www.peer-review-social-inclusion.eu

Latvia Promoting Social Inclusion of Roma

A Study of National Policies

Tana Lace ( Stradins University)

Disclaimer: This report reflects the views of its author and these are not necessarily those of either the July 2011 European Commission or the Member States.

On behalf of the European Commission DG Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion

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Content

Summary ...... 4

1. Description of national situation ...... 5 1.1 Description of Roma population in Latvia ...... 5 1.2 Geographic distribution of Roma ...... 6 1.3 Poverty and social exclusion situation of Roma ...... 6 1.4 The extent and nature of discrimination experienced by Roma ...... 12 1.5 The main data gaps in relation to Roma ...... 15

2. Assessment of existing policy and governance framework ...... 17 2.1. Assessment of the current overall policy framework and governance arrangements for addressing Roma poverty and exclusion ...... 17 2.2. Existing targets set for reducing poverty and social exclusion of Roma ...... 25 2.3. The strengths and weaknesses of Latvia’s National Reform Programme from the perspective of tackling the poverty and social exclusion experienced by Roma .... 25 2.4. The main strengths and weaknesses of existing policies and programmes from the perspective of promoting Roma integration ...... 25

3. Structural Funds ...... 26

4. Role of civil society organisations and international organisations ...... 27

5. Recommendations ...... 29 5.1. The key challenges, the national goals and policies ...... 29 5.2. Steps should be taken to strengthen monitoring methods and to establish a review mechanism for the adaptation of the national Roma integration strategy...... 30 5.3. Strengthening cooperation and dialogue with Roma civil society, regional and local authorities and other relevant bodies ...... 31 5.4. Better use of EU Structural Funds in future supporting the integration of Roma ...... 31 5.5. How the integration of Roma could be better reflected in Latvia’s Europe 2020 national targets and National Reform Programme...... 31

List of references ...... 33

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Summary

The Roma is one of the oldest minorities in Latvia and according to the official data of the Central Statistical Bureau at the beginning of 2010 8559 persons of Roma nationality resided in Latvia, constituting 0,3% of the total number of the population in Latvia, of whom the majority or 93,6 % are Latvian citizens. There are two Roma communities in Latvian – the Latvian Roma community and the Russian Roma community. Although the number of Roma in Latvia is very small their regional distribution is uneven, there does not exist disadvantaged (micro-) regions or segregated neighbourhoods in Latvia.

Education and employment for the Roma in Latvia are the two most serious problems as they give rise to other problems of social and economic character. According to data of the Population Census 2000 more than 40% of the Roma have completed only four or less grades of elementary school, and the number of illiterate people among them is very high. Only 7,9% of the Roma have secondary education which often is one of the basic requirements in the labour market, and only 26 Roma or 0,4% have acquired higher education.

Employment is the most topical problem of the Roma caused by their low educational level as well as prejudices against the Roma that prevail in the labour market and in the society. Only a small part of the Roma who are unemployed, register as unemployed. According to research data, the number of the Roma involved in long-term employment relations did not exceed 5% of the Roma population capable of work. The situation when the official unemployment of the Roma is very low and possibilities of finding employment in Latvia have even further diminished in the conditions of the economic crisis, generates an increased risk that the Roma capable of work are forced to engage in various illegal activities to earn their income, for example, illegal employment or even marginal activities such as drug trafficking or other criminal activities.

One of the most serious discrimination risks encountered by the Roma in Latvia is discrimination in the labour market. If access to employment for other minorities is, to a considerable degree, affected by lack of state language proficiency, then for the Roma access to the labour market is much more obstructed, even though the majority of the Roma have a good command of the .

The most significant failing that prevents assessing the Roma socio-economic situation is lack of statistical and research data by ethnic origin.

The Roma as a direct target group has been included only in two policy documents, namely, the National Programme for the Promotion of Tolerance for 2005-2009 and the National Programme “The Roma in Latvia for 2007–2009”. In all other policy documents addressing employment, social inclusion and poverty reduction, education etc., the Roma are only one of the social exclusion risk groups and no targeted measures have been specifically planned to improve their situation. The main weakness of existing policies and programmes from the perspective of promoting Roma integration that should be mentioned is the general character of these policies and the insufficient funding.

The main challenge that should be addressed in the National Roma Integration Strategy, is the planning of targeted support to needs of the Roma community. The formulation of aims in the policies implemented to date has been too general, no specific quantified targets have been set in respect of the Roma population and it has not allowed achieving any significant improvement in the situation of the Roma in Latvia.

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To promote the accessibility of education for the Roma the practice that the Roma – teachers’ assistants are involved in work at educational institutions in inclusive groups where the Roma children study together with children of other ethnicities should be continued and expanded. Another topical problem is the elimination of illiteracy among adult Roma. The national policy should pay much more attention to issues of lifelong learning for the Roma in view of the low educational level of the Roma that does not allow part of the Roma even to participate in training and retraining activities provided to the unemployed by the State Employment Agency. Alongside with work on the improvement of the educational level of the Roma, it is essential to promote employment possibilities for the Roma thus reducing their dependence on social assistance benefits.

