Fondateur Et Directeur Général De L'agence Indépendante De Photos Unframe
Cette série de photos relate une tranche des événements qui se sont déroulés pendant toute la période des protestations. Ce n’est pas une histoire, ni une réflexion, il n’y a pas non plus spéculation sur les effets visuels de la tempête qui a éclaté. C’est tout simplement, le froid mordant de l'hiver, le mécontentement, une foi solide, de la haine, de la fatigue, de la frustration, la douleur, la mort, l'espoir et le courage qui se font encore sentir dans l'air de l'Ukraine en pleine renaissance douloureuse. Des centaines de milliers de manifestants sont descendus sur la place de l'Indépendance, « Maïdan », exigeant la démission du gouvernement et du président Ianoukovitch. Ce personnage haï et tragi‐comique celui qui a refusé à tout le peuple l'espoir de changement pour la vie meilleure. Ce qui a commencé comme une exigence avec l'intégration européenne, « Euromaïdan », s’est transformé en la plus grande manifestation anti‐ gouvernementale dans l'histoire de l'Ukraine. En réponse aux demandes des manifestants et des millions d’ukrainiens à travers le pays, le gouvernement a promulgué plusieurs lois pour interdire les manifestations pacifiques. Provoquant ainsi une nouvelle vague d'indignation dans la société et la radicalisation de ces manifestations. Les exigences des gens, armés du désir de liberté et du sens de la justice n’étaient pas satisfaites. Alors que le gouvernement ukrainien et l'opposition poursuivaient des débats sur l'abolition des lois draconiennes et de la « sortie de la crise politique», de violents affrontements ont éclaté dans les rues de Kiev.
UNCLASSIFIED Asymmetric Operations Working Group Ambiguous Threats and External Influences in the Baltic States and Poland Phase 1: Understanding the Threat October 2014 UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED Cover image credits (clockwise): Pro-Russian Militants Seize More Public Buildings in Eastern Ukraine (Donetsk). By Voice of America website (VOA) [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:VOAPro- Russian_Militants_Seize_More_Public_Buildings_in_Eastern_Ukraine.jpg. Ceremony Signing the Laws on Admitting Crimea and Sevastopol to the Russian Federation. The website of the President of the Russian Federation (www.kremlin.ru) [CC-BY-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ceremony_signing_ the_laws_on_admitting_Crimea_and_Sevastopol_to_the_Russian_Federation_1.jpg. Sloviansk—Self-Defense Forces Climb into Armored Personnel Carrier. By Graham William Phillips [CCBY-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:BMDs_of_Sloviansk_self-defense.jpg. Dynamivska str Barricades on Fire, Euromaidan Protests. By Mstyslav Chernov (http://www.unframe.com/ mstyslav- chernov/) (Own work) [CC-BY-SA-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dynamivska_str_barricades_on_fire._ Euromaidan_Protests._Events_of_Jan_19,_2014-9.jpg. Antiwar Protests in Russia. By Nessa Gnatoush [CC-BY-2.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Euromaidan_Kyiv_1-12-13_by_ Gnatoush_005.jpg. Military Base at Perevalne during the 2014 Crimean Crisis. By Anton Holoborodko (http://www. ex.ua/76677715) [CC-BY-SA-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2014-03-09_-_Perevalne_military_base_-_0180.JPG.
Memorial on Admissibility on Behalf of the Government of Ukraine
Ukraine v. Russia (re Eastern Ukraine) APPLICATION NO. 8019/16 Kyiv, 8 November 2019 MEMORIAL ON ADMISSIBILITY ON BEHALF OF THE GOVERNMENT OF UKRAINE CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1. The Russian Federation has consistently denied its involvement in the conflict in eastern Ukraine, and has sought to evade international legal responsibility by adopting a series of measures to disguise and “outsource” its military aggression in eastern Ukraine. The Kremlin’s denials of direct involvement were implausible from the outset, and were roundly rejected by the international community. All of the relevant international institutions rightly hold Moscow responsible for a pattern of conduct that has been designed to destabilise Ukraine by sponsoring separatist entities in the use of armed force against the legitimate Government and members of the civilian population. Almost from the outset, the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the G7 all re-affirmed Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders, and condemned the Russian Federation’s continuing proxy war in eastern Ukraine. As the conflict has continued, the evidence of Russia’s direct and indirect involvement in the violent rebellion in Donbass has become more and more apparent. Despite Russia’s crude attempts to conceal its involvement, the proof of Russian State responsibility has steadily mounted. In the face of the obvious truth, Russia’s policy of implausible deniability has fallen apart completely. 2. Ukraine submits that the human rights violations committed by Russian forces and their proxies, as particularised in this application, fall directly within Russia’s extra-territorial jurisdiction for the purposes of article 1 of the Convention.
