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No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7324 2500 Fax: +44 20 7490 0566 E-mail: [email protected] www.article19.org International Media Support (IMS) Nørregarde 18, 2nd floor 1165 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: +45 88 32 7000 Fax: +45 33 12 0099 E-mail: [email protected] www.i-m-s.dk ISBN: 978-1-906586-27-0 © ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS), London and Copenhagen, August 2011 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS); 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/ legalcode. ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS) would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. This report was written and published within the framework of a project supported by the International Media Support (IMS) Media and Democracy Programme for Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It was compiled and written by Nathalie Losekoot, Senior Programme Officer for Europe at ARTICLE 19 and reviewed by JUDr. Barbora Bukovskà, Senior Director for Law at ARTICLE 19 and Jane Møller Larsen, Programme Coordinator for the Media and Democracy Unit at International Media Support (IMS). -
EP SAKHAROV PRIZE NETWORK NEWSLETTER May 2014
EP SAKHAROV PRIZE NETWORK NEWSLETTER May 2014 EUROPEAN YOUTH EVENT (EYE) ATTENDED BY SAKHAROV LAUREATES Olivier Basille, representing 2005 Sakharov Prize Laureate Reporters Without Borders, and Kirill Koroteev representing Memorial, the 2009 Laureate, took part in the EYE in Strasbourg from 9-11 May. The event brought together 5,000 Europeans aged 16-30. Basille urged Europe's youth to get involved in the promotion of human rights saying that "courage has to be learnt; people should not be afraid to adopt non-anonymity when tackling issues that require courage"; he also highlighted the importance of social media for democracy, and the need to fight restrictive media laws. Koroteev suggested that young people use social media to spread the word about rights contraventions, and that the EU not condone violations: "those who do not take measures against those who do not respect human rights are considered supporters of the wrongdoings of non-democratic regimes". Memorial to register as a foreign agent; criticises the Justice Ministry's proposal to close NGOs extra-judicially and expresses concerns about the possibility of turning off social media 23-03-2014: A District Court of Moscow confirmed the Prosecutor's order that Memorial Human Rights Centre, the 2009 Sakharov Laureate, is obliged to register as a "foreign agent". The decision came on the same day as the adoption by the Russian Duma of provisions that will allow the Ministry of Justice to register NGOs as “foreign agents” at its own initiative, without a court decision. 2009 Sakharov Prize Laureates Lyudmila Alexeyeva and Memorial have spoken out against the proposal. -
Russia Chechnya
Russia Chechnya Population: 1,200,000 (Source: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in the Russian Federation, 2007, Inter-Agency Transitional Workplan for the North Caucasus. The population of Chechnya according to the 2002 Russian census was approximately 1,100,000.) Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 7 Status: Not Free Overview: Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov was promoted to the Chechen premiership in March 2006 and continued to strengthen his hold on power in the republic. Critics like investigative journalist Anna Politkovskaya, who was murdered in October, have claimed that Kadyrov and his security forces torture suspected rebels, many of whom disappear without a trace. Rebel violence declined as Kadyrov consolidated his position, and two important rebel leaders were killed during the year, but the larger region remained unstable. Chechnya, a small, partly mountainous North Caucasus republic, has a history of armed resistance to Russian rule dating to the czarist period. In February 1944, the Chechens were deported en masse to Kazakhstan after Soviet leader Joseph Stalin accused them of collaborating with Nazi German forces. Officially rehabilitated in 1957 and allowed to return to their homeland, they remained politically suspect and were excluded from the region’s administration. After winning election as Chechnya’s president in October 1991, former Soviet air force Major General Dzhokhar Dudayev proclaimed Chechnya’s independence. Moscow responded with an economic blockade. In 1994, Russia began assisting Chechens opposed to Dudayev, whose rule was marked by growing corruption and the rise of powerful clans and criminal gangs. Russian President Boris Yeltsin sent 40,000 troops into Chechnya by mid-December of that year and attacked the capital, Grozny. -
