A Study of Emeritus Professor Albert Adu Boahen, 1932-2006

UNIVERSITY OF GHANA

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

AN ACADEMIC IN POLITICS: A STUDY OF EMERITUS PROFESSOR ALBERT ADU BOAHEN, 1932-2006

THEOPHILUS ASHONG

(10423624)

THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MPHIL HISTORY DEGREE

JULY 2019

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to my Mum and Dad

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

This thesis would not have been successful without the help of numerous people. I would first like to thank my supervisors Dr. Nana Yaw Sapong and Dr. Victoria Ellen Smith of the Department of

History, University of Ghana for their constructive criticisms, encouragement, and patience throughout this work. I also acknowledge the authors whose works have been referred to and cited in this study. My gratitude also goes to the staff and colleagues of the Department of History,

University of Ghana, especially Dr. Emmanuel A. Ofosu-Mensah and Dr. Cyrelene Amoah-

Boampong for their encouragement.

A number of people have helped me to lay hands on references and source materials that eventually found their way into this thesis. I would like to particularly mention Prof. Kofi Darkwah, Prof.

Ivan Addae-Mensah, Dr. S.K.B. Asante, Adjei Adjepong, and Sadat Bole. I am also indebted to

Prof. S. Ademola Ajayi and Ernest S.K. Sewordor for reading through drafts of this work and making useful suggestions. I wish to acknowledge the financial assistance I received from the

Andrew Mellon Foundation and the University of Ghana through the ENCAPEH-UG project. My sincere gratitude to the coordinators of the project especially Prof. Samuel Agyei-Mensah and

Nancy Owusuaa.

I appreciate the tireless efforts of my informants particularly Prof. Robert Addo-Fening, Prof. Irene

Odotei, Dr. D.E.K. Baku, Dr. Emmanuel Evans-Anfom, Christopher Adu Boahen and Mrs Ruth

Amanda Nylander. Finally, I cannot end without a special word of thanks to Abigail Esinam

Atidjah, Mrs Theodora Dordo-Tetteh, Mrs Evelyn Otoo, Eric Anto, Samuel Abekah, and Samuel

Amarteifio for their support and encouragement throughout this work.

I bear sole responsibility for any mistakes yet remaining in this work.

iii

ETHICAL STATEMENT

By signing a legal release, the interviewee indicates that he or she understood what the interview would be used for and establishes its ownership. –Donald A. Ritchie1

This study relies heavily on oral history interviews to solicit testimonies from former students, colleagues and relatives of Prof. Adu Boahen. Being fully aware of the principles and standards of the oral history practice, I carefully prepared a consent and release form which clearly states the aims and objectives of my research project. The consent and release form, research proposal and work plan were reviewed and approved by the Ethics Committee for the Humanities,

University of Ghana. As such, this legal document, perused and signed by my informants and I, not only establish the ownership of the recording but also states in unequivocal terms that the information obtained could be used in my MPhil thesis.

I also painstakingly explained to my informants their pivotal role in the success of the research project. Informants were also aware of their right to have a copy of the interview recording and transcript upon request. The above steps were necessitated in order to provide my informants with the details of the research project and to avoid any unforeseen legal case. All other primary and secondary sources consulted for this study have been fully and accurately cited.

1 Donald A. Ritchie, Doing Oral History: A Practical Guide (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 114.

TABLE OF CONTENT

DECLARATION…………………………………………………………………………………..i

DEDICATION…………………………………………………………………………………….ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENT…………………………………………………………………………iii

ETHICAL STATEMENT………………………………………………………………………...iv

TABLE OF CONTENT…………………………………………………………………………...v

ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………...vi

LIST OF ABBREVIATION…………………………………………………………………….vii

CHAPTER ONE: General Introduction to the Study………………………………………………1

CHAPTER TWO: A “Legonite” becomes a “Goat”: Biographical Sketch of a Budding Scholar and Politician………………………………………………..……………………………………28

CHAPTER THREE: “Synthesizing Historiography with Nationalism”: Return from London and its Aftermath.………………………………………………………………………….………….42

CHAPTER FOUR: “The President Who Never Was”: Life After Retirement…………………...80

CHAPTER FIVE: Conclusion……………………………………………………………..……132

BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………..………………………………………………..…………140

APPENDICES……………………………………………………………………………..…...154

ABSTRACT

The mid-twentieth century undoubtedly marked a watershed in African history and historiography.

One striking feature of the period was the emergence of a new crop of African historians who were poised to challenge the hegemony of Eurocentric scholarship. Kenneth O. Dike, a prominent

Nigerian historian blazed the trail with his magnum opus Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta,

1830-1885. In Ghana, the trailblazer was Prof. Albert Adu Boahen who was a teacher, scholar and an astute politician. As a teacher, he taught and mentored students while researching and writing about the Ghanaian and African past. He was a staunch critic of military rule and always laid emphasis on constitutional governance, the freedom of speech, and freedom of the individual. In spite of his remarkable contribution to the country, existing literature has only had a cursory look at him. Thus, a specific scholarly study devoted to his life and career is yet to be written. This study therefore provides a scholarly biography of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen. The study maintains that Adu Boahen was not just a renowned historian who contributed to pioneering Ghanaian and

African historiography; but was also instrumental in attempts to consolidate democratic culture in

Ghana. This study makes use of archival evidence from the private archives of Adu Boahen and

PRAAD in Accra. In addition, secondary sources including relevant books, dissertations, academic articles and photographs are interrogated. These sources are augmented with extensive interviews conducted with relatives, friends and colleagues of Adu Boahen. Overall, this study provides a scholarly biography of Adu Boahen in order to show his contributions to Ghanaian and African historiography, academic institutions and professional associations. In addition, the study shows

Adu Boahen’s place in Ghana’s struggle for democracy and constitutional governance since the early years of independence.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ABF………………………………Adu Boahen Foundation

ABMLA…………………………. Adu Boahen Memorial Library and Archives

ACP………………………………Action Congress Party

AFRC…………………………….Armed Forces Revolutionary Council

ARPB…………………………….Association of Recognized Professional Bodies

COG……………………………...Commonwealth Observer Group

CPP……………………………….Convention People’s Party

DPP……………………………….Democratic People’s Party

GAAS…………………………….Ghana Academy of Arts and Science

GBC………………………………Ghana Broadcasting Corporation

GCPP……………………………..Ghana Consolidated Popular Party

ICC………………………………..Inter-party Co-ordinating Committee

INEC………………………………Interim National Electoral Commission

IPAC………………………………Inter- Party Advisory Committee

JCR………………………………..Junior Common Room

LCNR……………………………..Legon Committee on National Reconstruction

LSNA……...... Legon Society on National Affairs

MFJ……………………………….Movement for Freedom and Justice

MOBA…………………………….Mfantsipim Old Boys Association

NDC……………………………….National Democratic Congress

NIP………………………………...National Independence Party

vii

NLC……………………………….National Liberation Council

NPP………………………………..New Patriotic Party

NRP………………………….…….National Reform Party

PFP…………………………….…..Popular Front Party

PMFJ………………………………People’s Movement for Freedom and Justice

PNC…………………………….….People’s National Convention

PNDC…………………………..….Peoples National Defence Council

PNP………………………………..People’s National Party

PRAAD……………………………Public Records and Archives Administration Department

SDF………………………………..Social Democratic Front

SMC……………………………….Supreme Military Council

SOAS……………………………...School of Oriental and African Studies

TFP………………………………..Third Force Party

UGCC……………………………..United Gold Coast Convention

UGM………………………….…...United Ghana Movement

UNC………………………….……United National Convention

UNESCO……………………….....United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

viii

CHAPTER ONE

GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

In this day and age when the youth seem to have lost all sense of direction and seem to be floundering in the confusion of the appeal of conflicting lifestyles, it is worthwhile to hold up to them the examples of… celebrities to inspire them to comparable achievements not only for their good but ultimately for the benefit of the nation and humanity at large. – D.E.K. Amenumey2

Background

Biographical studies seem to have arrested the attention of scholars in the past few decades or so.

Appreciably, there seems to be a shift from the mere telling of life stories to the representation of such stories in terms of wider themes or concepts. The life of Nelson Mandela, for instance, is used to represent not only apartheid in South Africa, but marginalized people in any part of the world.

It is important to point out that most of these biographies have focused on the life and works of prominent African academics and politicians.3

Lisa Lindsay reminds us in her “Biography in African History” that,

2 D.E.K. Amenumey, Outstanding Ewes of the 20th Century: Profile of fifteen firsts, Vol. 1. (Accra: Woeli Publishing Services, 2002), v. 3 See for example: Alexander A. Kwapong, A Life in Education: a Memoir (Accra: Sub-Saharan Publishers, 2016); Stephen Anti, “Placing Nana Susubribi Krobea Asante in the context of Ghana’s History and Development 1933 – 2014” (MPhil Dissertation. Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon, 2016); Ivan Addae-Mensah, Hilla Limann: Scholar, Diplomat, Statesman (Accra: Africa Biographies Consult, 2015); Barbara Foudjour, “Biography of Prof. Irene Korkor Odotei” (B.A Dissertation, Department of History. University of Ghana, Legon, 2010); Tom Lodge, Mandela: A Critical Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006); Kwarteng Gyamfi, “Biography of Prof Emeritus J.H. Nketia” (B.A Dissertation, Department of History. University of Ghana, Legon, 2006); Amenumey, Outstanding Ewes of the 20th Century, and Kwaku Danso-Boafo, The Political Biography of Dr. K. A. Busia (Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1996).

In the 1960s, more professional historians wrote biographies of powerful figures from the colonial era – George Taubman Goldie, Jan Smuts, or African Kings and Chiefs – but by the 1970s and into the 1980s they also centered on African nationalist or proto-nationalist leaders like Tshekedi Khama, Jomo Kenyatta, Hastings Banda, Moshoeshoe, Sol Plaatje, Tom Mboya, and Amilcar Cabral.4 In Nigeria, for instance, the Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria has, since the 1970s, been publishing biographical works on prominent Nigerians. These biographies have been “part of the nation-building project, intended to inspire, to show what was accomplished and how, and to install feelings of patriotism by encouraging readers to identify with the biography’s subject.”5 For Lois

W. Banner, biographies of individuals like Abraham Lincoln have become “sounding boards” for what the United States thinks of itself.6 Indeed, biographies do not only serve as a source of inspiration, consolation, and companionship, but also provide us with the “personal myth of others so that we can reflect on our own personal mythmaking and perhaps achieve a deeper understanding of ourselves through others.”7 Readers get to know and relate the context in which a person lived as well as their actions and inactions.