The main problem that prevents quality monitoring is lack of data on the situation of the Roma in various areas (employment, health care, housing, income, survival strategies etc.). Therefore the first step towards resolving this problem would be to ensure that updated information is provided on regular basis to be able to objectively plan policy measures and to adjust them if required, avoiding the use of outdated and incomplete information or assumptions in policy planning.

European Structural Funds could be used in future as an instrument for planning specific support to the Roma in EU member states, establishing priorities and types of support to Roma integration that would enable the member states to address their domestic problems as well as to mutually cooperate in seeking the best solution for the Roma integration.

Support should be provided to strengthening the capacity of Roma NGOs and other NGOs that represent interests of the Roma community.

More attention should be paid to the education and information of the population in Latvia to reduce stereotypes and prejudices prevailing in the society against representatives of the Roma community thus reducing their discrimination.

1. Description of national situation

“In socio-economic terms its conditions lag far behind those of the majority population. The distance between Roma and any other national minority, in terms of life opportunities, is daunting, and calls for more effective, inclusive and anti-discriminatory policies. This is especially the case for two key domains, namely education and employment”1. The Roma situation in the labour market is determined not only by their educational level and the level of knowledge and skills, prejudices of the society but likewise by Roma traditions and their understanding of the role of the woman in the family, “the high inactivity and unemployment rates are a cause of great dependency on social welfare benefits”2.

1.1 Description of Roma population in Latvia

The Roma is one of the oldest minorities in Latvia and according to the official data of the CBS at the beginning of 2010 8559 persons of Roma nationality resided in Latvia, constituting 0.3% of

1 European Parliament, DG Internal Policies, Policy Department Economy and Science, study “The social situation of the Roma and their improved access to the labour market in the EU”, October 2008. 2 European Parliament, DG Internal Policies, Policy Department Economy and Science, study “The social situation of the Roma and their improved access to the labour market in the EU”, October 2008.

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the total number of the population in Latvia. According to the data of the Population Register at the Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs, 93,6 % of them are Latvian citizens.3 However, representatives of some Roma organisations maintain that their number is two times higher, namely, approximately 15 000 of whom about 10 000 people have left the country over the recent years seeking employment abroad.4 The initial data of the Population Census in 2011 will available in autumn while the official information will be available only at the beginning of 2012, thus it will be possible to determine the accuracy of estimates given by NGOs in a year’s time.

Statistical data on the breakdown of the Roma by gender, age group, educational level, income group are not publicly accessible in Latvia.

There are two Roma communities in Latvia – the Latvian Roma community and the Russian Roma community. It is related to the historic processes and the geographic location. The Russian Roma community lives in Latgale where there are more Russian-speaking inhabitants, and which is situated close to the border with Russia and Belarus. Findings of several research studies5 reveal that these Roma communities are quite isolated from one another and they have district differences concerning the language dialect, culture and traditions.

The research study “The Situation of the Roma in Latvia” undertaken in 2003 shows that during the post-war period the Roma of Latvia have changed their traditional lifestyle – travelling – to permanent residence in those places where their parents and even grandparents have lived. Researchers how pointed out that the transition to market economy and the liquidation of the large rural collective farms and factories inherited from the soviet system resulted in the internal migration of the Roma inside the country – the Roma moved from the rural areas to urban areas as well as from smaller towns to larger cities.

1.2 Geographic distribution of Roma

Although the number of the Roma in Latvia is very small, their regional distribution is uneven. The largest number of Roma live in the capital, Kurzeme and Zemgale regions - in Riga, and . The ratio of the Roma against the total number of the population in Latvia is the highest in the district (1,22 %), district (0,85 %), district (0.8 %), Limbaži district (0,68 %) and the district (0,59 %). During this period the highest number of the Roma was found in three cities of Latvia - Ventspils 1151, Riga 1078 and Jelgava 10416. In view of the small number of the Roma residing in each inhabited area, it is not possible to speak of disadvantaged (micro-) regions or segregated neighbourhoods in Latvia.

1.3 Poverty and social exclusion situation of Roma

As it has been pointed out in national policy documents, Roma inhabitants are exposed not only to poverty and social exclusion risks but also to the discrimination risk due to their ethnic origin. Still the EU-SILC data (the small number of the Roma in the sample) does not allow calculating the at risk of poverty rate and material deprivation indicators. Thus Laeken indicators are not available in Latvia concerning the Roma community that would allow undertaking a quantitative

3 http://www.np.gov.lv/lv/statistika/dokuments/2009/3ISVN_Latvija_pec_TTB_VPD.pdf 4 http://www.politika.lv/temas/sabiedribas_integracija/iezimeta_identitate/ 5 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.16. 6 Data of Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia.

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comparison of the situation of the Roma population with other at social exclusion risk groups. Neither have any representative research studies been undertaken that would allow acquiring such indicators.

The description of the situation of the Roma community from the poverty aspect must be based mostly on quality research studies where methods for acquiring information are in-depth interviews with Roma representatives.