Full Case Study
National Park Service National Park Service U. S. Department of the Interior Civic Engagement www.nps.gov/civic/ Civic Engagement and the Gulag Museum at Perm-36, Russia Through communication with former prisoners and guards and an international dialogue with other "sites of conscience," The Gulag Museum at Perm-36, Russia, is building all its programs on a foundation of civic engagement. In December 1999, National Park Service (NPS) Northeast Regional Director Marie Rust became a founding member of the International Coalition of Historic Site Museums of Conscience. At the Coalition’s first formal meeting, Ms. Rust met Dr. Victor Shmyrov, Director of the Gulag Museum at Perm-36 in Russia, another founding institution of the Coalition. Dr. Shmyrov’s museum preserves and interprets a gulag camp built under Joseph Stalin in 1946 near the city of Perm in the village of Kutschino, Russia. Known as Perm-36, the camp served initially as a regular timber production labor camp. Later, the camp became a particularly isolated and severe facility for high government officials. In 1972, Perm-36 became the primary facility in the country for persons charged with political crimes. Many of the Soviet Union’s most prominent dissidents, including Vladimir Bukovsky, Sergei Kovalev and Anatoly Marchenko, served their sentences there. It was only during the Soviet government’s period of “openness” of Glasnost, under President Mikael Gorbachev, that the camp was finally closed in 1987. Although there were over 12,000 forced labor camps in the former Soviet Union, Perm-36 is the last surviving example from the system. -
28. Rights Defense and New Citizen's Movement
JOBNAME: EE10 Biddulph PAGE: 1 SESS: 3 OUTPUT: Fri May 10 14:09:18 2019 28. Rights defense and new citizen’s movement Teng Biao 28.1 THE RISE OF THE RIGHTS DEFENSE MOVEMENT The ‘Rights Defense Movement’ (weiquan yundong) emerged in the early 2000s as a new focus of the Chinese democracy movement, succeeding the Xidan Democracy Wall movement of the late 1970s and the Tiananmen Democracy movement of 1989. It is a social movement ‘involving all social strata throughout the country and covering every aspect of human rights’ (Feng Chongyi 2009, p. 151), one in which Chinese citizens assert their constitutional and legal rights through lawful means and within the legal framework of the country. As Benney (2013, p. 12) notes, the term ‘weiquan’is used by different people to refer to different things in different contexts. Although Chinese rights defense lawyers have played a key role in defining and providing leadership to this emerging weiquan movement (Carnes 2006; Pils 2016), numerous non-lawyer activists and organizations are also involved in it. The discourse and activities of ‘rights defense’ (weiquan) originated in the 1990s, when some citizens began using the law to defend consumer rights. The 1990s also saw the early development of rural anti-tax movements, labor rights campaigns, women’s rights campaigns and an environmental movement. However, in a narrow sense as well as from a historical perspective, the term weiquan movement only refers to the rights campaigns that emerged after the Sun Zhigang incident in 2003 (Zhu Han 2016, pp. 55, 60). The Sun Zhigang incident not only marks the beginning of the rights defense movement; it also can be seen as one of its few successes. -
Science Lessons from the Gulag
COMMENT BOOKS & ARTS 1930s. During the Great Terror of 1936–38 alone, some 1.5 million people were arrested and about 700,000 shot in a paroxysm of state-directed violence. In the journey to Wangenheim’s own end, the letters he sent from prison to his daughter Eleonora — just short of four years old at the time of his arrest — offer a counterpoint of hope. It was MEMORIAL/EDITIONS PAULSEN these that inspired the book. Rolin came upon Eleonora’s compila- tion of the letters in 2012, while visiting Russia. There are dozens of beautiful still- life sketches made by the meteorologist in prison — of clouds, aurorae, animals, fruit, aeroplanes, boats, leaves, trees. The colour drawings, some reproduced in the book, were partly a chronicle of life in the Gulag, but also a pedagogical tool. As Rolin notes, Wangenheim “was using plants to teach his daughter the basics of arithmetic and geometry” through riddles outlined in Alexey Wangenheim’s letters home included drawings and riddles about science and nature. accompanying text. In one, the “lobes of a leaf represented the elementary numbers, HISTORY its shape symmetry and asymmetry, while a pine cone illustrated the spiral”. The Solovki prison camp, in which Wangenheim crafted these lessons, was housed in a former Russian Orthodox mon- Science lessons astery on the Solovetsky Islands in the White Sea. Although his time there was unimagi- nably harsh — with forced labour, poor food and grossly inadequate health care — the from the Gulag prison was unusual in having a well-stocked library and access to a radio, art supplies and Asif Siddiqi examines a biography of a Soviet stationery. -
