The Feminist Movement in the Moroccan Spring: Roles, Specificity, and Gains

Sociology Study, December 2015, Vol. 5, No. 12, 895‐910 D doi: 10.17265/2159‐5526/2015.12.001 DAVID PUBLISHING The Feminist Movement in the Moroccan Spring: Roles, Specificity, and Gains Mohammed Yachoultia Abstract The Moroccan Spring in 2011 has been a golden opportunity for Moroccan women to put their country on the democratization track. Their decision to take an integral part in all aspects of the uprisings stems from their belief that their participation and contribution are necessary for any potential democratic changes that would undoubtedly secure and bring them more rights. However, the appointment of only one female minister in the first Islamist‐led government and the reluctance to implement the provisions of the new constitution, namely the issue of gender parity, are but two of the new alarming examples that have disappointed Moroccan women. Based on interviews with women’s movement organizations’ leaders and 20 February Movement (20‐FMVT) female activists and through following the development of the Arab Spring in Morocco in particular and in the Middle Eastern & Northern Africa region in general, this paper considers the different roles, specificity, and gains of Moroccan women during and after the so‐called Moroccan Spring. The paper argues that despite their limited gains in the aftermath of this momentum, Moroccan women managed once again to prove their agency and ability to change laws and instigate reforms. Keywords Moroccan women, Arab Spring, 20 February Movement (20‐FMVT), democracy Anyone familiar with Moroccan women’s Northern Africa) region (the best examples to mention achievements in the last two decades will not be here are the family and the Nationality Codes), surprised by their active role in the “Moroccan Spring”. Moroccan women, along with their male partners, In fact, women have never been complete strangers to return to the political struggle not only to defend their political activism in Morocco, their involvement in the cause but also to contribute to democracy and to free public arena dates back to the colonial era (1912-1956). their society from authoritarianism. In fact, the Arab During this period, women engaged in the national Spring, which initially started in Tunisia and later struggle for independence as groups and individuals spread to many countries of the MENA region, has both formally and informally. Their activism, been momentous for Moroccan women to reemphasize participation, and influence shaped Morocco’s history, their political agency in society and their wish to lead influenced the structure of society as a whole (Yachoulti 2012), and bridged the gap between women a and the public sphere (Sadiqi and Ennaji 2006: 106). Moulay Ismail University, Morocco After five decades of independence and almost two Correspondent Author: decades of unprecedented reforms under King Mohammed Yachoulti, No. 80 Av. Errachad II Narjiss C 30070, Fez, Marocco Mohammed VI in the MENA (Middle Eastern & E‐mail: [email protected] 896 Sociology Study 5(12) their country to a better future. the third pertains to the government plan for gender Still, women’s involvement in political activism equality. would not have been possible without the positive changes that have affected their health care conditions, MOROCCAN WOMEN’S ACTIVISM BEFORE the access to job markets which allowed them some 2011 financial independence, their frequent interaction with regional and international partners, allowing them to The first discussion of women’s issues in the public gain more experience and more courage to defend their sphere was recorded in the national press in the 1930s cause and most importantly, better access to education and was largely generated by men (Baker 1998). The that equipped them with a better understanding of their only female voice was that of Malika civil and economic rights (Yachoulti 2012). In this El-Fassi—coming from one of the most prominent regard, the present paper is an attempt to document the intellectual families of the Fez bourgeoisie (Baker roles and gains of Moroccan women during and after 1998). This voice took girls’ education as the first the Moroccan Spring. That said, the aim of this paper is priority for Moroccan women. Malika El-Fassi’s to trace women’s involvement in the development of articles at that time aimed “to persuade fathers of the the Moroccan Spring and investigate the specificity necessity of sending their daughters to school” (Baker that paralleled this involvement. The paper also digs 1998: 48). Indeed, access to education and schooling into the gains of Moroccan women during and after this meant a new life and an end to the seclusion of her historical moment. generation of women. To this effect, this paper is divided into five From the middle of the 1940s onward, the journey sections. The first one reviews the development of the of the Moroccan women’s movement started to take women’s movement and the factors that helped women shape through the encouragement of state, political achieve their relative independence in Moroccan parties, and civil society (Sadiqi 