China's Policy of Conciliation and Reduction (Sanhe Yishao)
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Parallel Between Vietnam and Afghanistan Wars
Parallel Between Vietnam and Afghanistan Wars Muhammad Karim * Abstract After the announcement of new US strategy for Afghanistan by President Trump’s administration, the Afghan War now resembles that of concluding phase of the Vietnam War. At the end of the Vietnam War, the United States widened the war zone to spread it to Cambodia and Laos. Since last few months, US officials are blaming Pakistan for its failure in Afghanistan. Think Tanks are churning out new studies and reports suggesting tough conditions for Pakistan for its alleged supports for the terrorist groups. President Trump’s Afghan strategy also suggests more pressure on Pakistan and favors sphere of influence for India in Afghanistan. In totality the United States wants to shift its focus towards Pakistan and Afghanistan is largely becoming a side show. The study argues that in overall context of the ground realities, similarities exist in Afghan and Vietnam Wars that may have long term implications for diplomatic, economic and security matrixes of Pakistan. On the face of emerging US policies for the region and prevailing circumstances the research makes an endeavor to foretell next phase of the Afghan War vis-à-vis its implications on Pakistan. Keywords: US military; Afghanistan; Vietnam; Military Strategy; war zones Introduction Parallels between Vietnam and Afghan war are increasingly being drawn in the academic and scholarly debates, particularly with regards to the growing US military presence in Afghanistan. Voices, even within the President Barack Obama's and now President Trump’s own party is advising that the US is risking being drawn into Afghanistan’s quagmire which analogous to the Nixon’s Vietnam and may become Trump’s Vietnam. -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
The Spread of Violent Civil Conflict: Rare, State-Driven, and Preventable
1 The Spread of Violent Civil Conflict: Rare, State-Driven, and Preventable by Nathan Wolcott Black B.A. History Rice University, 2006 SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITCAL SCIENCE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUNE 2012 © 2012 Nathan Wolcott Black. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. Signature of Author: __________________________________________________ Department of Political Science April 30, 2012 Certified by: __________________________________________________________ Kenneth A. Oye Associate Professor of Political Science Thesis Supervisor Accepted by:__________________________________________________________ Roger Petersen Arthur and Ruth Sloan Professor of Political Science Chairman, Graduate Program Committee 2 3 The Spread of Violent Civil Conflict: Rare, State-Driven, and Preventable by Nathan Wolcott Black Submitted to the Department of Political Science of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology on April 30, 2012 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science ABSTRACT This dissertation advances and tests an explanation for the spread of violent civil conflict from one state to another. The fear of such “substate conflict contagion” is frequently invoked by American policymakers as a justification for military intervention in ongoing substate conflicts — the argument these policymakers often make is that conflicts left uncontained now will spread and become a more pertinent security threat later. My State Action Explanation is that substate conflict contagion is not the sole product of nonstate factors such as transnational rebel networks and arms flows, nor of the structural factors such as poverty that make internal conflict more likely in general. -
Regime Legitimacy and Comparative Chinese Secession Movements
POSC 289: Nationalism, Secession, and the State. Spring 2009, Dr. Thomas Julian Lee, Research Paper Regime Legitimacy and Comparative Chinese Secession Movements (PHOTO: A tattered PRC flag waves above a Beijing restaurant in the Xizhimen Wai District, 2001.) ABSTRACT: Much of foreigners’ “misunderstanding” of China is a result of its own environment of restricted information. An undeniably ideographic case, the current regime of the People’s Republic of China faces an ongoing crisis of legitimacy in its post-totalitarian state, to which its primary response has been the instrumental tapping of any and all potential sources, including vestigial socialist ideology, economic development, traditional Chinese culture, and perhaps most of all, a self-proclaimed status as the protector of a civic Chinese nation which may not actually exist. While denying its imperial past and present, the PRC seeks to construct such a nation, while retaining the territories and nations in its periphery which, due largely to non-identification as members of the Chinese nation, would prefer autonomy or independence by means of “secession”. Secessionist movements based on nationalist conflicts with the central government are unlikely to “succeed”, and as Chinese power rises, the more important issues are transparency and the types of tactics the Chinese Communist Party employs in pursuit of national integration. What all concerned parties must be vigilant for, additionally, is any evidence of a long-term strategy to reconstruct a “Sinocentric world” which would begin with the revisionist construction of a “Greater China”. China itself faces a choice of what kind of state it would prefer to be, and a primary indicator of its decision, by which the international community has judged it harshly, has been the policies toward “minority nationalities”, effectively denying their rights to self-determination, in turn denying the regime its desired legitimacy. -
'Ghost Island' and the Enduring Legacy of Late President Lee Teng-Hui
December 14, 2020 The future of ‘Ghost Island’ and the enduring legacy of late President Lee Teng-hui Edition 5, 2020 Dr Roger Lee Huang DOI: In one of Taiwan’s most popular songs of this year, Ghost Island (鬼島), alongside Taiwanese rapper Dwagie, Malaysian singer-songwriter Namewee satirises the excesses of ‘democracy and human rights’ as ‘gross impropriety,’ welcoming listeners to a land where freedom of speech is ‘blasphemy to the leaders.’ The song plays on the endearing yet self-depreciating slang for Taiwan, ‘Ghost Island’, which adeptly captures its wonderful contradictions: rowdy and confident which regularly punches above its weight internationally in the face of hostility from People’s Republic of China (PRC, China), while consistently dejected for its exclusion from the international community. The song exudes pride in Taiwan’s uniquely ‘chaotic’ democracy, but implicit is a sense of both despair and fear of an aggressively nationalistic China. What Taiwan’s democracy means today is deeply connected to the actions of the late President Lee Teng-hui, who died on July 30, 2020. As both the first Taiwanese president of the Republic of China (ROC, Taiwan), and the first president to be directly elected via universal suffrage, Lee was instrumental in leading Taiwan to a peaceful democratic transition. Under his presidency, open discussions about Taiwanese identity, and the island’s complicated relationship with China became possible. 1 December 14, 2020 In 1998, during a campaign speech in support of Ma Ying-jeou’s Taipei mayoral campaign, President Lee publicly spoke of the New‘ Taiwanese’ an idea rooted in civic-nationalist terms and deeply embedded as an essential part of Taiwanese democracy. -
Dissertation Final Aug 31 Formatted
Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora by Kristin Talinn Rebecca Cavoukian A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Kristin Cavoukian 2016 Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora Kristin Talinn Rebecca Cavoukian Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This dissertation examines the Republic of Armenia (RA) and its elites’ attempts to reframe state-diaspora relations in ways that served state interests. After 17 years of relatively rocky relations, in 2008, a new Ministry of Diaspora was created that offered little in the way of policy output. Instead, it engaged in “identity gerrymandering,” broadening the category of diaspora from its accepted reference to post-1915 genocide refugees and their descendants, to include Armenians living throughout the post-Soviet region who had never identified as such. This diluted the pool of critical, oppositional diasporans with culturally closer and more compliant emigrants. The new ministry also favoured geographically based, hierarchical diaspora organizations, and “quiet” strategies of dissent. Since these were ultimately attempts to define membership in the nation, and informal, affective ties to the state, the Ministry of Diaspora acted as a “discursive power ministry,” with boundary-defining and maintenance functions reminiscent of the physical border policing functions of traditional power ministries. These efforts were directed at three different “diasporas:” the Armenians of Russia, whom RA elites wished to mold into the new “model” diaspora, the Armenians of Georgia, whose indigeneity claims they sought to discourage, and the “established” western diaspora, whose contentious public ii critique they sought to disarm. -
Assessing Russia's Role in Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations
“Russia and Cross Strait Relations” SHAOHUA HU Associate Professor and Chair Department of Government and Politics Wagner College [email protected] Scholars have scrutinized the role of the United States and even Japan in cross-Strait relations, but have downplayed, if not ignored, the role of Russia.1 Given the extensive studies that have been carried out on Russia’s China policy, the lack of attention given to this subject is woeful and even puzzling. Such deficiency may be attributed to Moscow’s seemingly unequivocal pro-Beijing policy, Russia’s loss of superpower status, and the lack of close ties between Russia and Taiwan. Whatever the reasons, the deficiency should be addressed, because Russia is both a global and a regional power, and because the policy differences between Russia and all other major powers demand explanation. This article attempts a systematic study of the Russian factor in cross-Strait relations. What form has Russia’s Taiwan policy taken in different eras? How important is Russia to Beijing’s Taiwan policy? What options might Russia have in the event of a cross-Strait conflict? These are the questions I seek to answer. The Evolution of Russia’s Taiwan Policy A review of Russian foreign policy helps us understand the present and anticipate the future. Russian leaders have not created their foreign policy out of the blue, but rather formulated it under given geographical and historical circumstances. No matter how changeable and complex history is, we may still be able to identify some key historical patterns. That scholars find much continuity in Russian foreign policy makes it even more important to familiarize ourselves with the past. -
American Fear of Communist Attack, Truman's Dislike of Stalin, Russia's
Cold War 1949-1991 Causes of the Cold War: American fear of communist attack, Truman’s dislike of Stalin, Russia’s fear of the American's atomic bomb, Russia’s disliked of capitalism, Russia’s actions in the Soviet zone of Germany, America’s refusal to share nuclear secrets, Russia’s expansion west into Eastern Europe broken election promises guaranteed at the Yalta Conference, Russia’s fear of American attack, Russia’s need for a secure western border, and Russia’s aim of spreading world communism In diplomatic terms there are three types of wars. Hot War: this is actual warfare. All talks have failed and the armies are fighting. Warm War: this is where talks are still going on and there would always be a chance of a peaceful outcome but armies, navies etc. are being fully mobilized and war plans are being put into operation ready for the command to fight Cold War: this term is used to describe the relationship between America and the Soviet Union 1945 to 1991. Characteristics of the Cold War: • There were no direct conflicts between the two superpowers (The United States and Soviet Union). The consequences would have been too horrible but they did ‘fight’ for their beliefs using client states that fought for their beliefs and on their behalf in a series of proxy (substitute) wars. In these they fought each other through a third party. They would supply training, money, and military equipment so their client/partner country could wage war against the opposing side. Such as the Vietnam War and Afghan War. -
The Columbia Guide to the Vietnam War
Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page i The Columbia Guide to the Vietnam War COLUMBIA GUIDES TO AMERICAN HISTORY AND CULTURES Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page ii Columbia Guides to American History and Cultures Michael Kort, The Columbia Guide to the Cold War Catherine Clinton and Christine Lunardini, The Columbia Guide to American Women in the Nineteenth Century David Farber and Beth Bailey, editors, The Columbia Guide to America in the 1960s Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page iii The Columbia Guide to the Vietnam War David L. Anderson columbia university press new york Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page iv Columbia University Press Publishers Since 1893 New York Chichester, West Sussex Copyright © 2002 Columbia University Press All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Anderson, David L., 1946– The Columbia guide to the Vietnam War / David L. Anderson. p. cm. — (Columbia guides to American history and cultures) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–231–11492–3 1. Vietnamese Conflict, 1961–1975. I. Title. II. Series. DS557.5 .A54 2002 959.704Ј3—dc21 2002020143 ∞ Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page v contents Introduction xi List of Abbreviations xiii part i Historical Narrative 1 1. Studying the Vietnam War 3 2. Vietnam: Historical Background 7 Roots of the Vietnamese Culture and State 7 The Impact of French Colonialism 10 The Rise of Vietnamese Nationalism 11 The Origins of Vietnamese Communism 12 3. -
