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Common Misperceptions of the Events Relating to The COMMON MISPERCEPTIONS OF THE EVENTS RELATING TO THE RISE OF THE PROTEST MOVEMENTS ON THE PRAIRIES by SONJA PATRICIA SANGUINETTI B.A. University of British Columbia, 1964 A.THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Political Science We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1969. In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and Study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thes,is for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Political Science The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date April 30th, 1969. ABSTRACT This paper presents a model based on a synthesis of the four major themes in the standard literature on the rise of the protest movements on the prairies. The themes are a homogeneous population, a quasi-colonial economy, a non-partisan political system and the depression. They are given as explanations for the coming to power of the Progressive, Social Credit, and CCF. parties by the authors of this literature such as Morton, Sharp, Lipset, and Macpherson. An examination of the data relating to voter behaviour and population composition shows this model to be over-simplified. The imperfections of it are further highlighted by the historical data which indicate the different patterns of development of the western provinces. The political situation which arose in Canada after the 1917 election seems to give a much better indication of how the protest parties were able to achieve success on the prairies. In other words, both the total Canadian context and the individual provincial histories must be considered if one desires to understand the protest movement on the prairies. I iii TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Tables iv Acknowledgments vi A. The model of the standard literature on the protest movements 1 B. Historical events of the period covered by the model 12 C. Discussions of the discrepancies between the model and the data 41 D. Bibliography 49 iv LIST OP TABLES TABLE PAGE I Percentage of the Population in Rural Areas... 6 II Per Capita Income on the Prairies 10 III Gains in Population According to Racial Origin 12 IV Federal Election Results in the Territories... 13 V Federal Election Results in British Columbia 14 VI Provincial Election Results in Saskatchewan... 16 VII Percentage of the Popular Vote in Provincial Elections in Saskatchewan 17 VIII Provincial Election Results in Alberta 18 IX Percentage of Popular Vote in Provincial Elections in Alberta 20 X Percentage of Popular Vote in Federal Elections in Saskatchewan..... 21 XI Percentage of Popular Vote in Federal Elections in Alberta 22 XII Federal Election Results: 1908 and 1911 23 XIII 1917 Election Results 26 XIV Federal Election Results in 1921 28 XV Results of the 1921 Election, Progressive Support 3 0 XVI Results in Three Federal Elections 34 XVII Percentage of Votes in the 1926 and 1930 Elections 34 XVIII Percentage of Votes in the 193 5 Election 3 5 V . .LIST OF TABLES (cont'd) TABLE PAGE XIX Canadian Export Prices, 1929-33 3 5 XX Yield and Price of Wheat in Saskatchewan for Two Eive Year Periods 39 XXI Percent Votes for Old-line and Third Parties in the West 44 XXII Comparison of Votes and Seats of Conservatives and Third Parties of the Prairies 45 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to acknowledge the valuable assistance of Dr. H.A.C. Cairns in supervising this thesis. K. Ralston read the manuscript and gave important criticisms. M.H. Sanguinetti gave invaluable assistance and support. There are few Canadian political scientists who would dis• agree with Dawson when he says: The party system, and particularly the party system under cabinet government, will find the best conditions for its operation where there are only two parties, or at least, two parties sufficiently large to provide as a rule a clear majority in the legislature.1 The acceptance of the two-party .system as the norm for the English-speaking democracies has led to a concern with the almost pathological state of the Canadian party system: either we suffer from "one-party dominance" or we have a sadly vigorous third party disturbing the body politic. The concern of this paper is with the latter problem: the third parties in Canada. It is an important area and one which is difficult to treat be• cause it is in that state of limbo which makes it too recent for the historian to feel he can deal with it objectively and too far in the past for the political scientist not to feel vaguely that he is treading on the historian's territory in touching it at all. It is even more difficult to deal with in the Canadian academic context because the Social Credit party has been dealt with by a group of eminent scholars in most of its aspects: background, ideology, social psychology, etc. The CCF. has been • Dawson, R.M., The Government of Canada, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1959, p. 492. 2 examined by one of the deans of American sociology; how can it be necessary to cover the material again? 9 Even Lipset would be prepared to admit that all social scientists, no matter how eminent, are the captives of their biases. As one reads the standard literature on the third parties on the prairies, it becomes evident that the sympathies of the writers were very important, probably more so than usual, in arriving at explanations of the events in the prairie provinces during the 1920's and 3 0's. the subordination of the West, when added to its sharp sectionalism, gives it an incisive and cogent character of its own. This it is which makes it the third of the "decisive areas" of Canadian historical, study. It has no acceptable alternative to working out its own identity in terms of its own historical experience. It must realize its latent nationalism; a nationalism neither racial like the French nor dominant . like that of Ontario, but environmental and, because of the diversity of its people, composite. It may, of course, fail . ., and by the joint process of exploitation and loss of its leaders to the East and the United States, be reduced to a subject people, without character or spirit.^ W.L. Morton, the author of these sentiments is a well- known scholar of western Canadian history. He has accepted the 'metropolitan' thesis of Canadian interpretive history primarily because it emphasizes the importance of the eastern Canadian 2. "My reasons for selecting the topic at the time were at least as much political as scholarly." Lipset, S.N. Agrarian Socialism, New York, Anchor Books, 1968, p. XI. 3. Morton, W.L. 'Clio in Canada: The Interpretation of Canadian History', in Berger, ed. Approaches to Canadian History, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1967, p. 48. 3 centres and stresses the 'hinterland' aspect of the prairies. His work, stresses the inappropriateness of the 'National Policy1 for western development and the alienation of the agrarian settlements on the prairies from the values of a society dominated by industrial concerns. As a westerner him• self, Morton is probably more sympathetic to the idea of a unique western culture and, therefore, more sensitive to the efforts of eastern Canadians to impose either their economic or their political ideas on it. Historical reality gives some reason for this emphasis. The three prairie provinces were acquired by the Canadian govern• ment for the explicitly mercantilist purpose of providing sources of raw materials and a market for the infant manufacturing industries of central Canada.4 For twenty years, this purpose was thwarted by an economic depression. As a result cf this, immigration from both Europe and the United States dwindled to insignificance. When conditions improved dramatically in the 1890's, the 'National Policy' of protective tariffs and railway monopolies was something of a sacred cow in Canadian politics. Although dissatisfaction led the farmers to organize, they had only a limited success in getting freight rates reduced and the 4. Morton, W.L. The Progressive Party in Canada, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1950, p. 3-4. 4 grain trade regulated. The distinction between elements of policy which were changeable under western pressure and those which were not goes back to the distinction between the two basic elements of the national policy in so far as it concerned the West. These elements were, first, to encourage the maximum development of the western territories and second, to assure integration of the development into the national economy. Western advice, which appeared to concern western development . was often quite acceptable to eastern policy-makers. Western advice which related to the question of national integration however, was seldom found acceptable as it was most likely to be opposed to integration on eastern terms.^ An example of the latter case was the consistent attempt by prairie organizations to have the tariff barriers lowered, particularly on such items as farm machinery and fertilizer. Although the protective tariff was the fundamental federal im• position by which, according to the standard literature, the farmers felt themselves victimized, they were never able to alter it. Macpherson sees this as indicative of "how continuously close to a colonial economic status the Canadian west has been kept." According to Morton the rise of the Progressive and other farmer parties must be seen against this background of exploitation.
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