Leadership Strategies in Promoting the Image of the Mayors on the Web- Sites of Sector Town Halls and of Bucharest City Hall
LEADERSHIP STRATEGIES IN PROMOTING THE IMAGE OF THE MAYORS ON THE WEB- SITES OF SECTOR TOWN HALLS AND OF BUCHAREST CITY HALL Viorica PĂUŞ Viorica PĂUŞ Professor, Department of Cultural Anthropology and Communication, Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania Tel.: 004-021-318.15.15 E-mail: viorica.paus@fjsc.ro Abstract The research deals with the leadership strategies used by the mayors of the six sectors and the General Mayor of Bucharest in order to represent and promote the organizational image and their own image. The success, performance and competitiveness of sector town halls and Bu- charest City Hall also depend on the quality of leadership and the leaders’ ability to use appro- priate, attractive and customized online commu- nication strategies in order to inform the citizens and achieve their electoral goals. This research has the following objectives: (a) to identify the online strategies used by the seven mayors-leaders; (b) to identify the sa- lience of tactics used by the seven mayors; (c) to identify the ethos categories within the mayors’ online messages. Keywords: local public administration, may- or, open leadership, communication, information, website, effi ciency. Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences, No. 47 E/2016, pp. 146-163 146 1. Introduction Leadership should not be strictly associated with multinational corporations and it should not exclusively refer to the employer-employee relationship. Mayors are a special category of leaders. Besides their internal communication within the city or town halls, they are elected by citizens and thus they should build solid relationships with the inhabitants as well.
AMOS News * saptezile, Coperta : Jean Vasilescu Tehnoredactare: Cristian Negoi Prelucrare imagini: Ana Ştefania Andronic Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României AMOS, News șaptezile / AMOS News - Bucureşti : Semne, 2016 ISBN Toate drepturile şi responsabilităţile asupra conţinutului aparţin Fundaţiei AlegRO Editura SEMNE Str. Barbu Delavrancea nr. 24 Sector 1, Bucureşti Tel./Fax: 021 318 83 44 email: office@semneartemis.ro web: www.semneartemis.ro Comenzi: Tel: 0724 239 358 office@fundatia-aleg.ro www.fundatia-aleg.ro Tiparul executat la S.C. SEMNE ‘94 SRL Tel./Fax: 021 667 08 20 Bucureşti, 2016 AMOS News saptezile, stenogramelesăptamânalecomentate aleevenimentelordincelde-al cincisprezeceleaan almileniuluitrei MMXV Fundaţia AlegRO Introducere Douămiicincisprezece Cel de-al treilea volum de stenograme desprinse din actualitatea generală sub genericul „şaptezile” aduce în faţa cititorilor imaginea complexă şi adeseori contra- dictorie a unui an în care s-au întâmplat multe lucruri lipsite de importanţă şi foarte puţine cu consecinţe di- recte asupra evoluţiei spre mai bine a societăţii româneşti. Dincolo de zgomotul de fond afonic al feluritelor dispute se desprinde însă ceea ce a marcat ultima parte a anului: modul în care un incident, precum cel al in- cendiului de la clubul „Colectiv”, s-a repercutat asupra evoluţiilor politice, într-un scenariu desprins parcă din „Scrisoarea pierdută” a lui Caragiale: cum din con- fruntarea dintre PSD-ul aflat la guvernare şi PNL-ul dor- nic să-i ia locul cât mai curând a triumfat acest Dandanache XXI – guvernul Tehnocrat al lui Cioloş. Semnificaţia profundă a evenimentului constă în inca- pacitatea actorilor politici de a determina acele mutaţii pe care societatea le cere şi abandonul laş în faţa imix- tiunilor externe în cursul proceselor interne.
(In)Justice and Protest in Bucharest After the Colectiv Fire
This is a repository copy of Corruption and Conflagration: (In)Justice and Protest in Bucharest after the Colectiv Fire. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/151702/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Creţan, Remus and O'Brien, Thomas Anthony orcid.org/0000-0002-5031-736X (2020) Corruption and Conflagration: (In)Justice and Protest in Bucharest after the Colectiv Fire. URBAN GEOGRAPHY. pp. 368-388. ISSN 0272-3638 https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2019.1664252 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing eprints@whiterose.ac.uk including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. eprints@whiterose.ac.uk https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Urban Geography on 3 October 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2019.1664252 Corruption and conflagration: (In)Justice and protest in Bucharest after the Colectiv fire The fire in the Colectiv nightclub in Bucharest, Romania in October 2015 led to sustained, nationwide protests that forced the resignation of the government.
News Agency on Conservative Europe Report 2021, No. 9. Report on conservative and right wing Europe 20th May, 2021 GERMANY 1. tichyseinblick.de (translated, original by Roland Tichy, 19.04.2021) Baerbock is the green candidate for chancellor - and no other surprises It became clear: Now the Greens are competing with Annalena Baerbock. We are experiencing an epochal change in Germany, triggered by the quiet collapse of the Union and the FDP. It is no surprise that Annalena Baerbock became the Greens' candidate for chancellor; the time of men in the new, green painted world is up. They are accessories without a chance; and you only have to look at the Habecks of this world, then you know why: While the alpha males in the Union tear each other apart, the males in the greens are modest and flexible. Competence has long ceased to be a factor in the new world, in which feeling and then again feeling and then again feeling decide. It's about identity. If at some point Baerbock's post 2 should become vacant again, then certainly only one PoC * has the chance - People of Color, female. It's over, you machos like Jürgen Trittin or Joschka Fischer; you have made the greens great and superfluous. Enjoy retirement, it will be terrible. Not for you, green grandpas. Media cheers open It is also no surprise that the media, ARD and ZDF ahead, have opened the jubilation gates. It was hinted at. Baerbock fits too well into the scheme with which one believes in the sheltered workshops of fee-financed television that one can cope with the future.
