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Le Radici Liberal-Nazionaliste Del Fascismo Dal Codice Zanardelli Alla Marcia Su Roma (1889-1922)

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Le Radici Liberal-Nazionaliste Del Fascismo Dal Codice Zanardelli Alla Marcia Su Roma (1889-1922) Departamento de Historia Contemporánea Le radici liberal-nazionaliste del fascismo Dal Codice Zanardelli alla Marcia su Roma (1889-1922) Presentada por Simone Giannatiempo Director Director: Daniele Conversi Leioa, 2018 (c)2018 SIMONE GIANNATIEMPO INDICE Introduzione ………………………………………………….. pag. 3 CAPITOLO PRIMO Evidenze tecnico-culturali dello Stato italiano prefascista 1. Il concetto di violenza nella visione dello Stato tra Novecento e Fascismo nel dibattito giuspubblicistico dell’inizio del secolo …. » 31 2. La violenza legittimata: l’uso della violenza come diritto di tutela dello Stato ………………………………………………………. » 53 3. Futurismo: il movimento artistico che esalta l’uso della violenza, contributo al modernismo fascista ……………………………… » 57 4. Fatti di guerra: la guerra come strumento politico nello Stato italiano prefascista. Dal brigantaggio alla Grande Guerra, Da Cialdini a Cadorna …………………………………………………………. » 71 5. La Prima Guerra Mondiale: il precipitare degli eventi, caratteristiche culturali nello scoppio del conflitto …………………………… » 80 CAPITOLO SECONDO Evidenze tecnico-giuridiche dello Stato italiano prefascista 1. Introduzione alla giustizia penale nell’Italia prefascista, contestualizzazione storica e ruolo della Cassazione …………. » 104 2. Nel merito della questione: reato politico o reato comune? …… » 111 3. La magistratura ordinaria e di grado superiore tra la fine dell’Ottocento e l’avvento del fascismo: il conformismo dell’istituzione giudiziaria …………………………………….. » 115 4. Codice Zanardelli e Codice Rocco, continuità tra stato liberale e regime fascista: gli strumenti giuridici della repressione ……… » 129 5. Nel merito dei Codici: Inghilterra ed Italia, i reati contro lo stato, un caso a confronto ……………………………………………….. » 133 1 6. Il processo penale italiano modellato su quello francese ……… » 142 7. Excursus storico sul ruolo di giuristi e studiosi a cavallo tra i due secoli …………………………………………………………... » 153 8. Lo Stato prefascista e le sue contraddizioni. Tra Ancien Régime e Stato liberale …………………………………………………… » 164 9. Gaetano Bresci, il più famoso caso ed esempio di giustizia penale italiana prima dell’avvento del fascismo ………………………. » 170 CAPITOLO TERZO Evidenze tecnico-politiche nella conquista del potere da parte del movimento fascista 1. La marcia su Roma …………………………………………….. » 203 2. Preparativi ed evento …………………………………………... » 205 3. Tecniche e strategie del colpo di stato ………………………… » 208 4. Fu quindi colpo di stato? ………………………………………. » 216 Conclusioni ……………………………………………………. » 225 Bibliografia ……………………………………………………. » 251 Fonti a stampa e riviste storiche ………………………... » 265 Fonti giudiziarie ed atti parlamentari ………………… » 267 Fonti audiovisive …………………….………………………. » 268 2 Las raíces liberal-nacionalistas del fascismo Del Codice Zanardelli a la Marcia su Roma (1889- 1922) ¿Por qué nace el fascismo y de dónde provienen sus orígenes? Estas son las preguntas fundamentales que surgen en la presente tesis doctoral. En la historiografía contemporánea hay al menos cuatro tipos de respuestas a esta pregunta: la primera se remonta a historiadores del calibre de Renzo De Felice y Emilio Gentile, que hablan de una revolución fascista bajo diferentes declinaciones; la segunda entiende el fascismo como una mera consecuencia de la Primera Guerra Mundial; la tercera, de matriz crociana, en que se basa la discusión de Norberto Bobbio; la cuarta atribuible a la escuela marxista. Centrándose en particular en las dos primeras respuestas no queremos argumentar que estas afirmaciones sean incorrectas. Mussolini ciertamente intentó una revolución antropológica del pueblo italiano, y la Primera Guerra Mundial no solo hizo madurar al político Mussolini sino que el fin del conflicto dio al exsocialista instrumentos de propaganda política. Pero afirmar que el fascismo nace solo por estas razones es reductivo y es igual a decir que un cierto sentido nació porque el mal aparece de repente entre nosotros (esta la tesis de Benedetto Croce y Norberto Bobbio). De estas dos declaraciones se pueden extraer dos datos, que Mussolini fue el fascismo y que la Gran Guerra aceleró el nacimiento de la dictadura. En la presente investigación queremos mostrar cómo el fascismo tiene orígenes anteriores y que es en esencia el último paso, si no el cumplimiento definitivo, del Risorgimento italiano. Para probar esto, se han seguido en la tesis metodológicamente tres direcciones técnico-cultural, técnico-legal y técnico- 1 política. La primera muestra cómo las bases culturales en las que se basan los aspectos clave del fascismo son la continuación de los axiomas culturales del Estado liberal italiano. En particular, nos referimos al racismo lombrosiano, al hombre nuevo, rápido y mecánico, hijo de la era industrial, al recurso de la guerra, un aspecto ya fundamental de la Italia prefascista, mucho antes de la Gran Guerra. El aspecto técnico-legal es el foco principal de la tesis. A través del estudio de actos parlamentarios, revistas jurídicas especializadas entre el final del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX, a través del estudio del Codice Zanardelli y de la legislación especial anterior al surgimiento del movimiento lictoriano, se señala que el aparato jurídico estatal fascista no sino la continuación del aparato legal estatal anterior. Nos referimos específicamente en las garantías falsas con respecto a los crímenes políticos del Codice Zanardelli; a la reducción a crimen común del mismo crimen político; a herramientas y prácticas policiales como la amonestación, la hoja callejera o el famoso domicilio forzado, todos considerados instrumentos liberticidas introducidos por el fascismo y que existían desde al menos treinta años antes; al papel conformista de la magistratura que dependía directamente del ejecutivo, en violación de la fundación de la democracia (la división y independencia de los tres poderes: no queremos confundir el liberalismo con el concepto de democracia contemporánea; sin embargo no podemos olvidar que el liberalismo significa ese paso fundamental hacia el Estado de derecho después de la Revolución francesa; el Estado liberal solo puede considerarse como tal si los valores liberales que están en la base son respetados); al debate de los juristas que invocaron la necesidad de un giro autoritario del Estado. Desde el punto de vista técnico-político, se ha destacado cómo el instrumento político de la violencia, notoriamente utilizado por el fascismo, ya había sido ampliamente utilizado y reivindicado anteriormente; también se ha señalado que 2 no podemos hablar técnicamente de revolución fascista, ni de golpe de Estado en la toma del poder, destacando estos aspectos por lo tanto la falta de novedad institucional del fascismo. Sobre la base de los elementos encontrados en esta tesis, queremos afirmar que el fascismo es la continuación de un Estado liberal-autoritario que nunca evolucionó hacia una democracia real, a través de la falla precisa de sus clases dominantes; un Estado que invoca, y invoca institucionalmente, un punto de inflexión autoritario porque no puede responder a los nuevos sujetos políticos que aparecieron en la escena nacional, como los partidos de masas y las formaciones sindicales; por último, un Estado cuyas clases dominantes lo sostuvieron y ejercitaron en el curso de la unidad italiana reprimiendo y violando cada impulso democrático y libertario. Muchas son las preguntas planteadas en esta tesis. Para recordar algunas de ellas: ¿Es una coincidencia que exista una idea similar de Estado-patria entre el régimen liberal y el régimen fascista? ¿Es una coincidencia que haya una correspondencia entre lo que algunos denominan “crímenes políticos” del sistema legal inglés y el régimen fascista? ¿Es una coincidencia que haya una cierta continuidad entre el Codice Zanardelli y el Codice Rocco? ¿Es una coincidencia que el confinamiento político se use tanto antes como después del advenimiento del fascismo para eliminar a los disidentes? ¿Es casualidad que el Tribunal Especial para la Defensa del Estado sea un tribunal militar con la tarea de juzgar crímenes políticos, al igual que los tribunales militares de fines del siglo XIX? ¿Es una coincidencia que el Codice Rocco aplique y sistematice ese pensamiento legal y político recurrente en los años anteriores al fascismo, que extendiera la persecución del pensamiento político anarquista y socialista a cualquier tipo de pensamiento político contrario al el fascismo? ¿Es casualidad que el poder judicial italiano, tanto durante el Estado liberal como durante el régimen fascista autoritario, dependiera del Ministerio de Gracia y Justicia y, 3 por lo tanto, estuviera sujeto al ejecutivo? ¿Es casual la política de agresión colonialista del fascismo o esta ya existía antes del fascismo? La presente tesis pretende resaltar muchos aspectos que marcan la continuidad entre el Estado liberal y el fascismo, argumentando, tal y como recoge la tesis de Piero Gobetti, que el fascismo es de hecho una consecuencia directa de la concepción del Estado y la patria entre finales del siglo XIX y el siglo XX; o el último y total atrincheramiento de las clases en el poder frente a la novedad política del socialismo, pero también del pensamiento político católico; es la consecuencia de las atrocidades de una Primera Guerra Mundial buscada no solo por los Estados autoritarios centroeuropeos sino también por la Europa democrática; y es el último campo de batalla en el que se enfrentan para dividir los intereses económicos y geopolíticos mundiales, es, finalmente, la consecuencia directa de la democracia liberal
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