PAGES #3 ZINE…..………………………………………………………..…89 FIGURE 2: “ANATOMY OF A MACKTIVIST,” THE OAKLAND SISTER’S CIRCLE……103 FIGURE 3: “CONSENT,” SUPPORT ZINE……….….………….……………………………105 FIGURE 4: UNTITLED, ON THE RECENT OCCUPATIONS ZINE…….……………………110 !vii INTRODUCTION Though it is made up of a malleable configuration of various groups, shared social, ideological, and cultural practices substantiate the existence of a distinguishable radical social movement subculture. Various groups, organizations, individuals and locations make up the dense and expansive network, with old groups disbanding, new ones arising, and the boundaries between them blurred. Individuals often have multiple group memberships, connecting with one another through organizing, friendships, and sexual relationships. Activists self-identify as members of a ‘community’ to convey a sense of interdependence and emphasize solidarity. Though these groups do not use the label ‘subculture,’ they display unique cultural characteristics within the context of larger, predominant or ‘parent’ culture. Radical activists share an overarching intent to confront the prevailing power structures, viewed as the source of various social problems. There is continuity, if not necessarily consistency, of ideology in the amalgamation of anarchist, anti capitalist, anti racist, feminist, queer, and other politically left radical groups. Social problems are seen as innate to and a product of modern political and/or capitalist systems, maintaining the privilege and power of few. Radical leftists argue that reform, especially by way of mainstream, institutionalized, and non profit organizations, maintains and reproduces inequalities, offering temporary solutions that preemptively dissipate upheaval. Phrases like “Solidarity, not Charity” criticize the condescension of those with established power and wealth. They question both the institutionalized goals and the means of achieving them. The application of politics to daily life is imprecise and the emphasis on solidarity within the movement can obfuscate complications faced by women, gender non binary, and transgender !1 people. Interpersonal dynamics and integration into radical left social movements are seldom a topic of inquiry. My thesis is epistemologically rooted in the fields of social movements and cultural studies. Drawing on these disciplines and the theoretical work of Pierre Bourdieu, I studied organizers who have been addressing problems of sexism and abuse as they arise and activists’ experimentation with transformative justice. Exploring how activists confront problems, attend to rifts, and feminist responses contributes knowledge for the study of social movements, alternative justice models, and gendered interpersonal dynamics. MY INTRODUCTION TO ‘ACCOUNTABILITY’ I first became involved in the Brooklyn activist community in 2007 as a primary organizer of a Food Not Bombs chapter. Food Not Bombs (FNB) is a vegan, DIY, anarchist- affiliated group that collects food that would otherwise go to waste and redistributes it without getting permits or permission from the city. In looking for a kitchen space for our group to use, I found an anarchist community space where numerous other activist groups met. FNB participants became active in other groups that used the space, such as a free bike building workshop and prisoner letter writing. A few of us became active in the day-to-day running and maintenance of the space. The community space was an entry point into the larger network of anarchist and radical left activists. Connections result from akin political issues, shared resources, and social relationships between participants. Social ties of friendships, romantic and/or sexual relationships shape groups and their locations in the larger activist network. Along with daily work and direct action, activists frequently hold music benefits to raise money for causes and go !2 to non activist parties together. The community is ‘sex posi,’ supporting pleasure seeking attitudes and anti shaming discourse. After being involved in the self identified community for roughly one year, a friend from the space began to have a well publicized disagreement with her ex partner. She told me that she was organizing an accountability process with a group called Support New York. A mutual acquaintance had volunteered to mediate the process and she asked me about my opinion of their character. I wasn’t sure what a process entailed, but I told her my assessment of the person and offered my support and assistance. I learned an ‘accountability process’ is the way organizers are applying transformative and restorative justice models. Unlike state justice, accountability processes focus on the needs of the ‘survivor,’