Thus, for example, in-depth interviews with representatives of the Roma community were conducted in the research study “Causes and duration of unemployment and social exclusion” undertaken with the support of the ESF to acquire information about the material situations and other aspects of the life of Roma families. Research data show that shortage of money has a negative impact on practically all areas in the life of Roma families as the main sources of income in respondent families are benefits (state provided benefits – child benefits, disability pensions, for some respondents – the minimum unemployment benefit; provided by the local government – free meals at school for children, the GMI benefit, support for the purchase of firewood etc.) and a salary from irregular and unofficial work while during summer it is additional income from picking berries and mushrooms.7 It restricts the ability of Roma families to purchase clothing and other necessities of life, to use various services that require payment (for example, dental services, cultural and recreational activities).

Comparatively more research data are available on the Roma situation in employment and education that allow drawing conclusions about Roma social exclusion risks in these areas.

Education and employment for the Roma in Latvia are the two most serious problems as they give rise to other problems of social and economic character.

Although the Roma is one of the oldest minorities in Latvia, still data on the educational level of the Roma are available only according to the data of the 2000 census because in Latvia data on the compulsory pre-school education for 5-6 years old children as well as on graduates of educational institutions at various levels are not broken down by ethnicity.

A particular problem is the involvement of Roma children in the process of general education and their attendance of pre-school institutions and institutions of basic education. Although since 2003 the legislation of Latvia prescribes compulsory pre-school education for 5-6 years old children, many Roma parents are not yet informed about it. Accordingly Roma children do not get proper preparation for school already at the very beginning and find themselves in an unequal situation in comparison with other children. In several cities up to 30% of Roma children do not start school in Grade 1.8

More than 40% of the Roma have completed only four or less grades of elementary school, and the number of illiterate people among them is very high. Almost ¼ (24.3%) of 5985 Roma over the age of 15 have completed less than four grades at school. This indicator is in marked contrast to the national average - 2.1% (1.6% for Latvians and 2.4% for Russians). 18.2% of the Roma have elementary education (4 grades); the national average is 23.9% (Latvians – 27.1%, Russians – 19.3%). Besides, the educational level has not been indicated for one fourth of the

7 Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the University of Latvia, Baltic International Centre for Economic Policy Studies, Institute of Sociological Research, “Causes and Length of Unemployment and Social Exclusion”, Riga, 2007, p.310. 8 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.7.

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Roma (25.2%); it leads to assume that the number of the Roma having only some grades of education is even higher – up to 60%. Only 7.9% of the Roma have secondary education (general secondary and secondary special education) which often is one of the basic requirements in the labour market. For comparison – 46.2% (Latvians – 46.4% and Russians – 46.5%) of the population in Latvia have secondary education. 12.54% of the population in Latvia (Latvians – 12.3% and Russians – 13.6%) have higher education while only 26 Roma or 0.4%9 have acquired higher education.

The most recent research study presented in June 2011 is dedicated to issues of Roma education.10 Researchers point out that the analysis of information provided by adult Roma about their own education reveals that approximately 24% of respondents indicate that they have elementary education, 46% – that they have primary education, 4% – have attended night school while 10% indicate that they have not attended any school. However, the provided data do not indicate if respondents have completed the given stages of education; interviews have revealed that they have attended school seldom and the majority have left schooling already soon after the beginning of the respective stage of education.11

Although researchers and specialists of various public agencies (State Employment Agency (SEA), educational institutions) recognise that illiteracy among the Roma is a serious problem, it is not possible to find precise data on the prevalence of the problem. In 1 February 2003 there were 46 illiterate individuals among the registered unemployed of whom 39 (85%) were Roma. On the whole, in 2000 there were 5361 individuals over the age of 7 in Latvia who could neither read nor write. The survey undertaken by the local government of one of the cities in Latvia with a comparatively high proportion of Roma inhabitants - the Jelgava city council – revealed that 60% of the 30 Roma who were interviewed were illiterate. These unfavourable data correspond to the data on the education of Roma.12 According to the information provided by the SEA, in 2003 72% of illiterate Roma are women, however, it does not mean that the overall number of illiterate women among the Roma is higher that the number of illiterate men because 80% of the Roma unemployed registered by the SEA are women. The average age of all illiterates is 40 years of age; the average age for Roma illiterates is 32 years of age13.

According to the data provided by the Ministry of Education and Science, a total of 1311 Roma children attended school in the 2008/2009 study year, while a total of 1204 of Roma children attended school in the 2009/2010 study year. During the period of 2000 – 2007 an average of 68% of Roma pupils choose to study in Latvian – at schools of general education14. In 2008/2009 study year 951 Roma pupils attended schools with Latvian teaching language while 360 Roma pupils attended minority schools with Russian teaching language, but in 2009/2010 study year 868 Roma pupils attended with Latvian teaching language, 332 Roma pupils attended minority schools with Russian teaching language and 4 Roma children acquired education in the Polish language.

All schools attended by Roma pupils have problems with absences from school. Initially in order to address problems of education for the Roma separate Roma classes were established in Latvia which mostly had the status of pedagogical upgrading classes. However, this approach

9 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.19. 10 Izglītības Iniciatīvu centrs, “Romu tiesības uz izglītību: īstenošanas situācija Latvijā”, 2011. 11 Izglītības Iniciatīvu centrs “Romu tiesības uz izglītību: īstenošanas situācija Latvijā”, 2011, p.27. 12 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p. 19. 13 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.19. 14 Informatīvais ziņojums „Par valsts programmas „Čigāni (romi) Latvijā" 2007. – 2009. gadam īstenošanu par laika posmu no 2008. gada 1. oktobra līdz 2009. gada 30. septembrim”, p.6.

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was criticized by human rights organisations as well as representatives of the European Commission as it only strengthened the segregation of the Roma children from the other children at school. Aware that the expressed criticism was fair and just, authorities changed the approach and Roma children were integrated in institutions of general education.

Recently articles about the Roma in the mass media have revealed that their awareness of the importance of education has increased. Therefore it is possible to assume that since 2000 the situation in the education of the Roma has experienced at least partial improvement, however, it will be possible to confirm or reject this assumption only after results of the 2011 census become publicly accessible. However, the representative of the Latvian Centre for Human Rights (hereinafter – LCHR) points out that "Neither parents nor children feel particularly motivated to invest time and money in studies if they see that education does not change the attitude of employers to the Roma."15

The official statistics as well as labour market research studies show that employment is the most acute problem for the Roma, caused by the low educational level of the Roma as well as prejudices against the Roma that exist in the labour market and in the society.

As the data of the Labour Force Survey do not allow making conclusions about the employment of the Roma (due to the small number of Roma people and the size of the sample), still data on registered unemployment collated by the State Employment Agency provide a certain insight into the situation of the Roma.

In 2006 489 Roma were registered as unemployed, in 2007 the number of the registered unemployed was 388 Roma of whom 289 persons of the Roma nationality participated in active employment measures of the SEA. In 2008 there were 465 registered unemployed persons of the Roma nationality constituting 0,6% of the total number of the unemployed, while in 2009 already 855 persons of the Roma nationality were registered with the SEA as unemployed constituting 0,5% of the total number of the unemployed. In 2009 the number of persons of the Roma nationality registered with the SEA as unemployed doubled total number of the unemployed in Latvia. In 31 May 2010 938 persons of the Roma nationality had registered as the unemployed with the SEA. There are more women than men among the registered Roma unemployed (59,2% and 40,8% respectively).

Still it must be pointed out that only a small part of the Roma who are unemployed, register as unemployed. Regional representatives of the SEA explain it by the fact that even in crisis conditions the Roma unemployed have restricted possibilities of receiving services provided by the SEA because the majority of the Roma do not have even primary education and they cannot participate in the programmes although there are several educational programmes and there are various offers. The majority even do not come to register with the SEA as unemployed as they are incapable of even filling in the application, they do not know where to apply.16

The largest number of the Roma participated in the short-term training to improve their competitiveness and in paid temporary jobs and in the new active employment measure in 2009 that was targeted on reducing consequences caused by the economic crisis – work practice at local governments.

15 http://www.lv.lv/index.php?menu=doc&sub=temas&id=198647 16 http://www.jelgavasvestnesis.lv/page/1?id=121&news_id=11819

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There are no more recent research studies, no statistical data on the employment of the Roma. A certain insight into the employment of the Roma is provided only by the research study „The Situation of the Roma in Latvia” undertaken in 2003 and the assessment performed by the Latvian Centre for Human Rights in 2008, still taking into consideration the situation in the labour market it can be assumed that development trends have not undergone any essential change. According to the research data, the number of the Roma who had official long-term employment relations did not exceed 5% of the Roma of the working age. Irrespective of the huge unemployment only approximately 10% of the Roma with capacity to work were officially registered as unemployed17. The situation when the official unemployment of the Roma is very low and possibilities of finding employment in Latvia have even further diminished in the conditions of the economic crisis, generates an increased risk that the Roma capable of work are forced to engage in various illegal activities to earn their income, for example, illegal employment or criminal activities18.

Representatives of Roma NGOs and the Latvian Centre for Human Rights point out that due to the economic crisis hundreds of the Roma have left the country and they are convinced that the Roma who have gone abroad will not return to Latvia. According to the representative of a Roma NGO, abroad the Roma can better provide for themselves and their children and they do not experience such discriminating treatment as it is the case in Latvia and thus they are more willing to attend local schools. In contrast to representatives of other nationalities who emigrate abroad and whose migration wave has been mostly stimulated by the economic crisis, the Roma have encountered discrimination in the labour market and poverty before. The Roma leave the small towns in Kurzeme where they have lived historically for a long time.19

Although no information is available in the country about the frequency of various diseases by nationality, nor there is any information about neonate mortality, life expectancy and disability characteristic for specific nationalities, researchers express the assumption that the low educational level of the Roma, unemployment and living conditions (overcrowding, unhealthy nutrition etc.) place the Roma in the largest risk groups in respect of morbidity of contagious diseases, for example, tuberculosis, as well as the treatment of neglected diseases. The Roma live mostly in houses without amenities and even in dilapidated houses that have been recognised to be unsafe and unfit for living. Another typical feature is overcrowding that stimulates the spreading of contagious diseases20.

The only statistics that has been collated on the prevalence of diseases in ethnic groups is statistics on HIV and AIDS morbidity. Data prepared for the study21 showed that by 31 December 2002 the HIV and AIDS State Register had registered 174 cases of HIV among the Roma, 1 – 2% of all Roma in Latvia are HIV positive of whom eight individuals are in the stage of AIDS, five individuals have died. The ratio of the Roma against the total number of inhabitants, who have been diagnosed HIV or AIDS HI in Latvia, is 7.5% – against the ratio of the Roma in the number of inhabitants – 0.3-1%. The largest number of cases is found in the age group of 20 – 24; 157 of all 174 diagnosed cases are people at the age of 15 – 34 years. It can be explained by the fact that the main cause of HIV infection among the Roma is the intravenous drug use that prevails among men.

17 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.7. 18 ibid., p. 49-52. 19 http://www.lv.lv/index.php?menu=doc&sub=temas&id=198647 20 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.43. 21 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.43.

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Unfortunately, there are no other data and research studies in Latvia that would describe the health condition of the Roma.

Authors of the other research study22 express the assumption that the use and accessibility of health care services are not directly related to nationality or ethnic origin; they are more related to other social-demographic indicators, for example, the marital status, gender and age and, undeniably, the financial situation.

Although in comparison with other EU member states Latvia has one of the worst indicators in the area of housing (overcrowding, the low housing quality, the restricted accessibility of housing etc.) still the situation of the Roma is even worse in comparison with the rest of the population in Latvia.23

The only available quantitative data on the Roma housing situation is that of the 2000 population census. In Latvia the Roma live either in privately owned houses, in multi-apartment buildings, social houses, apartments with partial amenities or even premises not fit for living. The Roma live mostly in apartments or houses with wood heating. In most part these are individual residences that belong either to the state, local governments or private owners.24 There are fewer cases of the Roma living in multi-apartment buildings (it is not housing that is typical for the Roma) where they were given apartments during the soviet period or later when during the period of 1992 – 1994 when the base of the Soviet Union army was dismantled, the Roma were given apartments situated in the territory of the former military base. A small number of the Roma inhabit social houses or live in shelters only in three cities25.

The results of the 2000 population census provide data on the housing situation of 5,938 Roma. Among Romani households, 95,0% have electricity and 95,6% have a kitchen; 97,4% of Roma have heating, but only 23,4% have centralized heating; only 42,7% have running water, 36,5% have sewage services, 16,4% have hot water supply, 61,7% have gas, only 22,4% have a bathtub or shower and only 30,6% have a toilet inside the dwelling.26

According to the data of the 2000 census, there is almost one room (0,9) per inhabitant in Latvia, however, the same indicator for the Roma is 0,6 rooms –in the case of the Roma 1 room is usually inhabited by two people. 8% of the Roma (5813) have housing with two and three rooms inhabited by a large number of people (7 and more people). In Latvia this indicator is 10 times lower – 0,8%. Almost 30% of all the Roma included in the survey have 7 and more people inhabiting one housing unit, while only 5% of inhabitants in Latvia have 7 and more persons inhabiting one housing unit.27

Information provided by shows that the Roma, just like other socially vulnerable groups, receive social assistance envisaged by legislation, including access to social housing. In

22 Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the University of Latvia, Baltic International Centre for Economic Policy Studies, Institute of Sociological Research, “Causes and Length of Unemployment and Social Exclusion”, Riga, 2007, p.313. 23 Eurostat data; Latvia RAXEN National Focal Point, Thematic Study. Housing conditions of Roma and Travellers, March 2009; Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, Pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.41-42. 24 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.41. 25 Latvijas Cilvēktiesību un etnisko studiju centrs, pētījums „Čigānu stāvoklis Latvijā”, Rīga, 2003, p.41. 26 Latvia RAXEN National Focal Point, Thematic Study. Housing conditions of Roma and Travellers, March 2009, p.22. 27 Ibid., p.22.

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the meantime, reports of some international organisations and interviews with representatives of Romani organisations indicate that Roma may face obstacles in housing.28

There is no data on Roma living in segregated settings as there is no official policy of spatial or social segregation of Roma in Latvia29. Although there are no research reports or other sources regarding the segregation of Roma, some interviewees mentioned examples of so-called ‘Roma houses’ – blocks of flats where Roma tend to live in a kind of community – flats are predominantly occupied by Romani people. A respondent of the Roma NGO Nevo Drom pointed out in the interview: “As far as I can see, the housing conditions in Latvia in comparison to other EU countries are the best. In Latvia, Roma people live in their own houses or private apartments, but also together with other ethnic groups. They are not excluded in this sense. There are so-called Roma districts, but they are not segregated, but are created out of their own choice.”30

However there is upsetting data. The research report Socio-economic Development Trends in Latvian Cities and Towns (conducted in 38 cities and towns, financed by the Ministry for Regional Development and Local Authorities) shows a different, but generally high level of intolerance towards various ethnic and social groups. Answers to the question: “What groups would you not choose as your neighbours?” shows that more than 50% of the respondents would not like to see Romani people as their neighbours (in five cities negative answers were given by more than 60% of respondents).31

Unfortunately, no data are available in Latvia on the accessibility and possibilities of sports and leisure as well as culture for representatives of specific ethic groups, including the Roma; neither has any special research studies been undertaken in these areas. Cultural activities can be discussed only in the context of the activities of separate Roma NGOs.

1.4 The extent and nature of discrimination experienced by Roma

According to the Eurobarometer data32, in Latvia the Roma discrimination indicators are higher than the EU27 average – if in EU 27 the average comfort with Roma neighbour indicator is 6 (on scale from 1 to 10), then in Latvia it is only 5.2, although the percentage of Roma friends/ acquaintances at the same time is much higher than in EU 27 average –26% and 14% respectively. In Eurobarometer Survey 2009, the percentage of Roma friends/ acquaintances slightly increased in Latvia and even more in EU-27 average – 27% and 17% respectively.

One of the greatest discrimination risks encountered by the Roma in Latvia is discrimination in the labour market. There are no sufficient data and research studies that would allow describing the discrimination of Roma in the labour market. A certain insight into causes of discrimination and its spread is provided by the labour market survey “Specific Problems of Labour Market in Latvia and its Regions”33. Results of research studies listed below show that Latvians are in a comparatively

28 Latvia RAXEN National Focal Point, Thematic Study. Housing conditions of Roma and Travellers, March 2009, p.34. 29 Latvia RAXEN National Focal Point, Thematic Study. Housing conditions of Roma and Travellers, March 2009, p.25. 30 Ibid., p.33. 31 Ibid., p.29. 32 European Commission, Discrimination in the EU, Special Eurobarometer N°263, 2008; European Commission, Discrimination in the EU, Special Eurobarometer N°317, 2009. 33 Latvian Agricultural University, Daugavpils University, Riga Stradins University, Ventspils University College, Vidzeme University College, Specific Problems of Labour Market in Latvia and its Regions, Jelgava, 2007.

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better situation as concerns access to the labour market than other ethnic minorities. If access to employment for other minorities is, to a considerable degree, affected by lack of state language proficiency, then for the Roma access to the labour market is much more obstructed, even though the majority of the Roma have a good command of the Latvian language. The Roma are directly discriminated on the grounds of their ethnic origin. Although their Latvian language proficiency is rather good, low educational attainment and existing public stereotypes in many instances prevent them from getting even unskilled jobs.

In the research “Specific Problems of the Labour Market in Latvia and its Regions” employers recognised in focus groups that Roma was the ethnic group about which stereotypes and prejudices dominated in the society and also among employers and who were discriminated in the labour market. Among ethnic groups Roma stand the least chance. It is disturbing that in the survey of this research 18.7% of employers have recognised that they will definitely not employ a Roma. If failure of Russians to get employment is also related to the insufficient knowledge of the Latvian language, i.e., they are assessed not only by their ethnic origin, then it is not the case with Roma. No one of employers mentioned that Roma had problems with Latvian language proficiency; the fact that the person belongs to this ethnic group constitutes sufficient grounds not to employ the person. An unfair attitude due to their insufficient knowledge of the state language has been experienced by 3.5% of employees included in the survey; mostly these were representatives of other nationalities, not Latvians. 7% of employees of other nationalities have experience inequality directed against them due to their insufficient knowledge of the state language; mostly it has been experienced by Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Poles, Russians, and Lithuanians. However, only one person of the 35 Roma who participated in the survey recognised that he had experience unequal treatment because of lack of the knowledge of the state language. Unequal treatment because of the person’s ethnic origin has been experienced by 3.7% of respondents of ethnic minorities. Half of Roma respondents have indicated that they have experienced unequal treatment because of their ethnic origin.

In 2006, the first-ever and, thus far, the only ethnic discrimination case in Latvia was reviewed by the Jelgava Court: the Latvian Ombudsman's Office filed a complaint with court on behalf of a Romani woman who claimed that she was refused employment because of her ethnicity. The court established that the prohibition of indirect discrimination on ethnic grounds has been violated on basis of Latvian legal norms, including provisions of the Labour Law, which were adopted in line with the Racial Equality and Employment Framework Directives. The court awarded the victim LVL 1,000 (EUR ~1,422) to be paid by the respondent party for pecuniary damages. However, the victim has not received any payment as the responsible private company has filed for bankruptcy34.

Employers who are prejudiced about employing Roma at their enterprises, justify their discriminatory attitude by the inability to trust them, complain of their dishonesty as well as express the opinion that the employment of Roma is possible only in specific jobs and in specific cases. In such instances it is not possible to speak about the upgrading of qualifications of Roma or their career development opportunities.

The existence of such restrictions that obstruct access to the labour market for Roma or aggravate the situation in the labour market, increase the poverty and social exclusion risk of Roma. Moreover, in its turn, it increases the dependence of these groups on social assistance and does not allow them to break out of the poverty circle.

34 Latvian Centre for Human Rights, “Alternative report on the implementation of the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in Latvia”, Riga, 2008.

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As in the conditions of the economic crisis Latvia has one of the highest unemployment rates among countries of the EU 27, employees are ready to overlook many violations committed by employers only to keep their jobs. According to the information provided by the State Labour Inspectorate of Latvia, many people are ready to work in worse working conditions, longer and unpaid working hours, to receive lower wages or wages in “envelopes”35. The situation is further aggravated by the considerable budgetary cuts for many socially relevant areas (social security, health care, education, internal security, transport)36. Thus in the crisis situation there is a considerable increase of discrimination risks for socially disadvantaged groups in particular.

Research data and interviews with representatives of the Roma community show that the Roma is one of groups in Latvia that are most exposed to discrimination and hate crimes. More than 50% of inhabitants in Latvia most definitely would like to live in the neighbourhood of the Roma.37 Social workers are helpless to find housing for a family with five small children although it is guaranteed that the rent and utilities will be paid in time.

More frequently there are reports about hate crimes directed against the Roma. In February 2009 the Riga Regional Court convicted four skinheads for attacking two underage Roma girls but in December the same court sentenced two young people to half a year in prison for attacking a Roma man. In both cases the attackers justified their hatred by maintaining that the Roma sold drugs.

In March 2011 the Latvian Centre for Human Rights participated in the first situation testing experiment organised by the European Grassroots Antiracist Movement – EGAM – to combat race discrimination and did not find any fact of discrimination in any of the clubs. It was the first time that the situation testing experiment was used in Latvia to directly detect cases of discrimination38.

Although the information provided by the Latvian Ombudsman’s Office about Roma discrimination cases, the small number of received complaints formally does not confirm the spread of discrimination, still the reality differs from the information that is at the disposal of the Ombudsman’s Office. Thus, for example, during the period of 1 January – 30 September 2007 the Latvian Ombudsman’s Office examined four complaints the discrimination of individuals on the grounds of their ethnicity (Roma) which mostly concerned the treatment of the Roma in penitentiaries and in detention units39. During the said period the Latvian Ombudsman’s Office initiated 12 review cases concerning discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity – the Roma nationality. In 2009 only two applications from the 14 applications about discrimination on the grounds of race and ethnic origin, were submitted representatives of the Roma. As concerns the possible discrimination of the Roma communities, the Ombudsman has had to examine issues of accessibility of employment and harassment in the street (up to physical violence on the grounds of ethnic origin). According to representatives of the Roma community, the Roma encounter discrimination in public places, at educational institutions, upon establishing employment

35 http://www.apollo.lv/portal/news/articles/169854 36 Ekonomikas ministrija, Ziņojums par Latvijas tautsaimniecības attīstību, 2010.gada jūnijs, Rīga, available at http://www.em.gov.lv/images/modules/items/tsdep/zin_2010_1/2010_jun.pdf 37 Analītisko pētījumu un stratēģiju laboratorija, "Latvijas pilsētu sociāli ekonomiskās attīstības tendences”, Rīga 2007-2008, pieejams: http://www.raplm.gov.lv/uploads/filedir/Nozares/Petijums_Lv_pils_soc_ek_att_tend.pdf 38 http://www.delfi.lv/news/national/politics/eksperimenta-neatklaj-rasu-diskriminaciju-rigas-klubos.d?id=37212949 39 Informatīvais ziņojums par Valsts programmas “Čigāni (romi) Latvijā" 2007.–2009.gadam īstenošanu laika posmā no 2007.gada 1.janvāra līdz 2007.gada 30.septembrim (08.01.2008), p.7.

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relations, at work places, when receiving social services; information presented by the mass media is also discriminating.

The small number of complaints can be explained by two reasons. Firstly, it is related to lack of confidence in the Ombudsman that is in evidence among the population or lack of information about the work of the Ombudsman’s Office among the population.40. The Ombudsman’s Office itself points out that consultations with representatives of Roma NGOs in 2009 have allowed concluding that the small number of complaints is related to the fact that many Roma people have left Latvia to seek employment abroad41.

The Ombudsman pointed out in the report for 2008 that although the legal regulation in Latvia in the area of combating racial hatred complies with requirements of international commitments, still its application in practice is not always effective. Thus, for example, the attack on the Roma girls that was covered by the mass media, was not qualified at the initial stage as a crime motivated by ethnic hatred, however, after a more careful analysis of the facts and evidence in the case, the law enforcement agencies established that the motivation of the attack was linked to the ethnicity of the victims – the underage girls.42