2003). Also, society. Tracing this development and changes not only Moroccan women massively joined the armed helps in understanding the nature of Moroccan resistance, taking active militant roles in the fight women’s activism but also reveals some political against colonization, they managed to fulfil important aspects of the Moroccan state. The second section tasks that facilitated men’s fighting. In this regard, familiarizes the reader with the political context of the Alison Baker (1998: 8) wrote: “Mission for resistance 20 February Movement (20-FMVT). The aim is to help not only brought them (Moroccan women) out of understand some of the political changes that affected seclusion, but sent them into dangerous situations, the MENA region in general and Morocco in particular. travelling long distances by themselves carrying The third section discusses the research methodology weapons and even setting bombs all the way using their that this paper adopts. The fourth section reviews the wits to escape detection”. different roles of women in the Moroccan uprisings The struggle Moroccan women led at that time had with special focus on the spectacular emergence of new a two-fold dimension: They both rebelled against women activists of different ages, ideologies, and colonial occupation and oppression and against the social backgrounds. The last section discusses the restrictive attitude of Morocco’s traditional society. diverse gains made by Moroccan women after the However, after independence, Moroccan women constitutional reforms of July 2011. The first kind of discovered that nothing had changed in their society at gains are those outlined in the new constitutional text, large regarding their legal and social status, the the second concerns the changes in the penal code, and question of women’s rights and the women Yachoulti 897 themselves were for the most part relegated to the L’Action Feminine” (Women’s Union Action known as periphery of the public and private spheres. In simple UAF), “Organization de la Femme Istiqlalienne” terms, women found themselves helpless with no (Organization of Istaqlali Women known as OFI), power circles willing to speak for them and defend “Association de la Solidarité Feminine” (Feminine their cause. Different factors came together during that Solidarity Association known as ASF) and period to prevent women from participating in public “Association Marrocaine de Droit des Femmes” life, especially at the political level. These factors (Moroccan Association of Women’s Rights known as ranged from the high rate of illiteracy to the heavy AMDF) among others (Yachoulti 2012). These burden of domestic shores. This was reinforced, as is organizations coalesced into a new movement the case with all patriarchal and authoritarian systems, pressuring to change many things for Moroccan by the political structures which were and are still women. Therefore, the Moroccan women’s movement oppressive and which turned political life into a in the 1990s was defined by Laila Chafaai (1993: 102) male-dominated world. Further, this marginalization as “a set of feminine voluntary organizations, whose was exacerbated by the total absence of women’s ideological discourse aims to defend women in a leadership in political parties and government institutions, general framework of struggle and implement the laws who could have advanced the status of women. that enlarge public liberties and guarantee equality By the 1960s and 1970s, namely during what is between the sexes” (The author’s translation). known as the “Years of Lead”1, the political Based on this definition, three observations are atmosphere negatively impacted the vibrancy and noteworthy. Firstly, women’s activism in Morocco is effectiveness of active civil society groups including practiced through women’s organizations, a fact which those focused on women’s empowerment. makes women’s movement organizations as the best Authoritarianism and political oppression did not help label of this brand of feminism. Secondly, Moroccan women to take action except for some state-sponsored women’s movement fluctuates between a social groups. Added to this, political parties were very movement organized and directed by women and a reluctant to deal with gender issues and claims political movement that struggles for the emancipation seriously except when these were part of pushing for a of Moroccan women. Finally, the precedence of the national consensus. social characteristic over the political one validates the Since the late 1980s, the political and economic claim that Moroccan feminists’ activism emerged out reforms Morocco has engaged in favoured and of real social needs of women and not from an alien encouraged the rise of a number of associational western concept (Yachoulti 2012). bodies—under the rubric of civil society. These groups Generally speaking, women’s activism within their seized the opportunity to proliferate, voice their own organizations helped them to establish a new demands publicly and also contribute to enhancing presence in society, facilitating their visibility in the reforms.

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