October 8, 2013 Mayor Marko Pavic Trg Oslobođenja 1 Prijedor Bosnia
October 8, 2013 Mayor Marko Pavic Trg oslobođenja 1 Prijedor Bosnia and Herzegovina PRIJEDOR ADMINISTRATION MUST ACKNOWLEDGE AND MEMORIALIZE THE CITY’S NON-SERB VICTIMS Mayor Pavic, More than twenty years after the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the soil is still revealing the fate of those who disappeared in the midst of widespread violence in the early 1990s. Recent reports indicate that a mass grave uncovered in Tomasica, in the municipality of Prijedor, in which you serve as the mayor, is likely to contain tens, if not hundreds, of civilian victims disappeared in 1992, during the campaign of “ethnic cleansing” directed by Bosnian Serb authorities against their Bosniak and Croat neighbors. More than 3,000 citizens of Prijedor were killed or disappeared during a systematic, well-organized campaign of persecution that has been amply documented by international and Bosnian courts. The images of emaciated detainees behind the barbed wire in camps like Omarska, Trnopolje, and Keraterm are still a mark of horror remembered by the world. More than 1200 of those taken to the camps are still listed as disappeared. After all of these years, their families do not have the closure of knowing what happened to them, nor the basic consolation of a gravestone where they can mourn them. In your role as mayor, you have so far refused to allow a memorial for these victims to be built in Prijedor and you, personally, have stopped an initiative to build a memorial at the site of the Omarska detention camp. Further, while serving in this public capacity, you have targeted victims’ families and survivors for organizing public events and using the word “genocide” to describe what they experienced. -
Fusiongps???] Are Worse Than Prostitutes
From: Nellie Ohr (b)(6) Sent: Monday, December 4, 2017 9:06 PM To: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) Subject: Re: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm Thanks for the heads-up! It's pretty depressing to attend these things :-) I hope you are well -----Original Message----- From: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) (OCDETF) To: Nellie Ohr ; Ohr, Bruce (ODAG) (ODAG) Sent: Mon, Dec 4, 2017 4:47 pm Subject: FW: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm Thought this might interest you both, time-permitting. From: Hudson Institute [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Monday, December 04, 2017 4:45 PM To: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) (b)(6) Subject: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm □□□ The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti- Corruption Reform in Ukraine 106 Thursday, December 7th 4:00 to 5:30 pm Register Hudson Institute Stern Policy Center Add to Calendar 1201 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Suite 400 Washington, DC 20004 Four years after Ukraine's Revolution of Dignity began, Ukraine continues to work on an ambitious refmm agenda tackling conuption and stimulating the economy. Thanks to public pressure, civic engagement, and encomagement from international financial organizations, the government has introduced an open procurement process, created oversight and enforcement bodies throughout government, and required public officials to declare their wealth and assets. However, progress has slowed as anti-conuption agencies including the National Anti-Conuption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Conuption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) have come under attack from pariies within the government as well as the oligarchic interests that remain entrenched in the countly. -
P6 TA(2006)0448 Murder of the Russian Journalist Anna