CHINA and ITS NORTHWESTERN NEIGHBOURS Eric A. Hyer
HAOL, Núm. 7 (Primavera, 2005), 83-92 ISSN 1696-2060 HAUNTED BY HISTORY: CHINA AND ITS NORTHWESTERN NEIGHBOURS Eric A. Hyer Department of Political Science, Brigham Young University, United States. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 08 Marzo 2005 / Revisado: 16 Abril 2005 / Aceptado: 12 Mayo 2005 / Publicado: 15 Junio 2005 Resumen: China’s current relations with its countries along the Amur and Ussuri Rivers, but northwestern neighbours, Russia, Mongolia, and left territory east of the rivers in "joint the newly independent states of Central Asia are possession" to be settled in the future. Two influenced by the shadow of the past that is cast years later Russia prevailed on China to over the present. To what degree does this negotiate the Treaty of Beijing. This treaty checkered past fundamentally determine the granted the territory between the Amur and possibility of close, strategic cooperation now Ussuri Rivers and the Sea of Japan to Russia1. and in the future? China’s important and complex relationship with Russia will be Czarist Russia also expanded into Central Asia considered first, followed by an analysis of where China claimed control over the area that China-Mongolian relations and finally China’s is today China's autonomous region of Xinjiang. relationship with the Central Asian status with The 1864 Chuguchak Protocol and the 1881 which it shares a common border. The important Treaty of Saint Petersburg (Treaty of Ili) defined America factor is also considered. The article generally the boundary between Russian Central concluyes that despite the closer relations that Asia and areas where China asserted control. -
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_civil_wars Modern (1800–1945)[edit] ● Argentine Civil Wars, 1814–1880 ● Zulu Civil War, 1817–1819 ● Greek Civil War, 1824–1825 ● Liberal Wars (Portugal), 1828–1834. ● Chilean Civil War, 1829–1830 ● Ragamuffin War (Brazil), 1835–1845 ● Carlist Wars (Spain), 1833–1839, 1846–1849, and 1872–1876 ● Uruguayan Civil War, 1839–1851 ● Māori War (New Zealand), 1845–1872 ● Sonderbund war (Switzerland), November 1847 ● Revolutions of 1848; numerous European countries, 1848–1849 ● Revolution of 1851 (Chile) ● Taiping Rebellion (China), 1851–1864 ● Bleeding Kansas, 1854–1858 ● Indian rebellion, 1857 ● War of Reform (Mexico), 1857–1861 ● American Civil War (United States), 1861–1865 ● Klang War (Malaysia); also known as Selangor Civil War, 1867–1874 ● Boshin War (Japan), 1868–1869 ● Satsuma Rebellion (Japan), 1877 ● Jementah Civil War (Malaysia), 1878 ● The North-West Rebellion (Canada), 1885 ● Chilean Civil War, 1891 ● War of Canudos (Brazil), 1896–1897 ● Banana Wars (Central America), 1898–1934 ● Boxer Rebellion (China), 1899–1901 ● Thousand Days War (Colombia), 1899–1902 ● Mexican Revolution, 1910–1920 ● Warlord Era; period of civil wars between regional, provincial, and private armies in China, 1912–1928 ● Russian Civil War, 1917–1921 ● Iraqi–Kurdish conflict, 1918–2003 ● Finnish Civil War, 1918 ● German Revolution, 1918–1919 ● Irish Civil War, 1922–1923 ● Paraguayan Civil War, 1922–1923 ● Nicaraguan -
AXIS of Convenience Moscow, Beijing, and the New Geopolitics
AXiS of ConvenienCe MOSCOW, BEIJING, AND THE NEW GEOPOLITICS Bobo Lo 00-5340-7 FM 9/5/08 3:05 PM Page i AXIS OF CONVENIENCE 00-5340-7 FM 9/5/08 3:05 PM Page ii 00-5340-7 FM 9/5/08 3:05 PM Page iii AXIS OF CONVENIENCE MOSCOW, BEIJING, AND THE NEW GEOPOLITICS Bobo Lo chatham house London brookings institution press Washington, D.C. 00-5340-7 FM 9/5/08 3:05 PM Page iv Copyright © 2008 ROYAL INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Chatham House (the Royal Institute of International Affairs) is an independent body which promotes the rigorous study of international questions and does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. Chatham House, 10 St. James’s Square, London SW1Y 4LE (www.chathamhouse.org.uk); charity registration no 208223. Axis of Convenience: Moscow, Beijing, and the New Geopolitics may be ordered from: BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PRESS c/o HFS, P.O. Box 50370, Baltimore, MD 21211-4370 Tel.: 800/537-5487; 410/516-6956; Fax: 410/516-6998 Internet: www.brookings.edu All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Brookings Institution Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data Lo, Bobo, 1959– Axis of convenience : Moscow, Beijing, and the new geopolitics / Bobo Lo. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-8157-5340-7 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Russia (Federation)—Foreign relations—China. 2.