Stephen Anti observes that prominent Ghanaians like Joseph Boakye Danquah, Kwame

Nkrumah, Kofi Abrefa Busia, and Kwegyir Aggrey among others, have received tremendous attention in academic circles in Ghana.8 He adds that these studies place such individuals in the context of the country’s history and development. They show the extent to which lives of historical actors are inseparable from a nation’s struggle for independence, democracy, uprightness and the

4 Lisa A. Lindsay, “Biography in African History,” History in Africa 44 (2017): 11-26, 13. 5 Ibid, 13. 6 Banner, “Biography as History,” 583. 7 Shirley A. Leckie, “Biography Matters: Why Historians Need Well-Crafted Biographies More than Ever,” in Writing Biography: Historians & Their Craft, ed. Lloyd E. Ambrosius (Lincoln & London: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), 13. 8 Anti, “Nana Susubribi Krobea Asante,” iv. Also see: I. Babangida Ibrahim, “The Life and Times of a Patriot: A Biography of Chief Simon Diedong Dombo” (MA Dissertation, Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, 2014), iv.

2 rule of law. What needs to be pointed out here is that biographical studies in Ghana have been unevenly distributed. In 1996, Kwaku Danso-Boafo points out that Ghanaian politics has been dominated by the ‘“Nkrumahists” and the “Busiaists”’ and has continued even in the Jerry

Rawlings era. He adds, however, that whereas there is abundant research on Kwame Nkrumah, the same cannot be said of K.A. Busia.9 In fact, some scholars maintain that Nkrumah is not just the most prolific presidential writer but also the “most written on and most studied” post-colonial

African leader.10 The collective effect of this is that some leaders are widely studied and known while little attention is paid to others. In the “Introduction” to his Outstanding Ewes of the 20th

Century, Amenumey affirms that some authors adopt a “rather narrow criteria for choosing their heroes or heroines…”11 Consequently, some important persons or groups are ignored. The problem of uneven distribution of biographies may partly be attributed to the availability of historical data on a subject as well as the time constraint in which a researcher may have to undertake his or her work.12 For Ibrahim, some biographical subjects have received less attention because they do not facilitate the researching of their lives. Others were merely neglected by potential biographers.

Biographical studies offer a unique opportunity to explore and analyze important historical questions. They not only give important insights about the wider historical context in which an individual lived, but also demonstrate the influence that the historical context had on the individual.13 Shirley A. Leckie argues that “biography is an important form of historical analysis that can enable readers to transcend their own personal experiences and encounter another person

9 Kwaku Danso-Boafo, The Political Biography of Dr. K. A. Busia (Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1996), x. 10 I. Agyeman-Duah, Between Faith and History: A Biography of J. A. Kufuor (Oxfordshire: Ayebia Clarke Publishing Ltd, 2006), ix. 11 Amenumey, Outstanding Ewes of the 20th Century, vii-ix. 12 Ibrahim, “The Life and Times of a Patriot,” iv. 13 Jan-Bart Gewald, “The individual in African History: The importance of biography in African historical studies,” accessed on February 7, 2019.

3 from a different time and place.”14 Biographers are advised to utilize the best historical methodology, explore all available primary sources, and to interpret their findings in creative ways.15 As indicated earlier, biographies now represent wider themes and concepts. By providing a scholarly biography of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen, one of Ghana’s foremost scholars and politicians, this study attempts to locate him in the wider context of the evolution and growth of

Ghanaian and African historiography as well as Ghana’s struggle for democracy and multiparty constitutional rule.

Academics in Politics

For the purpose of this study, an academic shall be defined as a person who teaches or conducts research at an institute of higher learning. The word shall interchangeably be used with

‘intellectual’ and ‘scholar’. Kwesi Yankah reminds us that “the intellectual in every society is bound to reckon with the social and political realities of the times, and seek to improve them.”16 It is not surprising, then, that the Ghanaian intelligentsia has not only been instrumental in the struggle for independence since the World wars but have also contributed immensely to efforts aimed at championing democracy in the country.

Academic involvement in politics did not start in the Fourth or even Third Republic. Before

Ghana attained her independence, Ghanaian academics were consistently agitating for reforms in the colonial administrative structure, challenging the legitimacy of British colonial rule, and calling for improvement in the welfare of the Gold Coasters. Furthermore, in the immediate period

14 Lloyd E. Ambrosius, “Introduction,” in Writing Biography: Historians & Their Craft, ed. Lloyd E. Ambrosius (Lincoln & London: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), viii. 15 Ibid., viii. 16 Kwesi Yankah, Intellectuals and Government: A Tale of Uneasy Partnership (Accra: IEA Publications, 1997), 4.

4 after independence, it was well-known academics such as Dr. J.B. Danquah and Dr. K.A. Busia who provided the staunchest opposition to the Convention People’s Party (CPP) and Kwame

Nkrumah’s one party state agenda.17 Kwaku Danso-Boafo puts it bluntly by noting that “with the enactment of the Preventive Detention Act and the subsequent detention of the other prominent opposition leaders, the only powerful voice which spoke for the opposition forces was Busia’s.”18

Busia was eventually forced to flee into exile in Europe to avoid being detained under the

Preventive Detention Act. It is significant to point out that after Kwame Nkrumah was ousted in

1966, Busia further served in various capacities under the military regime of the National

Liberation Council (NLC).19 The NLC, which comprised the Ghana Armed Forces and the Police with General J. A. Ankrah as its chairman, ruled from 1966 to 1969. Busia served as the Chairman of the NLC’s National Advisory Commission and later as the Chairman of the Centre for Civic

Education (CCE). Busia subsequently became the Prime Minister of Ghana’s Second Republic.20

As Danso-Boafo concludes in The Political Biography of K.A. Busia, even though Busia did not exhibit “great political skills,” he “left solid footprints in the sand of Ghana political arena.”21 The counter-coup in 1979, that saw the overthrow of the Supreme Military Council (SMC), subsequently led to the inauguration of the Third Republic in Ghana. A close examination of

Ghana’s Third Republic, led by Dr. Hilla Limann (himself holding a PhD in Political Science and

Constitutional Law), reveals a “mass pull of academics into politics.”22 But the 1980s were not the

17 For a detailed study of J.B Danquah, see: Rubbin C. T. Danquah, “J. B. Danquah and The Making of Ghana” (Unpublished Long Essay, Department of History, University of Ghana, 2018). For a discussion of policies introduced by Nkrumah and the CPP government see; D.E.K. Amenumey, Coming of Age in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century: The Case of Ghana (Accra: Ghana Uni. Press, 2000), 12-14. 18 Danso-Boafo, Biography of Dr. K. A. Busia, 169. 19 For a detailed study of K.A. Busia see: Kwaku Danso-Boafo’s, The Political Biography of Dr. K. A. Busia. 20 The Second Republic spanned 1969-72. 21 Danso-Boafo, Biography of Dr. K. A. Busia, 174. 22 For example: Dr. Isaac Chinebuah (African Studies) became Minister of Foreign Affairs; Dr. John S. Nabila (Geography)- Minister of Information, Presidential Affairs and Special Duties; Dr. Ekow Daniels- Minister of Interior;

5 best of times. The worsening economic situation and political instability had led to a reduction in the staffing of the various universities. As a result, the increasing number of academics into politics threatened the already understaffed universities. While some academics may have entered into politics solely to impact their country with the knowledge gained, others saw it at a means to escape the economic plight at the time.23 Since its inauguration in 1993, Ghana’s Fourth Republic has also witnessed a significant number of academics actively involved in national politics. One of such prominent academics was John Evans Atta Mills, a Law Professor. After serving the University of

Ghana’s Faculty of Law for over twenty years, Mills was selected by Jerry John Rawlings as his running mate in the 1996 presidential election. Having won the election, Mills served as the Vice-

President from 1996 to 2000. He subsequently rose to become the third President of the Fourth

Republic, 2009-2012.24

To elicit the contribution of academics to party politics in Ghana, this study focuses on

Adu Boahen for four main reasons: Firstly, unlike some of his contemporaries, and despite his remarkable literary output, Adu Boahen did not write his autobiography.25 The autobiographies of prominent persons, though sometimes critiqued as being subjective, provide glimpse into their personal lives and country’s history. This means that without an autobiography or a specific study

Dr. George Benneh(Geography)- Minister of Finance; Dr. E. K. Andah- Minister of Agriculture; among others. See Yankah, Intellectuals and Government, 22. 23 See Yankah, Intellectuals and Government, 22. 24 For further details see: C.K. Angkosaala and H.A.K. Safo, John Evans Atta Mills of Ghana: Biography and Legacy of An African Icon (Accra: Yamens Press Ltd, 2012). 25 See for example autobiographies of Adu Boahen contemporaries: George Benneh, My Time My Nation: The Autobiography of Prof. George Benneh (Accra: Winmat Publishers Ltd., 2016; Alexander A. Kwapong, A Life in Education: a Memoir (Accra: Sub-Saharan Publishers, 2016); Emmanuel Evans-Anfom, To the Thirsty land: Autobiography of a Patriot (Accra: Africa Christian Press, 2003.) Also see, Bethwell A. Ogot, My Footprints on the Sands of Time: An Autobiography (Victoria, Canada: Trafford Publishing, 2003). It is equally important to point out that some of Adu Boahen’s contemporaries who left no autobiographies have seen some substantial literature written on them. Of quintessence is a festschrift edited by Michael Omolewa and Akinjide Osuntokun in honor of Professor Jacob F. Ade Ajayi. See M. Omolewa and A. Osuntokun, eds., J. F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career (Ibadan: Bookcraft, 2014).

6 of Adu Boahen’s life and career, there is a gap in terms of his pioneering role in Ghanaian and

African historiography and politics. It is this gap that this study attempts to fill. Secondly, Adu

Boahen’s contribution to Ghanaian and African historiography is revolutionary. He entered the historiographical scene at the time when Imperial authorship held the view that Africans had no history worth studying. Adu Boahen and his contemporaries succeeded in rolling back this

Eurocentric perception that Africans history began with the arrival of the Europeans. He consistently emphasized that African history should be written from an African point of view. An examination of his contributions to Ghanaian and African historiography will, therefore, throw more light on the evolution and growth of Ghanaian and African historiography. Thirdly, Adu

Boahen was a staunch critic of all forms of dictatorship in Ghana. He eventually played a significant role in assailing the “culture of silence” that gripped the country following the overthrow of the Third Republic. In the light of this, Adu Boahen is eulogized by many as the one who ushered Ghanaians into what some scholars refer as the “second independence of Ghana.”26

Therefore, an examination of his role in political movements and parties would shed light on

Ghana’s struggle for democracy and constitutional governance. The fourth and final reason is that,

Adu Boahen’s life story, overall, teaches lessons of bravery and dogged determination to current and future generation of scholars and politicians.

Historiography

This section presents a review of literature related to the study. The literature reviewed for this study has been divided into three groups. The first group consist of festschrifts and works that shed

26 Wilson Kwame Yayoh, “Resurgence of Multi-party Rule in Ghana, 1992-2004: A Historical Review,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, New Series, No. 10 (2006-7): 125-147, 125.

7 light on Adu Boahen’s scholarship. The second group include works on the Danquah-Busia tradition and the political history of Ghana which provides insights into Adu Boahen’s involvement in political movements and parties. The third group consist of a published tribute and pamphlet that provides an overview of the life of Adu Boahen.

The first academic attempt to write about Adu Boahen was in 2003 in a festschrift entitled

Ghana in Africa and the World: Essays in honor of Adu Boahen.27 The essays in the book has been divided into seven sections. The first section, entitled “Tributes to Adu Boahen,” contains four essays dedicated to the scholarship and personality of Adu Boahen. Unlike the first and second essays which provide relevant insights into Adu Boahen’s scholastic endeavors, the third and fourth essays do not provide much information about Adu Boahen. For instance, the third essay reports on a field research carried out in Northern Ghana by Ivor Wilks, Thomas Hodgkin, Alhaji

Osmanu Bayo and Adu Boahen.28 The author only mentioned that Adu Boahen expressed interest in joining the research team to the North. Therefore, I shall review only the first and second essays.

The first essay is written by Toyin Falola. Falola argues that Adu Boahen’s Topics in West

African History and co-authored book West Africa Since 1800: The Revolutionary Years were successful in decolonizing the African curriculum. Falola writes briefly on Boahen’s contribution to African historiography. He notes, inter alia:

[For Boahen] to be a teacher was to reject many aspects of his initial training and to contribute to the institutionalization of African history and knowledge. To produce university-trained students was to end Africa’s dependence on foreigners. To assert the relevance of Africa was

27 See Toyin Falola, ed., Ghana in Africa and the World: Essays in Honor of Adu Boahen (Trenton: Africa World Press, Inc., 2003). The book contains a collection of essays written by renowned scholars like Ivor Wilks, J. F. Ade Ajayi, Joseph K. Adjaye, Larry W. Yarak, Gareth Austin, Paul E. Lovejoy, G. N. Uzoigwe, among others. 28 Ivor Wilks, “Off to Northern Ghana in the Morning,” 25- 35. The fourth tribute is written by Paul Jenkins. See Paul Jenkins, “A Letter to Adu,” 37-53.

to undermine the curriculum of colonial education. To write about the Akan was to confirm the legitimacy of indigenous African nations.29 Falola observes that many of Boahen’s conclusions have found their way into successful monographs and textbooks. Though the author gives some insights into Boahen’s contributions, his work was limited to just a few of Adu Boahen’s books and papers. Even though Adu Boahen’s role in shaping Ghana’s political landscape received little attention, the essay will be of invaluable help to this study for the way it sheds light on Boahen’s role in shaping African historiography.

The second essay is written by Yvette M. Alex-Assensoh and Akwasi B. Assensoh.30 The authors eulogize Adu Boahen as one of Africa’s pre-eminent scholars who lived a life similar to

K.A. Busia, Ghana’s Prime Minister from 1967 to 1972. Alex-Assensoh and B. Assensoh maintain that Adu Boahen is one of the “pillars” and “landmarks” of African history whose thoughts and reflections have greatly influenced Ghanaian and African history at large. They describe Adu

Boahen’s writing in the Legon Observer, a fortnightly journal, as “powerful columns” on important socio-economic issues of the day. At the time of writing their essay, Adu Boahen was alive. Alex-

Assensoh and B. Assensoh, therefore, posited that “No matter what happens to Professor Adu

Boahen as a mortal human being and as a well-seasoned son of Africa, his name should go down in history as a… man of vision of the new era in his generation.”31 The authors added that when

Adu Boahen’s definitive biography is written, the writer could sum up and say that Adu Boahen attained immortality before his death. They explain that as an advocate of writing history from an

African perspective, Adu Boahen made substantial contribution to the understanding of African history and this makes it difficult for his name to be erased from the memories of students of

29 Toyin Falola, “Adu Boahen: An Introduction,” 7. 30 Alex-Assensoh and Assensoh, “Academic Nationalist,” 19- 23. 31 Ibid., 22.

African history. I shall review other works and in particular Adu Boahen’s own publications to build on the arguments raised in this essay.

A similar festschrift was edited by Michael Omolewa and Akinjide Osuntokun in honor of

J. F. Ade Ajayi, a contemporary of Adu Boahen.32 The 558 page volume locates J.F. Ade Ajayi in the evolution of Nigerian and African Historiography as well as the country’s history and development. Clearly, all the contributors agree that Kenneth Dike and J.F. Ade Ajayi are respectively the “Abraham” and “Moses” of Nigerian Historiography. Thus, as far as Nigerian nationalist historiography is concerned, Dike blazed the trail and was followed by Ade Ajayi. The two were eulogized as playing significant roles in undermining Eurocentric perception about

Africans and their past. The study further highlights the role played the Ibadan School of History and the Historical Society of Nigeria to the evolution and growth of Nigerian and African historiography. This festschrift is relevant to my study by the way it explores the roles played by the first generation of African historians in their attempts to challenge the hegemony of European scholarship.33 Overall, it will serve as an important reference to my study.

In 2005, Kwabena O. Akurang-Parry critically examined Adu Boahen’s arguments on

European colonial rule in Africa.34 His main focal point of analysis was Adu Boahen’s African

Perspective on Colonialism, published in 1987. Akurang-Parry conveniently divided his study into four main parts. First, he looks at Adu Boahen as a historian. Secondly, he explores Adu Boahen’s assessment of Africa prior to colonial conquest. The third part critiques Adu Boahen’s assessment

32 Michael Omolewa and Akinjide Osuntokun, eds., J. F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career (Ibadan: Bookcraft, 2014). This biographical piece was written by a collection of Professor Ajayi’s former students, academic colleagues, members of his family and friends. It explores the early childhood and formative years of Ade Ajayi in his hometown of Ikole-Ekiti, his education at Christ’s School, Igbobi College in Lagos and the University College of Ibadan. 33 Some of the first generation of African historians are Bethwell O. Ogot (Kenya), Joseph Ki-Zerbo (Burkina Faso), Cheikh Anta Diop (Senegal), and J. F. Ade Ajayi (Nigeria), among others. 34 Kwabena O. Akurang-Parry, “A. Adu Boahen,” in The Dark Webs: Perspectives on Colonialism in Africa, edited by Toyin Falola (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2005).

10 of the reasons for colonialism in Africa. And finally, he assesses Adu Boahen’s position on how

Africans responded to colonial imposition.

On the whole, Akurang-Parry describes Adu Boahen as an “unassuming critic” and

“empiricist” who exhausts all available arguments and evidence before stating his position. In other words, as a historian, Adu Boahen ensured that his research conclusions were solely based on findings painstakingly collected from the field. Akurang-Parry observes that Adu Boahen’s discussion of the reasons for colonial rule is unique since he employs “historical overviews, periodization and comparative history as his units of analysis and conclusions.”35 He further posits that Adu Boahen fine-tuned the reasons for the scramble for and partition of Africa by debunking the popular view that local crises in Africa precipitated colonial imposition. That is, Adu Boahen challenged the erroneous perception held by some Western scholars that colonial rule was solely for the benefit of the African. Akurang-Parry observes that it was in the area of Africa’s response to colonialism that Adu Boahen made the most significant contribution to the subject. Akurang-

Parry was convinced that, by citing over forty eight states that fought against the Europeans, Adu

Boahen succeeded in demonstrating that Africans defended their sovereignty on the eve of colonial rule. Moreover, Akurang-Parry presents evidence from other scholars such as Michael Crowder and T.N. Tamuno that contradicts Adu Boahen’s suggestion that French colonial rule was more brutal than British rule due to the huge migrations from French colonies to adjoining British colonies. Akurang-Parry concludes that Adu Boahen’s “methodological fortifications leave little room for his critics” but gives him the opportunity to challenge orthodox theories.36 For him, Adu

Boahen’s African Perspective on Colonialism popularized the subject and will continue to form

35 Akurang-Parry, “A. Adu Boahen,” 385. 36 Ibid., 398.

11 an important part all discussions that will emerge on European presence in Africa from about 1880 to 1935. Akurang-Parry’s work contributes to this study by providing insights into Adu Boahen’s position on the subject of European colonialism. I will examine other publications of Adu Boahen to ascertain his overall view on European presence in Africa.

Another important study reviewed for this study is Joseph Adjaye’s article entitled

“Perspectives on Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography.” 37 Adjaye argues that historical writings in the pre-colonial and colonial eras were not only dominated by foreigners and non-historians

(travelers, missionaries, and European traders) but were largely the history of Europeans in Africa rather than the history of Africans themselves. Hence, nationalist historians sought to write history from African perspectives in order to liberate African historiography from Western intellectual hegemonies. More importantly, he observes that while the impetus for this new direction was provided by the Nigerian historian Kenneth O. Dike with his PhD dissertation Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta 1830-1885, in Ghana a leading figure was Albert Adu Boahen also with his

PhD dissertation Britain, the Sahara and Western Sudan 1788-1861.38 Furthermore, the author argues that in the evaluation of Ghanaian historical studies from the mid-twentieth century, Adu

Boahen stands out as a “pillar” to whom we owe much gratitude. Adjaye’s work provides basis for further analysis into Adu Boahen’s academic career.

D.E.K. Baku, N.Y.B. Sapong and C. Amoah-Boampong’s recent study on professional history and public engagement in Ghana explores the themes of professional history, scholarship, teaching and public engagement under three important eras: the “golden era” which spans from the 1950s to the late 1970s; the “crises era” which spans from the late 1970s to the late 1990s; and

37 J. Adjaye, “Perspectives on Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography,” History of Africa, Vol. 35 (2008): 1-24. 38 Ibid., 9.

12 finally the “recovery era” which began in the late 1990s.39 The study highlights some of the successes and challenges of the Department of History at the University of Ghana, Legon, since its establishment in 1948. The authors reveal a plethora of incidents that gave impetus to the foundation of African history as a legitimate field in the third quarter of the twentieth century.

Their study provides a rich source of information on the Department of History in which Adu

Boahen served for close to three decades. The study further shows Adu Boahen’s contribution to the Historical Society of Ghana and to the history profession at large. The authors maintain, among other things, that the professional life of Adu Boahen illustrates a historian “who ably handled teaching, scholarship, and public engagement very well.”40 In short, their study is important because it provides some useful insights into Adu Boahen’s relations and contribution to the

Department of History of the University of Ghana, and the Historical Society of Ghana, which will serve as a valuable reference for this study.

The second group of literature reviewed for this study include woks by Ivor Agyeman-Duah, Ivan

Addae-Mensah, Kevin Shillington, Paul Nugent, Wilson K. Yayoh, Joseph R. A. Ayee and

Kantinka K. Donkoh Fordwor. These works shed light on Adu Boahen’s involvement in political movements and parties and the general political history of Ghana.

Between Faith and History: A Biography of J. A. Kufuor introduces readers to Kufuor’s childhood and adult life.41 It deals with Kufuor’s emergence as Ghana’s main opposition leader and his subsequent election as President of the Ghana. The book sheds light on the activities of the

39 Baku, D. E. K, N. Y. B. Sapong and C. Amoah-Boampong, “Bridging the Ivory Tower” in Changing Perspectives on the Social Sciences in Ghana, eds. Samuel Agyei-Mensah, J. A. Ayee and Abena D. Oduro (Dordrecht: Springer, 2014). 40 Ibid., 35. 41 Ivor Agyeman-Duah, Between Faith and History: A Biography of J. A. Kufuor (Oxfordshire: Ayebia Clarke Publishing Ltd, 2006).

Danquah Busia Club and shows how the latter metamorphosed into a political party in 1992. What is more important to this study is how the book provides insights into the New Patriotic Party

(NPP) presidential primaries both in 1992 and 1996 in which Adu Boahen won in 1992 and lost in

1996. In particular, the book provides some reasons for Adu Boahen’s success in the 1992 and failure in 1996. I shall conduct interviews with friends and political associates of Adu Boahen to expand on some of the arguments examined in the book. Overall, the book contributes to this study by the way it sheds lights on Adu Boahen’s role in significant events within the NPP and in

Ghanaian politics at large.

Ivan Addae-Mensah’s authoritative biography of Dr. Hilla Limann, President of the Third

Republic of Ghana, lucidly traces his Limann’s early life including his childhood days and elementary school education as well as his early taste of politics.42 The author further underscores the contribution of the People’s National Party’s (PNP) administration, led by Hilla Limann, which was unconstitutionally overthrown by Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings on December 31, 1981. Addae-

Mensah provides sufficient evidence to demonstrate that attempts to overthrow Limann had even started before Limann could officially assume office as President. Addae-Mensah avers that

Limann and his PNP government deserves much greater credits in contemporary Ghanaian history.

What must be pointed out here, which is of much essence to this study, is the author’s attempt to reveal the relations, meetings and consultations between Adu Boahen and Hilla Limann prior to and even after the 1992 presidential elections in their bid to provide a formidable opposition to incumbent government. He reminds readers that the two opposition parties- NPP and PNP- worked together with other political parties that had boycotted the 1992 parliamentary elections through a loose alliance known as the Inter-party Co-ordinating Committee (ICC). Hilla Limann: Scholar

42 Ivan Addae-Mensah, Hilla Limann: Scholar Diplomat Statesman (Accra: Africa Biographies Consult, 2016).

Diplomat Statesman provides a basis for further enquiry into Adu Boahen’s relations with leaders of other political parties as well as the activities of the ICC. Furthermore, this work is important to my study by the way it sheds light on Ghana’s political history.

Kevin Shillington’s Ghana and The Rawlings Factor explores Jerry John Rawlings’ role in Ghana’s political economy under the PNDC regime.43 Shillington first provides a general overview of the political history of Ghana from 1957 to 1979.44 In this regard, he highlights the role of pro-democracy groups such as the People’s Movement for Freedom and Justice (PMFJ),

Front for the Prevention of Dictatorship (FDP) and the Third Force in campaigning against

Acheampong’s Union Government scheme. Furthermore, he demonstrates that Acheampong’s

Union Government scheme sought to devise a constitution that would authenticate his military government. Discussing the “evolving democratic process” after the overthrow of the Third

Republic, Shillington draws attention to the Movement of Justice (MFJ) as a pressure group that sought to mount pressure on Rawlings to restore multiparty constitutional rule. He observes that the MFJ was a loose alliance of former political groupings of all three previous republics. Since

Shillington’s work was published before the 1992 Presidential and Parliamentary elections, he could not capture events of the elections and other pressure groups that emerged before and after the elections. This study interrogates archival and secondary sources in addition to the interviews conducted with political associates of Adu Boahen to explain Adu Boahen’s role in the 1992 election. On the whole, Ghana and The Rawlings Factor contributes to this study by the way it sheds light on the political history of Ghana, particularly on pressure groups which Adu Boahen was actively involved.

43 Kevin Shillington, Ghana and The Rawlings Factor (London: Macmillan Press Limited, 1992). 44 1957 marks that the attainment of independence. 1979 on the other hand marks the end of the Supreme Military Council (SMC II).

Paul Nugent’s Big Men, Small Boys and Politics in Ghana forms an important part of the literature reviewed for the study.45 The book centers on Ghanaian political history from 1982 to

1994. Nugent’s book discusses how and why the PNDC came to power in 1982. It explains how the PNDC consolidated its rule through to the constitutional era. The book shows the relationship that existed between the PNDC government and its critics including the National Union of

Ghanaian Students (NUGS), Trade Union Congress (TUC), Ghana Bar Association (GBA), and the Association of Recognized Professional Bodies (ARPB). It also highlights the activities of MFJ and argues that the Movement gave shape to opposition demands for a return to multi-party democracy. The book further sheds light on some significant events which occurred before and after 1992 elections, serving as an invaluable source for this study. It assesses the Stolen Verdict which was written by the NPP after the 1992 elections. The book contributes to this study by the way it evaluates significant events of the 1992 elections which forms an important part of this study.

Similarly, in his article, Wilson K. Yayoh provides a historical review of Ghana’s transition to the Fourth Republic.46 He points out that Ghana’s transition to multiparty democracy followed the democratic waves that featured sub-Saharan Africa at the end of the cold war. He explains that external pressures from Western donors for a return to multiparty rule were more exacting than internal pressures for change. Thus, in the 1980s, democratic governance became a prerequisite for financial assistance from the IMF and World Bank. Yayoh observes that internal pressures from the Church and pro-democracy groups like the MFJ, which was chaired by Adu Boahen, made the PNDC aware of the demand of the people for a multi-party democracy. He argues that

45 Paul Nugent, Big Men, Small Boys and Politics in Ghana: Power, Ideology, and the Burden of History, 1982-1994 (Accra: Asempa Publishers, 1995). 46 Wilson K. Yayoh, “Resurgence of Multi-party Rule in Ghana,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, New Series, No. 0 (2006-2007): 125-474.

16 it was the activities of the National Commission for Democracy (NCD), inaugurated by the PNDC regime in 1983, that led to the evolution of the MFJ.47 Yayoh’s work serves as a reference for this study by the way it interrogates events leading to the inauguration of the fourth republic. I shall expand on the arguments raised in the study.

Joseph R. A. Ayee’s article on the evolution of the NPP, which was published in 2008 also examines the emergence and development of the NPP within the broader context of the contribution of political parties to Ghanaian political landscape.48 Ayee briefly discusses the emergence and development of the NPP in the early 1990s. He also assesses the manifesto of the party and shows its key beliefs and policies. Ayee’s focus was however on the period from 2000 to 2008. Thus, less attention was paid to the party’s embryonic stages. Nonetheless, his work is relevant to this study because it provides useful information about the NPP of which Adu Boahen was a founding member and its first flag-bearer in 1992.

Kantinka K. Donkoh Fordwor’s book, The Danquah-Busia Tradition in the Politics of

Ghana of Ghana assess the origins, achievements, and shortcomings of the NPP.49 Fordwor highlights the contributions of J.B. Danquah, K.A. Busia, Adu Boahen and J.A. Kufuor to the

Danquah-Busia Tradition and Ghanaian politics at large. He draws attention to Adu Boahen’s role in the formation of the Progress Party and his untiring efforts to see an end to military rule in

Ghana. He portrays Adu Boahen as the third of the Danquah-Busia heroes whose courageous role in breaking the “culture of silence” in 1988 under the PNDC paved way for the ultimate victory of

47 The NCD was chaired by Justice D. F Anang. Some other members include: Dr. Nana Agyemang Badu, Dr. R. A. Ayirebi-Acquah, Mr. Kwamena Ahoi, Prof. Max Assimeng, Mr. W. H. Yeboah, Mr. D. A. Kangah, Mr. J. J. Mensah- cane, among others. See Yayoh, “Resurgence of Multi-party Rule in Ghana,” 125-147. 48 Joseph R. A. Ayee, “The Evolution of the New Patriotic Party in Ghana,” South African Journal of International Affairs Vol.15, No. 2, 2008, 185-214. 49 Kantinka K. Donkoh Fordwor, The Danquah-Busia Tradition in the Politics of Ghana (Accra: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2010)

17 the NPP in 2000 under J.A Kufuor. Fordwor observes that Adu Boahen was the “brain behind the

NPP and that it was he who provided the political and intellectual leadership for the new Party.”50

Fordwor maintains, among other things, that the NPP as a party and Ghana as a whole owes Adu

Boahen for his contributions to the discussions on the governance of this country. Fordwor’s book is important to this study because it provides deeper understanding of the antecedents, philosophy and ideas of the Danquah-Busia Tradition. In particular, it sheds light on the political philosophy and ideas of Adu Boahen. I shall expand on these philosophies, ideas and ideals by examining Adu

Boahen’s political speeches and conducting interviews with political colleagues.

The third and final group of literature reviewed consist of a published tribute by the Journal of

African History and a pamphlet written by Robert Addo-Fening. Both works provide a general overview of the life and career of Adu Boahen.

Adu Boahen once served on the Editorial Board of the Journal of African History. In 2006, the year he passed away, the Journal of African History published a three-page tribute entitled

“Professor Emeritus Albert Adu Boahen (1932-2006).”51 This tribute gives a succinct overview of the life and career of the renowned academic nationalist. It argues that Adu Boahen’s political life predates his 1988 J. B. Danquah Memorial lectures and his New Patriotic Party’s (NPP) flag-bearer position in 1992. It reminds us that in the 1970s, Adu Boahen campaigned actively against the military regime of Acheampong: When Acheampong proposed a Union Government (UNIGOV) scheme, it was Adu Boahen and some few others who spearheaded the campaign against the scheme. However, the academic rigour of this tribute is limited because it provides no evidence or further explanation to most claims made. I shall expand on the observations in the tribute by

50 Fordwor, The Danquah-Busia Tradition, 192. 51 The Journal of African History was launched by John D. Fage and Roland Oliver under the auspices of the Cambridge University Press in 1960. Editorial, “Albert Adu Boahen,” 359-60.

18 interrogating available written sources and complementing them with oral interviews conducted with relatives and colleagues of Adu Boahen.

Finally, in 2016, Robert Addo-Fening delivered a Public Lecture commemorating the 10th

Anniversary of the death of Prof. Adu Boahen.52 Addo-Fening first explains how the

Enlightenment movement in eighteenth century Europe impacted negatively on perceptions about

Africa and the Africa past. He points out some of his personal recollections of Adu Boahen as a former teacher. He explains that as a teacher, Adu Boahen demanded high standards of academic performance from his students. He shows how Adu Boahen helped in training new historians for his country and for the African continent at large. He further reveals Adu Boahen’s unalloyed passion for the discipline of African history. Addo-Fening’s work provides basis for an exhaustive inquiry.

Statement of the Problem/ Historiographical Contribution

Most of the studies reviewed above only make passing references to Adu Boahen with little attention paid to his pioneering role in Ghanaian historiography and politics. A detailed examination of his life from birth to death is missing. This study is an attempt at a synthesis of

Adu Boahen’s formative and youthful years at Asokore Methodist School, Mfantsipim School,

University of Ghana and the University of London. The study provides details about factors that influenced his upbringing and the scholar-activist he became. Furthermore, the literature on Adu

Boahen’s career both as an academic and politician is unsatisfactory. By interrogating archival evidence, secondary sources, and conducting oral interviews with contemporaries of Adu Boahen,

52 Robert Addo-Fening, Remembering Adu Boahen, Scholar Par Excellence! (Accra: Digibooks Gh. Ltd, 2016).

19 this study attempts to throw more light on the life of Adu Boahen as a teacher, scholar and politician.

This study follows a chronological format. I shall first examine Adu Boahen’s childhood and formative years to his schooling days at the University of London. I will continue with his position as a faculty member with the Department of History, University of Ghana, Legon. I will examine his role in professional associations until his retirement from the University in 1985. The study will then continue with Adu Boahen’s active involvement in national politics in his post- retirement years till his death in 2006.

Academics are perceived generally as individuals primarily concerned with academic critique, knowledge production and distribution. Perhaps, more specifically historians are seen as academics only concerned with past events. This thesis, however, maintains that Adu Boahen was not just a renowned historian who contributed immensely to pioneering Ghanaian and African historiography; he was also instrumental in attempts to consolidate democratic culture in Ghana.

Furthermore, the study argues that as an academic, Adu Boahen’s was drawn into national politics by two main factors: Firstly, by his unwavering desire for social justice and commitment to democratic rule. And secondly, his conviction that knowledge of the past (history) is an essential tool in nation building and governance.

Objectives of Study

The broad aim of this study is to provide a scholarly biography of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen. In doing so, the study seeks to:

1. Explore factors or events that influenced his formative years and early life.

2. Examine Adu Boahen’s contribution to Ghanaian and African historiography.

3. Show the extent to which Adu Boahen helped to shape Ghana’s political landscape.

Research Questions

The research questions for this study are:

1. Who is Professor Albert Adu Boahen?

2. How did Adu Boahen help to shape Ghanaian and African historiography?

3. What were Adu Boahen’s contributions to the consolidation of democracy in Ghana?

Theoretical Approaches

Over the years, research on leadership has led to the production of theories involving traits, situational interaction, function, power, charisma, and behavior, among others. This study would focus on the trait and situational interaction theories which have been widely used in the study of political lives.

Probably, the first academic theory of leadership is the trait theory, which dates back to the nineteenth century.53 In On Heroes, Hero Worship, and the Heroic in History (1841), Thomas

Carlye, one of the pioneers of the trait theory used it to identify the skills and physical characteristics of men who rose to power.54 The trait approach is based on the assumption that all

53 Edwin P. Hollander, Leadership Dynamics: A Practical Guide to Effective Relationships (London: Macmillan Publishers, 1978), 19- 21. 54 See, Michael K. Goldberg, Joel J. Brattin, and Mark Engel, On Heroes, Hero Worship, and the Heroic in History (California: University of California Press, 1993), xxi.

21 leaders are born with certain inherent qualities or characteristics such as intelligence and courage.

Proponents of the trait theory are of the view that “these traits, while not totally responsible for an individual’s success as a leader, are influential in the success of the leader.”55 Thus, biographical works that have employed the trait approach have attributed the success and failures of an individual to his or her personal traits.56 In short, the trait approach explains historical events by referring to the unique qualities of prominent persons.57 Critics of the theory have pointed out that there is no definitive list of leadership qualities or traits. They add that the trait theory only focuses on the personality traits of the leader and does not concern itself with how the environment may influence if not produce the leader.58

By the mid-twentieth century, the situational interactional theory had emerged in response to criticism of the trait approach. Proponents of the situational interactional theory argue that historical events cannot be attributed solely to the intervention of “great men.” The situational interactional theory “acknowledges that certain individuals do appear to matter in shaping events.

However, the broader framework of events sets the conditions for their actions and their results.”59

This theory overlooks the personality traits of a leader and appraises the leader in the context of his or her environment.60

In order to bridge the gap in both theoretical approaches and to critically examine Adu

Boahen’s life, this study employs both the trait and situational interactional approach by exploring his personality traits as well as the socio-political environment in which he acted. It must be

55 “Trait Approach Leadership,” accessed October 1, 2018. 56 Some of these works have been cited in Damwah, “Dr. Hilla Limann,” 6-7. 57 Hollander, Leadership Dynamics, 19. 58 Ibid., 31. 59 Ibid., 19. 60 Ibid., 30-34.

22 pointed out that this combination is not new. For instance, Danso-Boafo combined both theories in The Political Biography of K.A. Busia. The trait approach would help to examine how Adu

Boahen’s personal characteristics helped to influence events. The situational interactional approach on the hand would help establish the role events of the time played in his emergence as a leader.

Methodology

This study adopts the qualitative approach to research. The study combines archival research with published materials and oral evidence from the field. The study uses these sources to provide a detailed narrative of the life and career of Adu Boahen. The main archival sources consulted are from the Adu Boahen Memorial Library and Archives (ABMLA) at the Department of History, University of Ghana, mostly from AAB 4, AAB 23, AAB 51, AAB 93, AAB 114,

AAB 118, AAB 119, and AAB 121. AAB 4 contains Adu Boahen’s personal correspondence including an application letter as a lecturer to the then University College of Ghana. AAB 23 contains some speeches by Adu Boahen including a speech at the launching of the 50th Anniversary celebration of the UGCC on May 26, 1997. AAB 51 contains political correspondence including statements by the Co-ordinating Committee of Democratic Forces (CCDF). Press statements by the People’s Movement for Freedom Justice (PMFJ) can be found in AAB 93. AAB 114 contains some papers on the Union Government scheme written by Adu Boahen. AAB 118 contains

Statement by Prof. Adu Boahen at Kumasi launch of the Stolen Verdict on April 13, 1993. AAB

119 contains the Curriculum Vitae of Prof. Adu Boahen which outlines his educational background, publications, and some national and international assignments. Finally, AAB 121

23 contains press statements by Adu Boahen in 1992 during the electioneering process. All these documents are important because they provide firsthand information from Adu Boahen himself.

That notwithstanding, information from these sources are corroborated with other sources. Some documents from the Public Records and Archival Administration Department (PRAAD) have been used for this purpose. The most important ones for this study are from ADM 5/4/432 and ADM

5/4/449 which contains some speeches by J.J. Rawlings at some important functions in the 1980s and 1990. These speeches shed light on the vision and activities of the PNDC regime.

Newspapers of the period have also formed an important component of the primary materials gathered. Some of the newpapers include the Daily Graphic, Ghanaian Times, The

Weekly Express, The Pioneer, Leisure, The Independent and the Ghanaian Chronicle. The newspapers provide insight into the social and political activities of the period. Published materials have also been obtained from the Balme Library, Institute of African Studies library, Department of History library and the Department of Political Science library, all of the University of Ghana.

These secondary sources include books, biographies, journal articles, and dissertations and theses.

In addition to exploring primary and secondary documents, I have conducted oral interviews with relatives, friends, contemporaries (both academics and politicians) and former students of Prof. Adu Boahen. In particular, I interviewed Jane Thyrah Attram, first wife of Adu

Boahen, Christopher Adu Boahen, son of Adu Boahen, and Ruth Amanda Nylander, stepdaughter of Adu Boahen, who provided worth of information on Adu Boahen’s private and family life.

These information were heavily used in Chapters Two and Three of this study. I also obtained useful information on Adu Boahen’s academic and political life through interviews conducted with colleagues such as Prof. Robert Addo-Fening, Prof. Kofi Darkwah and Prof. Ivan Addae-Mensah.

The information obtained were heavily used in Chapters Three and Four of this study. Oral

24 testimonies gleaned from the interviews provides what Barbara Cooper has described as

“perspectives, details, and color that are not available in primary documents.”61 The oral testimonies obtained have also been used to corroborate evidence gleaned from other relevant sources. On the whole, I faced some challenges with regards to the use of both the primary and secondary sources. First, some of the materials from the Adu Boahen memorial archives were not in good shape, making them illegible. Thus, some correspondence, for instance, which could have shed light on Adu Boahen’s relations with academic colleagues were in a deplorable state.

Secondly, most of the informants for the study were or are people in positions of eminence.62

Hence, their heavy schedules makes it difficult for them to grant interviews. As a result, I was granted few interviews. Lastly, I observed that there were tendencies for relatives and some contemporaries of Adu Boahen to conceal some information they considered degrading. Being a father, teacher and politician, some informants feared that information provided about Adu Boahen may tarnish the image of the family, the university, or the party. This means that information obtained through interviews may not always be accurate. In order to ameliorate some of these challenges, I ensured that the oral evidence was crosschecked with available secondary sources and archival documents and vice versa. I also explained to my informants about their pivotal role in the success of this study, which made some informants to schedule time for the interview.

61 Barbara M. Cooper, “Oral Sources and the Challenge of African History” in Writing African History, ed. John E. Philip (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2005), 192. 62 For instance, Prof. Yaw Twumasi, a former member of the Legon Society on National Affairs, is now the Chairman of the Council of the University of Ghana; Prof. Mike Oquaye, a leading member of the NPP is currently the Speaker of the Parliament of Ghana; Nana Akufo Addo, a former Campaign Manager for the 1992 presidential election is currently the President of the country.

Significance of the Study

First of all, this study provides a scholarly biography of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen, one of

Ghana’s foremost historians, scholars, and politicians. By so doing, it adds to the corpus of works on African biographies. Secondly, by focusing on Adu Boahen, the study shows the extent to which academics in general and historians in particular have helped to solidify Ghana’s democracy.

Finally, it is hoped that this study would inspire the current and future generation of academics as well as politicians.

Structure of the Study

The study has been organized into five chapters:

Following this introduction to the study, Chapter Two, entitled “A ‘Legonite’ becomes a

‘Goat’: Biographical Sketch of a Budding Scholar and Politician,” examines the childhood and early life of Adu Boahen. It highlights his educational life at the Asokore Methodist School,

Mfantsipim Secondary School, University of Ghana and finally at the School of Oriental and

African Studies, University of London. Overall, the chapter provides a biographical sketch of Adu

Boahen in order to reveal events that influenced his upbringing and how such influences impacted his later life.

Chapter Three, entitled “‘Synthesizing Historiography with Nationalism:’ Return from

London and its Aftermath,” critically examines Adu Boahen’s pioneering role in making Ghanaian and African History a legitimate field of study. This chapter looks at Adu Boahen as a teacher, mentor, scholar and political activist. Thus, this chapter will enable me assess Adu Boahen’s contribution to academic institutions and societies like the University of Ghana, Historical Society

26 of Ghana and the Legon Society on National Affairs. It will also help to show how he sought to train new crop of historians to continue the task of researching into the African past.

Chapter Four, entitled “‘The President Who Never Was’: Life after Retirement” examines

Adu Boahen’s life from his resignation from the University in 1985 to his death in 2006. This chapter examines the Danquah Memorial lecture in 1988 which many believe broke the culture of silence in the country. It further explores Adu Boahen’s political activism as well as his unsuccessful bid for presidency in 1992. The chapter sheds light on the Movement for Freedom and Justice (MFJ), the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and other political movements Adu Boahen co- founded.

Chapter Five provides a conclusion to the study. Thus, it evaluates the major findings in this study. It assesses the methods employed and the challenges faced. It provides relevant information on the Adu Boahen Foundation (ABF) which was inaugurated some ten years after his death. It also highlights some awards Adu Boahen received throughout his academic and political life. The chapter further makes recommendation for future studies.

CHAPTER TWO A “LEGONITE” BECOMES A “GOAT:” BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF A BUDDING SCHOLAR AND POLITICIAN

Boahen has written about Ghana but we cannot fully understand Ghana without Boahen. –Toyin Falola63

Introduction

The quote above illuminates Adu Boahen’s role in not just the writing of Ghanaian and African history: It reflects his active participation in the building of a newly independent nation, Ghana.

Thus, Adu Boahen earned a place in both the historiographical and political history of Ghana.

When he wrote about the Ghanaian past, it was to undermine Eurocentric interpretations and to incite a sense of patriotism in his fellow Ghanaians.64 Adu Boahen’s role in Ghanaian politics was also remarkable. His love for constitutional rule is evidenced in his ultimate participation in the presidential race against a military incumbent. Thus, Adu Boahen “immortalized” himself through his penmanship and active involve in Ghanaian politics.

The immediate decade after the Second World War not only witnessed the beginnings of an ideological battle between the Soviet Union and United States.65 In most African countries the period saw the rise of nationalist independent movements giving impetus to socio-economic and political revolutions.66 In Ghana, for instance, the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) and the

63 Falola, “Adu Boahen: An Introduction,” 12. 64 See: A. A. Boahen, “A New Look at the History of Ghana,” African Affairs, Vol. 65, No 260 (Jul., 1966), 212-222. 65 The ideological battle between the two blocs has been referred by scholars as the “Cold War.” See Bossman E. Asare, International Politics (Accra: Yamens Press Ltd., 2011), 68-81. 66Adjaye, “Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography,” 2.

CPP formed in August 1947 and June 1949 respectively were instrumental in the attainment of independence from the British in 1957. More significantly, the period marked a watershed in

African historiography.67 Institutions of higher learning were established. Historical societies were also formed. There were new crop of African historians who were intellectually armed to undermine Eurocentric scholarship and “to create ‘a new historical image’ of Africa.”68 Albert

Adu Boahen was undoubtedly one of such intrepid historians. This chapter would focus on his early life. It will examine his life from birth to his student days at the Asokore Methodist School,

Mfantsipim School, the University of Ghana and at the University of London. It will highlight events or factors that influenced his formative years.

Early Life and Childhood

Students of African history are taught that by the early 1930s colonial rule had been firmly entrenched in most African states; but what most have paid less attention to is the fact that the period birthed some of Africa’s most industrious sons including Adu Boahen.69 Born on May 24,

1932, he was the son of Mr. Evans Adu Amankwah, a school teacher, and Dora Afua Kissiwa, a fish-seller, at Osiem in the Eastern Region of Ghana (then Gold Coast).70 Adu Amankwah was an

Akyem and Afua Kissiwa an Asante. Adu Boahen was the third of seven children. Young Adu

67 Note that the emergence of African history as an academic field of inquiry coincided with the rise of African nationalist and independence movements in the mid-twentieth century. John E. Philips, “What is African History?” in J. E. Philips, ed., Writing African History (Rochester: Rochester University Press, 2005), 39. 68 B. E. Awortu and Uebari Samuel N-Ue, “African Intellectual Revolution In the 20th Century: A Review of Kenneth Onwuka Dike’s Contribution to African History” International Journal of African and Asian Studies, Vol. 13 (2015): 140-48, 141. 69 Other prominent personalities born in the 1930s include Dr. S.K.B. Asante (1932-?), Paramount chief of Asokore Asante in the Ashanti Region in Ghana; Dr. Hilla Limann (1934-1998), President of Ghana’s Third Republic; George Benneh (1934-?), former Vice-Chancellor of University of Ghana, among others. 70 Adu Boahen date of birth, 24th May is seen by many as a special day. 24th May was known in the British Empire as Empire Day. It was celebrated each year at the time and it featured a student’s parade. See: Kwapong, A Life in Education, 10.

Boahen started his elementary school at the Presbyterian Primary School at the age of six.71 After a four year (1938-1942) stint with the Presbyterian Primary School, Adu Boahen relocated to the

Asokore Methodist School in Juaben in the Ashanti Region of Ghana because the former had no senior department.

If pupil rhymes at the time had any impact at all, then it was one particular rhyme that kept little Adu Boahen going as he indicated in one of his groundbreaking works, Mfantsipim and the

Making of Ghana. He wrote:

In the early days of my elementary education, I was taught the following little nursery rhyme which I have never forgotten: “Good, better, best, May I never rest, Till my good is better, And my better best”72 Indeed, as we shall see, Boahen literally cancelled the word “rest” from his dictionary. Young Adu

Boahen remained resolute to his academic endeavors. He is noted to have undertaken a round trip of about seven miles a day from Juaben, where he and his brother Adu Amankwah had relocated to live with their maternal uncle, Mr. Charles Boadu, to the Asokore Methodist School. This shows his commitment to education even at a tender age. Mr. Boadu was a wealthy cocoa farmer who would later sponsor Adu Boahen’s secondary education.73

It is instructive to note that when young Adu Boahen and his brother joined their uncle at

Juaben in 1943, the only senior primary school in the locality at the time was the Asokore

71 At the time it was not common for a pupil to start school at such an early age. Pupils usually started schooling between ages 9 and 12 especially in the Northern parts of the country. See Ivan Addae-Mensah, Hilla Limann, 4. 72 A. Adu Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana: A Centenary History, 1876- 1976 (Accra: Sankofa Educational Publishers, 1996), 397. 73 Interview with Christopher Adu Boahen, son of Prof. Adu Boahen, East Legon, September 12, 2018.

Methodist School. Adu Boahen’s onerous school day trips from Juaben to Asokore seems to have always been compensated for by the devotedness of his inspiring teachers. At the launch of the

Adu Boahen Foundation (ABF), which was to mark the celebration of the 10th anniversary of his demise, Nana Susubribi Krobea Asante, chairman of the occasion, recalled the names of some diligent and kindhearted teachers of the Asokore Methodist School whose remarkable and compassionate tutelage impacted Adu Boahen and himself in no small measure: They included

Timothy Ansah, J. S. Cobbah, J. K. Boafo, Ebenezer Adam, K. Amoah-Awuah and K. A. Effah.

Established in 1926 by the Methodist Church and under the auspices of the then Omanhene Nana

Yaw Gyimah I, the Asokore Methodist School was the only elementary school with all the three requisite departments: Infant, Junior and Senior departments. This distinction is noted to have

“attracted students from neighboring towns and villages such as Effiduase, Juaben, Oyoko,

Bomen, Banko, Dadiase, Senkyi, Seniagya and the villages of Asokore and from other parts of the country.”74 At the Asokore Methodist School, young Adu Boahen initiated a healthy competition to equally brilliant students like S.K.B. Asante, Oppong Kumi and Kusi-Antwi who worked hard to secure the topmost position in class. S.K.B Asante, who later became a prominent lawyer and

Omanhene of Asante Asokore, recalled that Adu Boahen attained the highest scores most of the times.75 This is a reflection of his determination to attain higher education.

“The Kwabotwe Experience”: Life at the Mfantsipim School

As young as he was, Adu Boahen’s dogged determination won him the prestigious scholarship to further his secondary education in 1947 at the Mfantsipim School, the oldest

74 Stephen Anti, “Nana Susubribi Krobea Asante,” 19. 75 Interview with Dr. S.K.B. Asante, former classmate of Adu Boahen, Adabraka, April 12, 2019.

31 secondary school in Ghana.76 Receiving scholarship to study at one of the leading secondary schools in the colonial days was a testament to Adu Boahen’s towering scholastic endeavors. Thus, there were very few secondary schools with limited admission at the time.77 The Akan motto of the school reads; “Dwen Shwe Kan,” which is translated into English as “Think and Look Ahead.”

As one would expect, Adu Boahen did nothing less; he was meticulous and foresighted throughout his studies at Mfantsipim School.78

Secondary education at the time was considered imperative to the development of a “total person” as it focused on the development of a pupil’s character.79 Pupils were made to follow strict rules and regulations of conduct. Adu Boahen recalls that on week-days, there were early morning inspections at 7.00 am. Class started at 7.50 am and students were allowed break at 9.10 am to have their breakfast. Students had lunch at 2.20 pm after the close of their class at 1.40 pm. Supper was taken at 6.10 pm, and students had to use the hours between 7.00 and 9.00 pm for their personal studies. There were no classes on weekends but students woke up as early as 5.30 am to perform assigned chores. Saturday-night, between 7.30 to 8.30 pm was “entertainment time.” And finally, on Sundays, students attended church at Wesley in the morning.80 These rigidly scheduled daily activities must have helped to inculcate discipline in students. More importantly, the School had a magazine, Mfantsipim, which published the activities of the Houses, the various clubs and societies and of the Speech and Founders’ Day activities in the school. The magazine also contains humorous and informative articles on a wide range of topics. As Adu Boahen argues, the school

76 The School, which was founded in 1876, lies some short distance from the Cape Coast Castle. It was a direct product of the Fante Confederacy. Some of Adu Boahen’s classmates were Sidney Williams, Dzane Selby, Owusu Boateng, Ignatius Baffoe Bonnie, and B.T.K Adadevoh. 77 Interview with Dr. S.K.B. Asante, April 12, 2019. See also, Addae-Mensah, Hilla Limann, 6-8. 78 See “Tribute by MOBA,” in Funeral brochure, 51. 79 Michael Omolewa and Akinjide Osuntokun, “Secondary Education: Departure from Ikole-Ekiti,” in M. Omolewa and A. Osuntokun, eds., J. F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career (Ibadan: Bookcraft, 2014), 34. 80 Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, 440.

32 magazine and later appearance of a newspaper bear “testimony to the highly intellectual atmosphere” in the school at the time.81

Mfantsipim School placed emphasis on religious activities, sports, clubs and societies, and

Saturday-night entertainment, which in Adu Boahen’s own words, made life on the Kwabotwe

Hill “simple and interesting.”82 There were six recognized societies in the school at the time: The

Study Circle, the Kwabotwe Circle, the Co-operative Society, the Scout Movement, the

Mfantsipim Evangelical Group and the Red Cross Link. Each society had at least one staff member as patron. Adu Boahen was a member of the Scout Movement, and he observes that many of these societies were very active.83 Adu Boahen is believed to have been heavily inspired, during his school days at the Mfantsipim School, by a renowned academic, Dr. Robert Gardiner who had been invited to give a talk at the school. “We are told this inspired the young Adu Boahen so much that he decided to become an academic in future.”84 Perhaps it is to Dr. Gardiner that we could credit the foundation of Adu Boahen as the renowned scholar he became in later life. Modern educationists would agree that such talks by prominent people in the society have immeasurable impact on a student’s life. It is therefore not surprising that even at the University level, on special occasions like matriculation and graduation, alumni who have excelled in their fields of endeavors are invited to give a talk. The essence is to motivate students to soar high in order to become responsible citizens.

81 Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, 432. 82 Ibid., 440. 83 Some unrecognized societies in the school were; the Fante Students’ Union, the Akwapim Students’ Union, the Asante Students’ Union, the Cape Coast Students’ Union, the Sekondi Students’ Union, and the Keta Students’ Union. See Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, 351-52. 84 “Tribute by MOBA,” in Funeral brochure, 51.

Adu Boahen and the 1948 Students’ Protest

Three years after the Second World War, the leaders of the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) who came to be widely known as the “Big Six” were arrested for allegedly orchestrating the

February 1948 riots.85 Adu Boahen, then at age sixteen, participated in a students’ protest against the detention of the Big Six. He recalls that he received the announcement of the student’s strike action on the evening of Sunday, March 14, 1948, after the usual evening prayers in the Junior

Dormitories:

I personally received this announcement with unbounded joy and relief, for though I did not know why we were asked to embark on strike action, not having heard of the arrest of the Big Six or the nationalist events then raging, I had been punished to “take” (i.e. sweep) the junior dormitory of Freeman House for a week or two beginning that very Monday morning, for an offence which I unfortunately cannot remember but possibly for being noisy after lights out.86 Adu Boahen recalls that during the strike action, students had their usual meals but refused to attend classes or allow school authorities to address them. They rather sent a petition to the principal for his signature and subsequent referral to the Governor. On March 19, 1948, the School issued a circular informing all parents and guardians about the closure of the school following the students’ protest. This marked the beginning of what became known as “Monsoon Holidays” which did not end until June 1948 when students were made to sign a declaration before readmission.87 Adu Boahen’s participation in the students’ protest was a clear signal of his awakened political consciousness.

85 In January 1948, Nii Kwabena Bonne II led a nationwide boycott of European and Lebanese imported goods. Soon after, the ex-servicemen who participated in the Second World War and were promised good jobs and pensions embarked on a peaceful procession to present their petition to the Governor. They were confronted by the colonial police which lead to the death and injury of some ex-servicemen. For more on the 1948 disturbances see A. Adu Boahen, Ghana: Evolution and Change in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Accra: Sankofa Educational Publishers, [1975] 2000), 149-55. 86 Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, 369. 87 Ibid., 356-78.

In his final year, Adu Boahen wrote an article entitled “Life At Kwabotwe,” which was published in the School magazine of Adow Bir 1950. He reveals the daily routine of students and argues that special occasions such as Inter-House Sports Day and Speech Day and Founders’ Day help one to forget “for a while the monotonous aspects of life at Kwabotwe.” He concludes: “And as long as I live, I will ever cherish sweet memories of Kwabotwe and the School…”88 Adu

Boahen’s description of events and activities of the School suggest that his three year stay on the

Kwabotwe hill helped to transform him into the scholar-activist he became as he was exposed to students’ activism and inspired by Dr. Gardener. But this is unsurprising because the Mfantsipim

School can boast of a long list of famous alumni who tread similar if not same path.89 Adu Boahen sat for the School Certificate Examination in 1950 and passed with distinction. He successfully completed his secondary education in December 1950.90

“Proceed with Integrity:” 91 Life at the Legon campus

Adu Boahen entered the University College of the Gold Coast, now University of Ghana, in October 1951, three years after its establishment. One word to describe Adu Boahen’s studentship at the University of Ghana (Legon) would be diligence. While an undergraduate student, Adu Boahen recalls attending a lecture at the Chapel of the University College to be delivered by Mary Trevelyan of the University of London. He had attended the lecture not for what

88 Quoted in Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, 438-41. 89 They include: J. E. Casely Hayford, John Mensah Sarbah, Kobina Sekyi, K.A. Busia, Kwesi Lamptey, F. Egyir- Asaam, William Ofori-Atta, S. R. B. Attoh-Ahuma, Joe Appiah, F. L. Bartels, and J. W. De Graft Johnson, among others. 90 See Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, 431. 91 This caption stands for the translated version of the motto of the University of Ghana, which reads in Latin as “Integri Procedamus.” “Integrity in this sense implies honesty, uprightness, probity, honor, good character, morality, righteousness, virtue, decency, sincerity, [and] truthfulness…” Accessed on August 6, 2018.

“she was going to say” but “to find out whether the speaker was in any way related to the renowned

British social historian, George Macaulay Trevelyan.”92 In a bid to feed his anxiety, Adu Boahen was the first to raise his hands during the question session. He was so excited when he got to know that Mary was a relative of George Macaulay Trevelyan. “My respect and admiration for her, of course, shot up while I could not conceal my own luck and elation in talking to a genuine

Trevelyan,” he recalled.93 After the lecture, Adu Boahen had an informal discussion with Mary

Trevelyan, who had been introduced as an adviser to Overseas Students of the University of

London. It was here that he prophetically mentioned that he would be coming to the University of

London for his postgraduate studies. As we shall see, Adu Boahen not only gained admission to read a PhD at the University of London but also became a founding member of the International

Students’ Club (Goats Club), which was a brainchild of Mary Trevelyan. Later in this chapter, I shall discuss Adu Boahen’s role in the Goats Club.

Most importantly, it may be recalled that Adu Boahen was a resident of Akuafo Hall during his four-year stint at Legon. Thomas Mensah, a former colleague of Adu Boahen, recalls an incident that occurred between himself and Adu Boahen on one hand, and the Akuafo Senior Tutor and Master on the other. Mensah recalls how Adu Boahen turned on a record player which had been switched off by the Senior Tutor in the Junior Common Room where Adu Boahen and

Mensah were relaxing after their final examinations. This was described as an act of insubordination by the Hall Master who then requested Adu Boahen and Mensah to accept their

“fault” and to render an apology to the Senior Tutor or face expulsion from the Hall and the

92 A. Adu Boahen, Goats: A History of International Students House, London (London: International Students House, 1983), 11-12. 93 Ibid., 12.

University.94 Adu Boahen was then a final year student who had just completed his final degree examinations. One would have thought that in order to save a degree he had toiled for, Adu Boahen would quickly accept his “fault” and apologize. But he acerbically stated that “the allegation against him was unfounded and that he had committed no offence and, accordingly, that there was nothing he could apologize for.”95 Both Adu Boahen and Mensah would have been expelled from the University if not for the two Ghanaian tutors, Alexander Kwapong and L.H. Ofosu-Appiah, in the hall at the time who interceded on their behalf. Only few students, if any, would take such a risk that could jeopardize one’s study. Indeed, Adu Boahen confirms this incident eighteen years later during his inaugural lecture on November 28, 1974.96 He declared: “…but for your [Prof.

Alexander Kwapong] timely and vociferous intervention, I would have been expelled from this

University altogether in my final year for being allegedly obstreperous.”97 Clearly, Adu Boahen’s courage to maintain and declare what he believed, no matter the risks involved could be traced back to his student days at Legon. This was an important trait that remained with him throughout his adult life.

In June 1956, a year to Ghana’s independence, Adu Boahen graduated from the nation’s premier university with a Second Class Upper Degree in History. Interestingly, when Adu Boahen returned from the University of London in 1959 to take up appointment as a lecturer in the

Department of History, University of Ghana, his first position ever held was Hall Tutor at Akuafo from 1960 to 1961 and subsequently as a Senior Tutor from 1962 to 1964. It is on record that Adu

94 See “Tribute by Thomas A. Mensah,” in Funeral brochure, 89. 95 “Tribute by Thomas A. Mensah,” in Funeral brochure, 89. 96 Professor Alexander Kwapong was the Chairman for the occasion. 97 A.A. Boahen, Clio and Nation-Building (Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1975), 3.