P6_TA(2006)0448 Murder of the Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya European Parliament resolution on EU-Russia relations following the murder of the Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya The European Parliament, - having regard to the objectives of consolidating democracy and political freedoms in the Russian Federation, as laid down in the EU-Russia Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) which entered into force on 1 December 1997, with negotiations on a new agreement due to start before the end of 2006, - having regard to its previous resolutions and declarations concerning freedom of the press and freedom of speech in Russia, and in particular its resolution on EU-Russia relations of 26 May 20051, - recalling the obligations of the Russian Federation with respect to human rights, in particular in light of the fact that Russia currently chairs the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, - having regard to Rule 103(2) of its Rules of Procedure, A. whereas the Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya was killed in the elevator of her apartment block on Saturday, 7 October 2006, being shot in a manner consistent with a contract killing, B. whereas Anna Politkovskaya published many articles and several books on the human rights situation in Russia, and in Chechnya and the Northern Caucasus in particular, C. whereas Anna Politkovskaya was also a dedicated defender of human rights in Russia and gave effective support to the victims of human rights violations, particularly in Chechnya, D. whereas this murder follows that of Andrei Kozlov, the deputy chairman of the Russian Central Bank, who was trying to reform Russia's banking system; whereas, also, the commercial director of the Itar-Tass press agency, Anatoly Voronin, was killed in his apartment on 16 October 2006, E. -
Organized Crime 1.1 Gaizer’S Criminal Group
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 4 CHAPTER I. ORGANIZED CRIME 1.1 Gaizer’s Criminal Group ..................................................................................6 1.2 Bandits in St. Petersburg ............................................................................ 10 1.3 The Tsapok Gang .......................................................................................... 14 Chapter II.CThe Corrupt Officials 2.1 «I Fell in Love with a Criminal» ................................................................20 2.2 Female Thief with a Birkin Bag ...............................................................24 2.3 «Moscow Crime Boss».................................................................................29 CONTENTS CHAPTER III. THE BRibE-TAKERS 3.1 Governor Khoroshavin’s medal «THE CRIMINAL RUSSIA PARTY», AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT «For Merit to the Fatherland» ..................................................................32 PUBLISHED IN MOSCOW, AUGUST 2016 3.2 The Astrakhan Brigade ...............................................................................36 AUTHOR: ILYA YASHIN 3.3 A Character from the 1990s ......................................................................39 MATERiaL COMPILING: VERONIKA SHULGINA HAPTER HE ROOKS TRANSLATION: C 4. T C EVGENia KARA-MURZA 4.1 Governor Nicknamed Hans .......................................................................42 GRAPHICS: PavEL YELIZAROV 4.2 The Party -
Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya
Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya Egor Lazarev Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2018 © 2018 Egor Lazarev All rights reserved ABSTRACT Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya Egor Lazarev This dissertation explores how the social and political consequences of armed conflict affect legal pluralism; specifically, the coexistence of Russian state law, Sharia, and customary law in Chechnya. The study draws on qualitative and quantitative data gathered during seven months of fieldwork in Chechnya. The data include over one hundred semistructured interviews with legal authorities and religious and traditional leaders; an original survey of the population; and a novel dataset of all civil and criminal cases heard in state courts. First, the dissertation argues that armed conflict disrupted traditional social hierarchies in Chechnya, which paved the way for state penetration into Chechen society. The conflict particularly disrupted gender hierarchies. As a result of the highly gendered nature of the conflict, women in Chechnya became breadwinners in their families and gained experience in serving important social roles, most notably as interlocutors between communities and different armed groups. This change in women’s bargaining power within households and increase in their social status came into conflict with the patriarchal social order, which was based on men’s rigid interpretations of religious and customary norms. In response, women started utilizing the state legal system, a system that at least formally acknowledges gender equality, in contrast to customary law and Sharia. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan).