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No Useless Mouth NO USELESS MOUTH NO USELESS MOUTH WAGING WAR AND FIGHTING HUNGER IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION Rachel B. Herrmann CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS Ithaca and London Copyright © 2019 by Cornell University The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https:// creativecommons . org / licenses / by - nc - nd / 4 . 0 / . To use this book, or parts of this book, in any way not covered by the license or by fair use, please contact Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. Visit our website at cornellpress . cornell . edu. First published 2019 by Cornell University Press Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Names: Herrmann, Rachel B., author. Title: No useless mouth : waging war and fighting hunger in the American Revolution / Rachel B. Herrmann. Description: Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018060505 (print) | LCCN 2019001071 (ebook) | ISBN 9781501716133 (pdf ) | ISBN 9781501716126 (ret) | ISBN 9781501716119 (pbk. ; alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: United States—History—Revolution, 1775–1783—Indians. | United States—History— Revolution, 1775–1783—African Americans. | Food security—United States—History—18th century. | Food security—Nova Scotia—History—18th century. | Food security—Sierra Leone—History—18th century. | Indians of North America—Food—History—18th century. | African Americans—Food—History—18th century. | Nova Scotia—History—1763–1867. | Sierra Leone—History—To 1896. Classification: LCC E269.I5 (ebook) | LCC E269.I5 H47 2019 (print) | DDC 973.3—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018060505 Cover image: Plan of Civilization, unidentified artist (n.d.). Courtesy of the Greenville County Museum of Art. Museum purchase with funds from the Museum Association’s 1990 and 1991 Collectors Groups and the 1989, 1990 and 1991 Museum Antiques Shows, sponsored by Elliott, Davis & Company, CPAs Corporate Benefac- tors: Ernst and Young; Fluor Daniel; Mr. and Mrs. Alester G. Furman III; Mr. and Mrs. M. Dexter Hagy; Thomas P. Hartness; Mr. and Mrs. E. Erwin Maddrey II; Mary M. Pearce; Mr. and Mrs. John D. Pellett, Jr.; Mr. W. Thomas Smith; Mr. and Mrs. Edward H. Stall; Eleanor and Irvine Welling. This one’s for the archive rats and primary source enthusiasts Contents Introduction: Why the Fight against Hunger Mattered 1 Part One: Power Rising 19 1. Hunger, Accommodation, and Vio lence in Colonial Amer i ca 21 2. Iroquois Food Diplomacy in the Revolutionary North 38 3. Cherokee and Creek Victual Warfare in the Revolutionary South 65 Part Two: Power in Flux 87 4. Black Victual Warriors and Hunger Creation 89 5. Fighting Hunger, Fearing Vio lence after the Revolutionary War 109 6. Learning from Food Laws in Nova Scotia 136 Part Three: Power Waning 155 7. Victual Imperialism and U.S. Indian Policy 157 8. Black Loyalist Hunger Prevention in Sierra Leone 178 viii CONTENTS Conclusion: Why Native and Black Revolutionaries Lost the Fight 200 Acknowl edgments 209 Bibliographic Note 215 Notes 219 Index 289 NO USELESS MOUTH Introduction Why the Fight against Hunger Mattered During a July 1791 treaty negotiation, Timothy Pickering, a key figure in the development of early U.S. food policy, misremem- bered past instances of Native and non- Native hunger while giving a “history lesson.” At this meeting on the Tioga River (which ran between present- day Pennsylvania and New York), Pickering met a group of Senecas, one of the six tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy. “When the white people came to this Island, the Indians lived chiefly by hunting and fishing,” he explained to Corn- planter, one of the Iroquois negotiators. On this “island” of North Amer i ca, “the white people immediately began to till the ground, to grow corn, wheat, and other grain . ​and to raise abundance of cattle, sheep and hogs.” In the past, Pickering explained, “the Indians continued to follow hunting and fish- ing, growing only a little corn. They were often in want of food,” and “ex- posed to great hardships.”1 Pickering met Cornplanter and the other Senecas in the midst of a fight against hunger that began before colonists arrived in North Ameri ca and ended in the 1810s. In 1791 Pickering was a newcomer to Iroquois diplomacy. He had only been working as a negotiator for a year, and the learning curve had been steep.2 He started his job during a momentous shift in relations between Na- tives and non- Natives, when the United States, after a de cade of weakness and uncertainty, was trying to gain the upper hand in its dealings with Indians. As a result, his speech to Cornplanter conveyed an inaccurate historical picture. 1 2 INTRODUCTION Cornplanter, for his part, likely knew that Pickering was misinterpreting the actions of seventeenth- century En glish colonists, who had taken a while to become farmers. Their domesticated animals had died on the ships that trav- eled to North Amer i ca. They had spent their first months in Virginia search- ing for inedible commodities, and in Virginia and New England they had turned into useless mouths dependent on Indians for farmed vegetables, gath- ered berries, and hunted venison. Contrary to Pickering’s claims, it was the En glish colonists, not the Indians, who had strug gled to overcome hunger. It was odd for Pickering to make this speech to Native treaty participants, espe- cially to one named Cornplanter, because the Iroquois had grown corn in abundance long before encountering non- Natives.3 The Seneca negotiator sitting across from Pickering was known by several names. To Indians he was Gyantwahia or Kayéthwahkeh, which translates ap- proximately to “where it is planted.” To non-Natives he was Cornplanter, John O’Bail, John Abeel, or John Abiel.4 He had a reputation for effective speechmaking and would have been familiar with his tribe’s spoken history. These con temporary creation stories described the fall of Sky Woman onto the back of a turtle and told of how, with the help of other animals, she had constructed an island on the turtle’s back. Sky Woman had a daughter. Some Iroquois said the daughter’s son, Thaluhyawaku, learned to plant corn. Others said that, while still in the womb, Thaluhyawaku’s twin brother, Tawiskalu, maliciously de cided to leave his mother’s body through her side. This birth killed Sky Woman’s daughter, but her early death yielded unexpected bounty in the corn, beans, and squash that sprang forth from the grave.5 Corn pro- duction was intrinsic to the Iroquois past and pre sent. Yet Pickering’s account minimized the history of Iroquois farming and thus erased systematic Indian hunger prevention. Pickering shared his tale because the U.S. government wanted the Iroquois to become farmers. Cornplanter, as his name suggests, could already farm, but he listened to this lesson on the benefits of agriculture because he was trying to maneuver to retain land in his dealings with the new United States. Hunger’s impor tant role in Pickering’s false history should be unsurpris- ing, considering that people had long reckoned with it for various environmen- tal and man-made reasons. In the early modern period, cities under siege could expect to be starved out, and they suffered more quickly during times of crop failure or unanticipated changes in the weather. Famine resulted from extended periods of hunger and was evident in instances of actual deaths, food riots, high prices, property crime, and rising migration.6 During the eigh teenth century most British people suffered from hunger, but not famine. In North Amer i ca, some Eu ro pean observers perceived Native Americans as ravenous, WHY THE FIGHT AGAINST HUNGER MATTERED 3 while others thought them better able to deal with dearth. At the same time, slave masters deprived enslaved people of food because they hoped to keep them weak and compliant. No Useless Mouth is a book about how Native Americans, non-Natives, and people of African descent experienced hunger before, during, and after the American Revolutionary War (1775–1783). It historicizes efforts to create, avoid, and withstand hungriness so as to better understand the moments in time when Native Americans and formerly enslaved peoples gained enough power to shape food policies of hunger prevention and creation, rather than just suffering from the ill effects of new initiatives that men like Pickering envi- sioned. This book’s exploration of the many dif­fer ent contexts of hunger dur- ing the era of the American Revolution uncovers how these Native and black revolutionaries acquired so much power— and why they ultimately lost it. Enduring, ignoring, creating, and preventing hunger were all ways to exer- cise power during the American Revolution. Hunger prompted vio lence and forged ties; it was a weapon of war and a tool of diplomacy. In North Amer- i ca, Cherokee, Creek, Delaware, Iroquois (Haudenosaunee), Miami, and Shaw- nee Indians grew and destroyed foodstuffs during the Revolutionary War, which forced their British and American allies to hunger with them, and to furnish provisions that accommodated Native tastes. By the 1810s the United States had learned how to prevent Indian hunger, to weaponize food aid, and to deny Indians the power gained by enduring and ignoring scarcity. Indians won leverage during the Revolutionary War itself. People of Afri- can descent gained some power by creating white hunger during the Revolu- tionary War, but more so as formerly enslaved communities, primarily after leaving the new United States and migrating to British colonies in Nova Sco- tia and then Sierra Leone. At the end of the war, British officials in North Amer i ca chose to transport formerly enslaved refugees to Nova Scotia. In the country that is now called Canada these black colonists were relatively pow- erless, but they witnessed white colonists’ use of food laws to assert author- ity.
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