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Linguistic Variety in Later Nineteenth-Century Dutch-Edited Malay Publications

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Linguistic Variety in Later Nineteenth-Century Dutch-Edited Malay Publications Linguistic variety in later nineteenth-century Dutch-edited Malay publications Waruno MAHDI Fritz Haber Institute of the Max Planck Society Malay publications in colonial Indonesia (Netherlands East Indies) up to 1800 were mainly by Dutch missionaries. Publications after 1900 covered a wide scope of mostly secular topics and genres, edited by indigenous Indonesians (besides Sino-Indonesians and Dutch). This paper studies the intervening period that is characterized by far-reaching secularization and wide thematic diversification, revealing at the same time a lack of coordination of language expertise, resulting in a high degree of dialectal and spelling variation. The development will be inspected in Christian church publications, translated official texts and legal documents, schoolbooks, Dutch-edited Malay newspapers and popular literature. It reveals a wide disparaty between official language policy and private publishing practice on one side, and suggests a close correlatedness between the informal Malay of Dutch editors and of the educated indigenous elite on the other. 1. Introduction: The historical socio-economic background1 In the course of the 19th century, Indonesia as a Dutch colony (Netherlands East Indies) underwent fundamental changes in many aspects of its economic and political system and culture. Up to 1800, the colony had the loose structure of a traditional Malayan thalassocracy: a motley collection of subordinated territories with various traditional forms of social, political, and economic organization were tied by treaties to a supreme paramount, the Dutch United East India Company (VOC = Vereenigde Oost-indische Compagnie) which was represented physically in but a few fortified centers, particularly Ambon, since 1609, and Batavia, since 1619. Essentially, the organization and social circum- stances of the economy remained unchanged, the VOC mainly monopolized the trade in vital products and enforced restrictions on their production.2 Dutch and indigenous communities remained relatively isolated from one another, and incursions of Dutch elements into indigenous culture were rather limited (cf. Wertheim 1978:20–22). This 1 Acknowledgements: I owe many thanks to Don van Minde for comments to an early version of this article, and for insight into his unpublished contribution (van Minde n.d.). Thanks also go to Holger Warnk for helpful comments to that early version, to Uli Kozok for comments to a more recent version, and to Richard Parker for calling my attention to Parkinson (1773). I am deeply indebted to the former director of the Department of Physical Chemistry of the Fritz Haber Institute, Gerhard Ertl, and to the present director, Martin Wolf, for the generous opportunity to use Institute facilities in my linguistic and culture-historical studies. Many thanks go to Marcel Krenz, Albrecht Ropers, and Frank Quadt, for invaluable technical support. My sincerest thanks go to co-workers of libraries where I found the quoted pre-1900 publications and newspapers: the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague; the Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden; the former lib- raries of the Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, Amsterdam, and Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (KITLV), Leiden; the Cornell University Library, Ithaca, NY; and last but not least the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz. I gratefully acknowledge frequent use of the Malay Concordance Project online search facility (mcp.anu.edu.au), founded by the late Ian Proudfoot. 2 Cf. Vlekke (1965:200–204, 288–289), Boxer (1965:94, 189–191). MAHDI, Waruno, 2016, ‘Linguistic variety in later nineteenth-century Dutch-edited Malay publications’. In YANTI and Timothy MCKINNON, eds. Studies in language typology and change. Nusa 60: 107-185 [Permanent URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10108/87446] 108 NUSA 60, 2016 was unlike the assimilating policy of the Portuguese in the preceding period,3 explaining the linguistic impact of Portuguese that was only replaced by Dutch as most widely spoken European language after the middle of the 19th century.4 After dissolution of the VOC with the expiration of its charter on December 31, 1799,5 territories under Dutch paramountcy were placed under direct colonial administration. This opened the way to a fundamental change in economic policy, introduction of in- dustrial-age European organization, capital and technology, and renewal of the infra- structure, leading to changes in the social structure of the indigenous population in- volved in new modes of production, transport, and administration. The colony lost its loose and fragmented structure, and began to consolidate towards the territorial admin- istrative integrity of post-feudal national geopolitical entities (cf. Mahdi 2012a:106). This development at first suffered several setbacks. In the homeland, Europeans were preoccupied with the Napoleonic Wars. This was followed, after June 1815, by a conservative respite that nevertheless failed to hold back, or perhaps even actually provoked, the revolutionary upheavals of 1848.6 In the Dutch colony, a brief period of liberal reform during the governor-generalship of Herman Willem Daendels (from 1808 till 1811) and the British Interregnum under Thomas Stamford Raffles (from 1811 till 1815) was ended when the leasing of land to Europeans—a central point of policy of that liberal period—was abolished by the conservative Governor General G.A.G.P. van 7 der Capellen (from 1816 till 1826) with his decree of May 6, 1823 (StbNI 1823 no. 17).8 The resulting abrogation of land-lease contracts—and reimbursement of the prepaid rent at an exorbitant interest rate—severely burdened the indigenous nobility, and was one of the causes of the Java War of 1825–1830 (see Vlekke 1965:286). Finally, van der Capellen’s decree had to be withdrawn by decision of Commissioner General Leonard P.J. du Bois de Gisignies (StbNI 1827 no. 53). In a last-ditch attempt to achieve maximum productivity under retention of traditional conditions of production and landownership, the so-called Cultivation System (Cultuurstelsel) was introduced in 1830. It stipulated compulsory cultivation of government crops (for export) on 20 percent of the land of peasants in désa village commons (Vlekke 1965:289). The rise of revolutionary sentiment in Europe convinced the Dutch king, Willem II, to have a constitution drafted by the liberal politician J.R. Thorbecke,9 and enacted in November 1848, establishing the Netherlands as constitutional monarchy (see Boog- man 1977). The liberals formed the cabinet for several terms, and gradually put through their economic policies which were irreconcilable with the system of trade monopolies 3 Cf. Drewes (1929:136–138), Boxer (1965:215 & 219). 4 Cf. Prick van Wely (1906:3–7), Groeneboer (1993:16). 5 Vlekke (1965:239), Boxer (1965:299). 6 A nearly contemporaneous retrospective with almost philosophical insight was offered by de Bosch Kemper (1875:317ff). 7 StbNI = Staatsblad van Nederlandsch-Indië, the government gazette (official journal) of the Nether- lands East Indies. 8 Regardless of this setback, the increase of sea-rover activity (zeeroverij)—cf. Mahdi (2008:135)— forced the colonial administration to mobilize cruiser-proas (kruispraauwen) with wage-earning indigenous seamen, helmsmen, and commanders (StbNI 1821 no. 37, p. 99). 9 Johan Rudolf Thorbecke (lived 1798–1872), see State (2008:140). MAHDI: Linguistic variety in 19th century Dutch Malay publications 109 and government enterprises based on compulsory or bonded labor:10 For example, slavery was abolished by October 12, 1859, in Java and Madura, and by January 1, 1860, also in the rest of the colony (StbNI 1859 no. 47, art. 1); then a law put an end to the obligatory planting of, and delivery quotas for, cloves in the Moluccas (StbNI 1863 no. 169), and another law limited seigneurial services (heerendienst) of peasants in fields and households of nobility (StbNI 1867 no. 123), and so forth. Finally, the agrarian reform that allowed private individuals and companies to acquire land in hereditary tenure (erfpacht) was passed in 1870.11 This opened the way for pri- vate capital investment in plantations, workshops, mining, etc., with the consequence that a significant section of the population was transplanted from a natural economy of désa village commons into employment as, either contract or hired, wage-earning labor in a more outright commodity economy.12 This required a significant development of the infrastructure, which in turn had as consequence a further increase in employment of indigenous labor in railways,13 steamshipping,14 mechanical workshops (to which I will return below), etc. Emerging urban settlements of Europeans as well as indigenous and non-indigenous Asians required a police force,15 firefighting brigades,16 and mail services,17 all with indigenous employees (cf. Fig. 1). As for the telegraph service that was commenced in 1855–1857, the upkeep of the telegraph lines was subsequently performed by indigenous isoleurs ‘insulation men’ (Wieringa 1914:24, 27). Whereas a considerable part of the work in plantations and mines, particularly outside Java, was done by contract coolies (in Northeast Sumatra frequently Chinese, see Breman 1987), indigenous labor in transport, communication, mechanical workshops, and municipal services was for the greater part performed by free wage earners.18 A 10 Vlekke (1965:302–303), Burger (1975:123). 11 StbKN 1870 no. 71 (StbKN = Staatsblad van het Koningrijk [after 1882 Koninkrijk] der Neder-landen); StbNI 1870 no. 118; see also Vlekke (1965:306-307), Burger (1975:125, 128). 12 As example of employment of indigenous workers at an industrial site, a detailed listing of indigenous personnel, their number, tasks, and wages, at a typical oil-mining site under routine operating conditions is provided by de Stoppelaar (1897:198–200). 13 The concession for the Semarang-Surakarta-Yogykarta railroad was granted by StbKN 1863 no. 110 and StbNI 1863 no. 116. The operation of the Padang-Sawah Lunto railroad (West Sumatra) for trans- porting coal from the Umbilin coal mines is described in Verslag over den aanleg en de exploitatie van de Staatsspoorwegen in Nederlandsch-Indië over het jaar 1896 (not seen, cit.
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