Downloads/Assets/201503 BP Russian Forces in Ukraine Kostyuchenko, “We Were Fully Aware of What We Brought Ourselves to FINAL.Pdf.And What Could Happen,” Op Cit
Reforming Ukraine Civil Society and the Fight Against Corruption
Protesters clashing with police on Maidan. Photo by Mstyslav Chernov. REFORMING UKRAINE CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION MATTHEW SCHAAF IN PROFILE BY MASHA UDENSIVA-BRENNER BY MASHA UDENSIVA-BRENNER 18 | HARRIMAN PROFILES hen Matthew Schaaf (’11), a project director In accordance with the new legislation, organizations at Freedom House, the Washington, D.C.–based and individuals connected with anticorruption work freedom- and democracy-promoting NGO, will be required to submit lengthy financial reports. W moved to Kyiv to establish the organization’s Failure to submit them by the established deadline will first Ukrainian office in August 2016, there was reason to result in large fines and the loss of nonprofit status. lament the state of the country—the prominent journalist The amendment is vaguely phrased and thus obligates Pavel Sheremet had recently been assassinated by a car anyone connected with anticorruption to make public bomb in central Kyiv; oligarchs continued to have dis- their income and assets. This includes not only activ- proportionate power within the Ukrainian government; ists but also journalists, any organizations that have and the war in the east of the country showed no signs publicly voiced support for anticorruption work, and of abating. But there was a lot worth celebrating, too. anyone employed by what the government deems to be Civic engagement was at an all-time high, and, despite anticorruption organizations—janitors, graphic design- initial skepticism about its staying power, the partner- ers, caterers. Schaaf sees the measure as a Russian-style ship between political leaders and civic actors—human attempt to crack down on public engagement in civic rights activists, anticorruption organizations, indepen- life.
ROMANIA 2015 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Romania is a constitutional republic with a democratic, multiparty parliamentary system. The bicameral parliament consists of the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, both elected by popular vote. In November 2014 the country held presidential elections in which electoral observers noted irregularities, including insufficient polling stations for the large diaspora community. The country held parliamentary elections in 2012, which observers generally considered to be without irregularities. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. Major human rights problems included police and gendarme mistreatment and harassment of detainees and Roma. Government corruption remained a widespread problem. Systematic societal discrimination against Roma affected their access to adequate education, housing, health care, and employment opportunities. Other human rights problems included poor prison conditions and continued attempts by some political figures to compromise the independence of the judiciary. The government failed to take effective action to return Greek Catholic churches confiscated by the communist-era government. Personal and professional threats to journalists undermined media freedom. There were continued reports of violence and discrimination against women. There were some anti-Semitic acts and statements, and media continued to publish anti-Semitic articles. Anti-Semitic, racist, xenophobic, and nationalistic views continued to be disseminated via the internet. Government agencies provided inadequate assistance to persons with disabilities and neglected persons with disabilities in institutions. Societal discrimination againstLumeaJustitiei.ro lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons and individuals with HIV/AIDS, particularly children, remained problems. Employers subjected men, women, and children to labor trafficking in agriculture, construction, domestic service, hotels, and manufacturing.
Countering Hybrid Warfare So What for the Future Joint Force?
Euromaidan demonstrations in Kiev in 2013. To prevent or discourage such "color revolutions" and maintain control over its arc of influence, Russia has developed a suite of sophisticated coercive and influence techniques often referred to as "hybrid." (Wikimedia/ Mstyslav Chernov). 82 | FEATURES PRISM 8, NO. 2 Countering Hybrid Warfare So What for the Future Joint Force? By Sean Monaghan We need to do three things. First, accept what is happening rather than pretend it is not happening. Second, understand the tactics being used. Third, act intelligently and consistently to defend Western states, values, and interests from this insidious form of conflict —Bob Seeley and Alya Shandra, 20181 f strategy, in whatever era, is “the art of creating power,” then so-called hybrid warfare is merely the latest attempt by revisionist actors to create and exploit a form of power to meet their ends.2 Successfully coun- tering these challenges will require careful thought and calibrated strategy. This article aims to generate Ithe conceptual clarity required for nations to, in the words of one member of Parliament, “act intelligently and consistently” to counter the rising challenge of hybrid warfare emanating from a variety of revisionist actors.3 More specifically, its purpose is to establish conceptual foundations for the contribution of defense forces to countering all hybrid challenges to national security. In doing so, it takes the perspective of the role of defense within a wider, whole-of-government approach, where defense will play a distinct but varying role, subordi- nate to national strategy. The article is divided into five parts. The first part addresses the language problem of hybrid challenges by briefly tracing the roots of the concept in Western military and strategic discourse to demonstrate that hybrid warfare and hybrid threats are different things.