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The Role of Bureaucracy And
THE ROLE OF NEGOTIATIONS AND ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF EL SALVADOR’S PEACE ACCORDS A Dissertation Presented to The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Hugo Renderos December, 2011 THE ROLE OF NEGOTIATIONS AND ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF EL SALVADOR’S PEACE ACCORDS Hugo Renderos Dissertation Approved: Accepted: _________________________ _________________________ Advisor Interim Department Chair Raymond W. Cox, III Mark Tausig _________________________ _________________________ Committee Member Dean of the College Jennifer K. Alexander Chand K. Midha _________________________ _________________________ Committee Member Dean of the Graduate School Ramona Ortega-Liston George R. Newkome _________________________ _________________________ Committee Member Date Ghazi Falah _________________________ Committee Member Steven Ash ii ABSTRACT This dissertation focuses on the Salvadorean peace accords signed between the government and the former guerrilla turned political party Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front; FMLN). The end of the Salvadorean civil war era ended in 1992 as peace accords were signed between the government and FMLN leaders. The signing of the peace accords took time to complete and much dialogue required both parties to meet to negotiate and settle on timelines and agenda setting. This study explores the peace accords from the perspective of the soft, hard, and principled negotiation method as described by Fisher and Ury (1981) and by applying Allison and Zelikow’s (1999) Rational Actor Model (RAM) (Model I) and the Governmental Politics Model (Model III). It studies how the peace negotiations, as seen through the lenses of all three methods of negotiations and models I and III, influenced its implementation. -
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A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War. Juan Carlos Mazariegos Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2019 Juan Carlos Mazariegos All Rights Reserved Abstract A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War During the Guatemalan civil war (1962-1996), different forms of anonymity enabled members of the organizations of the social movement, revolutionary militants, and guerrilla combatants to address the popular classes and rural majorities, against the backdrop of generalized militarization and state repression. Pseudonyms and anonymous collective action, likewise, acquired political centrality for revolutionary politics against a state that sustained and was symbolically co-constituted by forms of proper naming that signify class and racial position, patriarchy, and ethnic difference. Between 1979 and 1981, at the highest peak of mass mobilizations and insurgent military actions, the symbolic constitution of the Guatemalan state was radically challenged and contested. From the perspective of the state’s elites and military high command, that situation was perceived as one of crisis; and between 1981 and 1983, it led to a relatively brief period of massacres against indigenous communities of the central and western highlands, where the guerrillas had been operating since 1973. Despite its long duration, by 1983 the fate of the civil war was sealed with massive violence. Although others have recognized, albeit marginally, the relevance of the politics of naming during Guatemala’s civil war, few have paid attention to the relationship between the state’s symbolic structure of signification and desire, its historical formation, and the dynamics of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity during the war. -
Read Book Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : from Napoleon to The
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MODERN DICTATORS : FROM NAPOLEON TO THE PRESENT PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Frank J. Coppa | 344 pages | 04 Apr 2006 | Peter Lang Publishing Inc | 9780820450100 | English | New York, United States Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : From Napoleon to the Present PDF Book Chiang now continued to reunify China. As Supreme Leader , held ultimate and uncontested authority over all government matters under the principle of Guardianship. Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Invasion of Belgium. Hold false elections. Abacha Sani Article Contents. More than , people were arrested only during the first three years. Created the extra-constitutional Special Clerical Court system in , accountable only to the Supreme Leader and used principally for suppression of political dissent. Kenneth Sani Abacha. In terms of territory, Metternich gladly relinquished claims to the old Austrian Netherlands and the various Habsburg possessions in Germany for a consolidated monarchy at the centre of Europe. Opposition groups have been outlawed particularly Islamic ones , human rights activists have been thrown in prison and hundreds of protester killed during crackdowns. Translated by de Bellaigue, Sheila; Bridge, Roy. Europe Since An Encyclopedia. Chairman of the Council of State ; President of Chad He succeeded until , when in a violent coup, he expelled the communists from the KMT and quashed the Chinese labor unions they had created. Volume 3. Volume II: E - L. Jailed Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola , the presumed winner of the annulled presidential election; presided over execution of activist Ken Saro-Wiwa. Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : From Napoleon to the Present Writer Zhang Jinghui was similarly handed over to China in , dying in prison in , while Demchugdongrub fled to Mongolia before being handed to the Chinese and released 13 years later. -
El Caballero De La Revolución: Morazán Para Principiantes
Baldomero Serrano El caballero de la Revolución Morazán para principiantes Segunda Edición, agosto 2008 © Secretaría de Cultura, Artes y Deportes © Banco Central de Honduras Tegucigalpa, Honduras Autoridades Secretaría de Cultura, Artes y Deportes Rodolfo Pastor Fasquelle, Secretario de Estado Rebeca Becerra, Directora General del Libro y el Documento Autoridades Banco Central de Honduras Edwin Araque Concejo Editorial Óscar Acosta Marcos Carías Zapata Héctor Leyva Salvador Madrid Eduardo Bärh Rebeca Becerra Diagramación y Diseño Doris Estrella Lainez Aguilar ISBN 978-99926-10-86-2 Editorial Cultura Printed in Honduras Impreso en Honduras PRESENTACIÓN En Honduras las impresiones y reimpresiones de libros de diferentes agentes editores (personas y empresas), anualmente se encuentra entre 250 a 350 títulos en diversas áreas del conocimiento: literatura, ciencias sociales, folklore, textos educativos, ciencias jurídicas, entre otras.; produciendo, principalmente las reimpresiones y/o reediciones que en la actualidad la mayoría de las obras de autores –as hondureñas clásicos y claves de la literatura hondureña se encuentren agotados, dificultando los estudios históricos y análisis literarios, y conduciendo a generar su desconocimiento por parte de la ciudanía hondureña, principalmente de los jóvenes. Según estudios del Centro Regional para el Fomento del Libro en América Latina y el Caribe-CERLALC, Honduras y El Salvador son los países de Latinoamérica donde se registran las cifras más bajas en edición y reedición de libros, haciendo énfasis que en Honduras la mayoría son esfuerzos de los mismos autores y autoras. Hasta el momento carecemos de recopilaciones de obras completas de autoras tan importantes como Clementina Suárez, poeta renovadora de la poesía hondureña y premio nacional de literatura, o la obra de Arturo Martínez Galindo y Andrés Morris para ejemplificar entorno a la poesía, el relato y el teatro. -
Redalyc.LA REVOLUCIÓN GUATEMALTECA Y EL LEGADO
Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Sistema de Información Científica García Ferreira, Roberto LA REVOLUCIÓN GUATEMALTECA Y EL LEGADO DEL PRESIDENTE ARBENZ Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos, vol. 38, 2012 Universidad de Costa Rica San José, Costa Rica Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=15233349003 Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos, ISSN (Versión impresa): 0377-7316 [email protected] Universidad de Costa Rica Costa Rica ¿Cómo citar? Número completo Más información del artículo Página de la revista www.redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto LA REVOLUCIÓN GUATEMALTECA Y EL LEGADO DEL PRESIDENTE ARBENZ Roberto García Ferreira Correo electrónico: [email protected] Aceptado: 02/03/11 Aprobado: 16/06/11 Resumen Entre 1944 y 1954, Guatemala, el “país de la eterna tiranía”, vivió una experiencia revolucionaria y democrática radical. Se trató de un período mítico e inédito en su historia. Numerosas narrativas provenientes de las más diversas ciencias sociales se han ocupado de la Revolución guatemalteca, las cuales han estado mayormente condicionadas por el dramático desenlace final de Jacobo Arbenz. Contrariando la locuacidad de su antecesor, el enigmático y lacónico Coronel le infundió un ímpetu decisivo al proceso revolucionario, dando forma a lo que hasta el momento ha sido el único programa económico-social soberano y realizable en la historia de su país. Fundamentalmente sustentado en sus documentos personales, este artículo da cuenta del proceso de maduración y transformación de aquel joven militar guatemalteco cuyo truncado legado marcó de manera significativa a una generación de latinoamericanos. -
Guatemala's Maya Resurgence Movement: History, Memory, And
Guatemala’s Maya Resurgence Movement: History, Memory, and the Reconfiguration of Power Ashley Kistler, PhD Assistant Professor Department of Anthropology Rollins College Winter Park, FL 32789 [email protected] In early 2013, a Guatemalan court tried ex-president, General Efraín Ríos Montt, for genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the country’s 36-year civil war. The conviction of the former dictator in May 2013 offered Guatemalans only a fleeting glimpse of justice, as the country’s highest court reversed his conviction a mere ten days later. Though Ríos Montt’s presidency ended thirty years ago, it alienated many Maya communities from their history and indigenous identities. This paper argues that Maya communities use cultural resurgence movements to empower themselves against political oppression and confront political obstacles. Today, the Maya resurgence movement helps some Maya to strive to recapture practices lost during the civil war and to connect to their indigenous past. By seeking to connect with their history, the Maya resurgence movement affords some members of Guatemala’s Maya community to redefine themselves in the 21st century. For some, participation in the Maya resurgence movement serves as one of the only available means of empowerment in the country’s increasingly oppressive social hierarchy. The reversal of ex- President Ríos Montt’s conviction, however, presented the Maya with yet another obstacle in their longstanding fight for equality. While many political and social factors continue to block the success of the Maya resurgence movement nationally, this paper examines how involvement in local activist projects helps the Maya to rewrite their history and redefine their indigenous identity 1 following more than 500 years of oppression. -
OPTICS and the CULTURE of MODERNITY in GUATEMALA CITY SINCE the LIBERAL REFORMS a Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate St
OPTICS AND THE CULTURE OF MODERNITY IN GUATEMALA CITY SINCE THE LIBERAL REFORMS A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Department of History University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By MICHAEL D. KIRKPATRICK © Michael D. Kirkpatrick, September 2013. All rights reserved. Permission to Use In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the department Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copy or publication use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any use which may be made of any material in my thesis. i ABSTRACT In the years after the Liberal Reforms of the 1870s, the capitalization of coffee production and buttressing of coercive labour regimes in rural Guatemala brought huge amounts of surplus capital to Guatemala City. Individual families—either invested in land or export houses—and the state used this newfound wealth to transform and beautify the capital, effectively inaugurating the modern era in the last decades of the nineteenth century. -
Estado De Los Altos, Indigenas Y Regimen Conservador. Guatemala, 1838-1851
Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos, Universidad de Costa Rica, 19(1): 37-53, 1993 ESTADO DE LOS ALTOS, INDIGENASY REGIMEN CONSERVADOR. GUATEMALA, 1838-1851* Arturo Taracena Resumen Se analizan las causas econ6micas y sociales que motivaron la resistencia de los indigenas en contra de la instauraci6n del Estado de Los Altos en los anos 1838-1840, asi como la en alianza politica establecida entre estos y Rafael Carrera el momento de la caida del regi men liberal de Mariano Galvez. El resultado seri la confirmaci6n del liderazgo nacional de Carrera y el surgimiento de una politica oficial de restauraci6n de la "republica de indios" en el estado guatemalteco reunificado bajo el gobierno de los conservadores. Abstract This article analyses the economic and sorial causes of indifenone resistance to the estabio ment of the sra be of Los Altos between 1838 and 1840. It also discusses the posibical allian ce between the Indiam and Rafael Carrera when the liberal regime of Mariano Gilver fell to from poweer. Carrera national leadership was this confirmed and it because articial posi restone an "Indian repuestic" nithin the srabe of Guatemala, remibed wider the conservative government. El principal interns de esta ponencia es mar que la problematica regional puede resol reflexionar a partir de un estudio concreto ver por si sola tal limitaci6n, ni se trata de cir sobre el peso de la interpretation geocentrista cunscribirla al analisis de las regiones en si en la historiografia guatemalteca -especial mismas, puesto que en el siglo xix -y aun en mente en lo que concierne a la fase republica el xx- lo regional est? ante todo determinado na-, a pesar de los avances en la investigaci6n por los problemas inherentes a la construc sobre las regiones. -
El Quetzal a Quarterly Publication Issue #10 GHRC June/Sept 2011 Polochic: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow Pérez Molina And
Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA El Quetzal A Quarterly Publication Issue #10 GHRC June/Sept 2011 Polochic: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow Pérez Molina and "We went looking for solutions, and found only pain." Baldizón to Compete in - A survivor of the Panzos massacre - Presidential Runoff The Maya Q‘eqchi‘ communi- Presidential candidates Otto Pérez Molina ties of Guatemala's Polochic and Manuel Baldizón came out on top in Valley have suffered a long Guatemala‘s elections on September 11. history of threats, displacement, The two will compete in a runoff election brutal violence, and crushing on November 6. poverty. After a series of vio- lent evictions in March 2011, The elections concluded a long and in- over 700 families are just try- tense campaign season marked by court ing to stay alive. battles, pre-election violence and intimi- dation. The elections also brought Guate- In 1954, a CIA-sponsored coup (Photo: Rob(Photo: Mercetante) mala into the international spotlight due cut short promising land reform to allegations that the candidates are efforts in Guatemala because linked to organized crime, corruption and the reform affected the eco- human rights violations. nomic interests of US compa- nies operating in the country. Pérez Molina, of the Patriot Party, re- During the military govern- ceived 36% of the vote. Baldizón, of the ments that ruled Guatemala The lives of hundreds of indigenous men, women and Renewed Democratic Freedom party throughout the three decades children are at risk today in the Polochic Valley (Líder), came in second with 23%. following the coup, powerful families (both local and foreign) gained On May 27, 1978 campesinos Until recently, Pérez Molina´s top chal- ―legal‖ title to the land in the Polochic (subsistence farmers) of San Vincente, lenger was Sandra Torres, the ex-wife of Valley through a combination of fraud, Panzós, went to plant corn by the banks of current president Alvaro Colom. -
Historia Del Pensamiento Político En El Salvador
HISTORIA DEL PENSAMIENTO POLÍTICO EN EL SALVADOR. Desde 1800 a la fecha. VOLUMEN I 1800 – 1840 JORGE BARRAZA IBARRA Primera Edición 2011 972.84 B269h Barraza Ibarra, Jorge Historia de las Ideas Políticas en El Salvador / Jorge sv Barraza Ibarra. -- 1ª ed, -- San Salvador, El Salv. : UFG Editores, 2011. 400 p. ; 20 cm. ISBN 978-99923-47-27-0 1. El Salvador – Historia, 1811-1821. 2. América Central – Política – Historia. I Título. BINA/jmh Ing, Mario Antonio Ruiz Ramírez Rector Dr. Elner Osmín Crespín Elías Director de Investigación Publicado y Distribuido por la Editorial Universidad Francisco Gavidia Derechos Reservados © Copyright Según la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual EDITORIAL UNIVERSIDAD FRANCISCO GAVIDIA UFG - Editores Edificio Administrativo UFG, 3er Nivel, Condominio Centro Roosevelt, 55 Av. Sur. San Salvador, El Salvador Centroamérica Tel. 2209-2856 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.ufg.edu.sv TABLA DE MATERIAS INTRODUCCIÓN………………………………………………………………………………..…… 9 Capítulo I El fin del Absolutismo español 1.1. Carlos IV de España y su reinado…………………………………………….………..... 11 1.2. El efímero reinado de José I Bonaparte……………………….……………………… 16 1.3. El reinado de Fernando VII…………………………………………………………..……. 19 Capítulo II El nacimiento del Liberalismo en España 2.1. La Constitución española de 1812……………………………………………….…... 27 2.2. El Estatuto de Bayona………………………………………………………………..……. 34 2.3. La Constitución de 1812………………………………………………………….………. 36 Capítulo III Las Cortes de Cádiz 3.1. La influencia de las Cortes de Cádiz en América……………………………….. 39 3.2. Delimitación geográfica del reino de Guatemala…………………………....…. 42 3.3. La representación del reino de Guatemala en las Cortes de Cádiz ……… 44 Capítulo IV La Ilustración 4.1. Antecedentes y conceptos………………………………………………………………. -
Justo Rufino Barrios, Perteneciente a Una Segunda Generación De Liberales Y Uno De Los Líderes De La Revuelta Contra Los Conse
Ciclos, Año 24, Nro. 43, julio-diciembre 2014 ISSN 1851-3735 GUATEMALA EN LA MIRA: LA OPERACIÓN BPSUCCESS Ricardo Vicente* Resumen En 2014 se cumplen sesenta años del primer golpe de Estado pergeñado por la central de inteligencia estadounidense (CIA) en Latinoamérica. En ese momento histórico, en Guatemala, se ensayó un operativo modelo que luego sirvió de inspiración para otros que le sucedieron en el resto de Latinoamérica. El gobierno nacional, popular y democrático de Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán fue su víctima y los golpistas fueron coordinados y apoyados por la CIA: varios embajadores, militares reaccionarios, poderosos empresarios norteamericanos y locales y altos prelados de la Iglesia Católica. Esta conspiración incorporó a América Latina como nuevo escenario de la Guerra Fría. Palabras clave: America Latina, Guatemala, golpe, Estados Unidos Abstract In 2014 marks sixty years of the first coup concocted by the Central American Intelligence (CIA) in Latin America. In that historical moment, an operating model was tested in Guatemala, which then served as inspiration for others in the rest of Latin America. The national, popular and democratic government of Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán was its victim and the coup leaders were coordinated and supported by the CIA: several ambassadors, reactionary military, powerful American and local entrepreneurs and high prelates of the Catholic Church. This conspiracy joined Latin America as a new stage of the Cold War. Keywords: Latin America, Guatemala, coup d’État, United States * Universidad de Buenos Aires, Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, profesor de la Maestría de Historia Económica y de las Políticas Económicas, investigador del IDEHESI, Ricardo Vicente, Un castillo armado: el primer golpe de la CIA en América Latina Ciclos, Año 24, Nro. -
EL SALVADOR 2019 Final Report
European Union Election Observation Mission EL SALVADOR 2019 Final Report [Flag of host Presidential Election 3 February 2019 Table of Contents I. Executive Summary and Priority Recommendations ......................................................................... 1 II. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 4 III. Political Context ................................................................................................................................. 4 IV. Implementation of Previous EOM Recommendations ....................................................................... 5 V. Legal Framework ............................................................................................................................... 6 A. International Principles and Commitments .............................................................................. 6 B. Constitutional Human Rights ................................................................................................... 6 C. Electoral Legislation ................................................................................................................ 7 D. Election System ....................................................................................................................... 7 VI. Election Administration ..................................................................................................................... 8 A. Structure and Composition