The Ombudsman’s Office has commissioned a research study in 2007 on contacts of representatives of the Roma community with the police that has revealed a range of specific sociological and psychological aspects. The survey included 152 representatives of the Roma - 83 men and 69 women – employed and unemployed respondents. 58% of all respondents described their contacts as negative, 7% as neutral, and 6% as positive while 29% of the respondents did not give any answer. The majority of respondents - 47% (of whom 25% were women, 22% - men) described their attitude to the police as negative, 12% described it as aggressive and only 10% described their attitude as positive. The research study has allowed concluding that the contacts of the Roma with the police are mostly negative; negative associations and fear of the police that the Roma have are caused by ethnic, social and psychological reasons. Not infrequently the police demonstrate its power in contacts with the Roma and humiliate these people.43

1.5 The main data gaps in relation to Roma

To describe the main data gaps in relation to the Roma, note should be taken of problems that are typical in Latvia in respect of data collection by ethnic origin. While before the restoration of independence an entry "ethnicity" was an integral part of many documents and forms, for the last few years there has been a tendency to exclude this category from statistical data collection by institutions. There is no common understanding among the data collecting bodies about whether ethnicity and ethnic origin are sensitive data44 and whether such data should be collected, entered in various surveys and forms. On the one hand, such an approach is based on attempts

40 Tirgus un sabiedriskās domas pētījumu centrs SKDS „Informētība par cilvēktiesību aizsardzību Latvijā”, 2008.gada novembris, available at: http://www.tiesibsargs.lv/lat/petijumi_un_viedokli/petijumi/?doc=444 41 Informatīvais ziņojums par Valsts programmas “Čigāni (romi) Latvijā" 2007.–2009.gadam īstenošanu laika posmā no 2008.g. 1.oktobra līdz 2009.g.30.septembrim (29.10.2010). 42 Tiesībsarga 2008.gada ziņojums, 2008. – p.39, available at: http://www.tiesibsargs.lv/lat/publikacijas/gada_zinojumi 43 Informatīvais ziņojums par Valsts programmas “Čigāni (romi) Latvijā" 2007.–2009.gadam īstenošanu laika posmā no 2007.gada 1.oktobra līdz 2008.gada 30.septembrim (22.10.2008), p.9. 44 According to the Personal Data Protection Law, personal data which indicate the race, ethnic origin, religious are sensitive data. At the same time, the Law on Population Register does not consider ethnicity as sensitive data.

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to prevent discrimination risks on the grounds of ethnicity. Likewise, it is the free will of any individual to indicate his/her ethnic origin in identity documents, for example, in the passport. On the other hand, it creates problems for policy planners as well as specialists studying the situation of social exclusion risk groups by ethnicity.

In practice, some ministries and other bodies do collect demographic data, including ethnic and linguistic, although in most cases, these data are made available only upon special request. At the same time, other institutions, such as the judiciary, have explicitly stopped recording the ethnicity of defendants, which was previously practiced. The most significant shortcomings of officially collected statistics are: limited categories and areas, lack of coordination in collecting and processing the data, lack of definitions or vagueness of categories.45

In Latvia, there is still lack of understanding about the importance of collecting ethnic data for the development of policy programmes and initiatives. According to the data of Eurobarometer, 73% of respondents in Latvia are in favour to provide, on an anonymous basis, information about their ethnic origin as part of a census, if that could help to combat discrimination in Latvia, while 21% are against providing such information.46

Some experts believe that in Latvia's context, data about respondents' native language, Latvian language proficiency and citizenship are more important than ethnicity47. Russian is the native language to a significant part of national minorities (for example Russians, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Armenians, Jews and others), therefore, if research takes into consideration only the ethnicity of respondents, there is a perceived risk that the analysis will be of limited explanatory use. If this argumentation could be, on the whole, accepted in respect of other ethnic groups, then, taking into account the good Latvian language proficiency among the Roma as well as the high ration of Latvian citizens among the Roma, this argumentation cannot be applied to the Roma.

The latest most comprehensive statistical data that include information about ethnicity, native language, citizenship, language knowledge and usage among residents of Latvia is the data of Population Census held in 2000. Next Census results will be available in 2012.

As the Roma constitute a very small portion of the population in Latvia, the number of the Roma included in the sample for various research studies and surveys about the population of Latvia in general is too small to allow drawing substantiated conclusions about problems of the Roma from various social-demographic aspects.

Latvia lacks comprehensive data on the situation regarding discrimination on various grounds in respect of the access to the labour market and discrimination in employment.

45 Latvian Centre for Human Rights, unpublished paper “Ethnic Data Collection for Antidiscrimination”, Riga, 2007. 46 The Special Eurobarometer N°263 "Discrimination in the European Union", available at: http://ec.europa.eu/public opinion/archives/ebs/ebs 263 en.pdf 47 Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the University of Latvia, Baltic International Centre for Economic Policy Studies, Institute of Sociological Research, “Causes and Length of Unemployment and Social Exclusion”, Riga, 2007; Latvian Agricultural University, Daugavpils University, Riga Stradins University, Ventspils University College, Vidzeme University College, “Specific Problems of Labour Market in Latvia and its Regions”, Jelgava, 2007; Zepa B., Šūpule I., Krastiņa L., “Ethnic Tolerance and Integration of the Society of Latvia”, Baltic Institute of Social Sciences,