Boahen played a pivotal role in the social and academic life of students in Akuafo Hall during his tenure as Tutor and Senior Tutor.98

On Becoming a ‘Goat’: Life at the University of London

After successfully graduating from the University of Ghana, Adu Boahen was awarded a postgraduate scholarship by the same university to study for a Doctorate in Philosophy (Ph.D.) in

African History at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London.99

Adu Boahen recalls that he left Ghana in September 1956 to begin his doctoral studies. As he had prophesied, upon his arrival he immediately established contacts with Mary Trevelyan, the

Advisor to Overseas Students at the University of London. Mary Trevelyan invited Adu Boahen to the launching of the Goats Club which was scheduled on October 24, 1956.100 The Goats Club was the first inter-collegiate inter-racial club to be established in the University of London. One of the objectives for the establishment of the Goats Club was to foster friendliness among overseas students in the University of London. Narrating how the club got its name, Mary Trevelyan recalled:

“The next problem was to find a name – not International Students Centre, not Overseas Students Club, but something that would catch on. After weeks of no inspiration, one morning when going to the office I was accosted by a very tall African who seemed to know me though I could not place him. He seized my hand and said ‘I am so very happy to see that you are not dead.’ Though a trifle taken back, I thanked him,

98 See “Tribute by Akuafo Hall, University of Ghana,” in Funeral brochure, 34. 99 Other students who benefited from the postgraduate scholarship offered by the University College under the “special relationship with London University,” who later returned to join their respective departments as faculty members include: Isaac Tutor, Department of History; K.B. Dickson, Department of Geography; Nana De-Graft Johnson and Cyril Fiscian, Department of Sociology; W.E. Abraham and Johnson Wiredu, Department of Philosophy, among others. See: Kwapong, A Life in Education, 105. 100 Boahen, Goats, 16.

asked why he supposed I had died – and learnt that he had read in a newspaper of the death of a relative of mine and recognized the name. Reassured, he said almost reprovingly, ‘You know, without people like you we should all be lost goats.’ … As it was I returned to the office triumphant – for here was the name we had been searching for so desperately – the Goats Club.”101 After the inaugural meeting, the club members were to meet every Tuesday evening during the term time to be served with seasoned speakers and performers. Indeed, aside enriching himself about British culture and people through the club’s activities, Adu Boahen made lots of good friends such as Jo Stuckey and Bill Herbert who were, together with Adu Boahen, the most active members of the club. Adu Boahen recalls that since the day he left London there was no event that he “looked forward to with greater enthusiasm and expectation than the Goats Club meeting on a

Tuesday evening.”102 Years later when he became Head of the History Department at Legon, he wrote the history of the Goats Club which was to be published as Goats: A History of International

Students House, London.103

At the University of London, Adu Boahen is said to have studied under Roland Oliver, a pioneer Africanist historian, who was to become his lifelong friend. On one occasion, as was the custom at the time “to seek the opinion of one outsider assessor,” Adu Boahen wrote to Oliver to write officially to the Registrar of the University of Ghana endorsing his application for promotion as a senior lecturer in the Department of History.104 In 1960, Oliver helped to launch the Journal of African History which became a leading journal on African history. Both Oliver and Adu

Boahen became members of the editorial board of the Journal of African History. The two worked

101 Quoted in Boahen, Goats, 15. 102 Boahen, Goats, 13-24. 103 Proceeds from the book were to go to the Mary Trevelyan International Students Appeal to support international students in the University of London. 104 The letter was dated May 30, 1963. See ABMLA: AAB 4, letter to Prof. Roland Oliver, May 30, 1963.

39 together on several platforms with the aim of creating respect and recognition for African history.

For instance, Oliver chaired a talk delivered by Adu Boahen at a joint meeting with the Royal

Commonwealth Society on February 3, 1966. This talk was titled “A New Look at the History of

Ghana.” Details of this talk shall be discussed in Chapter Three.

It is worth noting that at the University of London, aside the School of Oriental and African

Studies, there were two other institutes keenly interested in African History: the Institute of

Historical Research and the Institute of Commonwealth Studies. At the Institute of Historical

Research for instance, “African history topics were, from time to time, discussed formally and informally” at the weekly seminars held.105 This is to point out that efforts to professionalize

African History had started outside the African continent by the first half of the twentieth century.106 This was however given much momentum by pioneer African historians who received their training in European universities. Most of these pioneer African historians, including Adu

Boahen, began their histories with the achievements of pre-colonial African societies and debunked pre-colonial myths and falsities.

Conclusion

This chapter has traced Adu Boahen’s life from Asokore Methodist School, Mfantsipim Secondary

School, University of Ghana and finally of the SOAS, University of London. He grew up during

British colonial rule when the schools at the primary, secondary and tertiary level provided decidedly pro-colonial education. However, as we shall see in the next chapter, having earned a

105 Festus Ogunlade, “Post-Secondary Education Years, 1947-1958,” in M. Omolewa and A. Osuntokun, eds., J. F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career (Ibadan: Bookcraft, 2014), 92. 106 In the 1940s, SOAS, for instance, secured funds from the British government for research into Oriental and African Studies. See Baku et al, “Bridging the Ivory Tower,” 34.

Ph.D. from the University of London in 1959, he started rewriting history textbooks and insisting on a “new look” at the history of Ghana. This chapter has also shown that Adu Boahen was influenced by events and people he met during his formative years. His act of determination is seen not just in the long distance he covered daily from Juaben to the Asokore Methodist School, but also in his quest to be secure the topmost position in class all the time. As already indicated, his refusal to offer an apology to the Akuafo Senior Tutor at the expense of his expulsion from the

University is an indication of a young man who was dedicated to what he saw to be the truth no matter the consequences. Thus, throughout his formative years, he exhibited two important traits of fearlessness and persistence. These traits remained with him throughout his adult life as an academic and politician. In the next chapter, I shall discuss Adu Boahen’s appointment as a lecturer with the Department of History at Legon, his contributions to Ghanaian and African historiography as well as his early involvement in national politics.

CHAPTER THREE “SYNTHESIZING HISTORIOGRAPHY WITH NATIONALISM”: RETURN FROM LONDON AND ITS AFTERMATH

Some people make history and do not write it themselves. Others write history and do not make it. Adu Boahen has been privileged to record the annals of past ages and actively contribute to the history of his own times. He has been a fighter for Africa’s independence…and a brilliant interpreter of Africa’s past. –Ali Mazrui107

Introduction

This chapter examines the life of Professor Albert Adu Boahen from 1959, the year he returned from the University of London and took up appointment as a lecturer at the University of Ghana, until his resignation from the university in 1985. The chapter locates Professor Adu Boahen in the context of the evolution and growth of Ghanaian and African historiography. It also explores his early taste of politics in the 1970s. In order to appreciate Adu Boahen’s role in promoting an

African-centered historiography, this chapter begins by providing some insights on the state of

African history prior to the 1950s.

The State of Ghanaian and African history prior to the mid-twentieth century

Professor J.D. Fage maintains that the historical writing of Africa “is as old as the writing of history itself.”108 But until the second half of the twentieth century, virtually all histories written about

107 Ali Mazrui, in Ghana in Africa and the World, edited by Toyin Falola (Trenton: Africa World Press Inc., 2003), back cover. 108 Quoted in A. E. Afigbo, “Colonial historiography,” in Toyin Falola, ed., African Historiography: Essays in Honor of Jacob Ade Ajayi (Ikeja: Longman Nigeria Plc, 1993), 39.

Africa and its people were written by non- Africans. The period under discussion is particularly of essence to this study because it enables understanding and appreciation of the role to be played later by nationalist historians including Kenneth Dike and Jacob Ade Ajayi of Nigeria, Bethwell

Ogot of Kenya, Joseph Ki-Zerbo of Burkina Faso, Cheikh Anta Diop of Senegal, and Albert Adu

Boahen of Ghana.

Before the mid-twentieth century, Eurocentric scholars whose intellectual traditions were the order of the day had deprived Africa of its history. As far back as 1830, Wilhelm Friedrich

Hegel, a celebrated German philosopher declared that Africa “is no historical part of the world; it has no movement or development to exhibit.”109 Later, in 1923, Arthur Percival Newton, a renowned British historian and Professor of Imperial History at the University of London, made a similar assertion that “Africa cannot have had History before the coming of the Europeans since

‘History only begins when men take to writing.’”110 As B. E. Awortu and Samuel N-Ue rightly note, these gross misinterpretations and blatant generalizations were championed by rapacious colonizers to satisfy their selfish economic and political interest.111 What is more disturbing is the fact that most of these writers “had never set foot on African soil or examined at first hand any material relevant to the understanding of Africa and her peoples.”112 They were mostly armchair scholars who relied on testimonies and reports from missionaries and colonial officials.

In 1948 when W. F. Ward, a British Historian, wrote about the Gold Coast, it was to argue among other things that the main ethnic groups in the Gold Coast (including the Akan, Akwamu,

109 Quoted in S. Ademola Ajayi, History, Historians and the Challenges of Historical Education in Africa (Ibadan: Book Wright Publishers, 2017), 14. 110 Quoted in Robert Addo-Fening, Remembering Adu Boahen, Scholar Par Excellence (Accra: Digibooks Gh. Ltd., 2016), 3; A. A. Boahen, Clio and Nation-Building in Africa (Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1975), 16. 111 Awortu, B. E. and Uebari Samuel N-Ue, “African Intellectual Revolution In the 20th Century: A Review of Kenneth Onwuka Dike’s Contribution to African History,” International Journal of African and Asian Studies, Vol. 13 (2015): 140-148, 140. 112 A. E. Afigbo, “Colonial historiography,” 42.

Ga, and Ewe) were nonexistent until the end of the fifteenth and early sixteenth.113 What he meant was that there were no ethnic groups in the Gold Coast prior to the advent of Europeans and that these later ethnic groups originated from outside the Gold Coast. Other historians such as W.W.

Claridge and J.D. Fage shared similar view. Using documentary sources, archaeological evidence, linguistic evidence and oral testimonies, Adu Boahen and his contemporaries disproved these views. Adu Boahen and his contemporaries maintain that African history cannot be reconstructed by solely relying European written sources. In the light of this, they drew attention to the relevance of oral testimonies.

That Ghana and the continent of African had a history prior to the coming of Europeans but mostly existed in oral traditions was to be profusely denounced by Western authorship. One

American anthropologist, Robert Lowie, for instance avers that; ‘“I cannot attach to Oral Tradition any historical value whatsoever under any conditions whatsoever.”’114 To say that oral traditions are inconsequential is to say that non-literate societies that existed in Africa have no history worth writing about. Oral traditions, which usually take the form of songs, folklore, proverbs, myth and legend, remain an important source for reconstructing the past of non-literate societies.

It is worth noting that some African elites, “themselves products of colonialism,” attempted to document and interpret the African past. Trained with the same European tradition, beliefs, and erroneous perceptions held about Africans, the views of these rising African elites including Carl

Reindorf and John Mensah Sarbah of Ghana, Samuel Johnson and Jacob Egharevba of Nigeria, and Sir Apolo Kaggwa of Buganda, were substantially compromised.115 These African elites

“extolled the beneficence of colonialism and emphasized the so-called civilizing influence of

113 See A.A. Boahen, “A New Look at the History of Ghana” African Affairs, Vol. 65, No 260 (Jul., 1966), 212-222. 114 Quoted in Addo-Fening, Remembering Adu Boahen, 2. 115 Afigbo, “Colonial historiography,” 41; Adjaye, “Perspectives,” 5.

44 missionaries and colonialists…”116 Thus, their views were overshadowed by the dominant works by European scholars.

In short, the discipline of African history was not professionalized until the mid-twentieth century. African historiography - whether by Africans or Western scholars - was full of prejudices.

African history was given little attention and there was overreliance on European written sources for the writing of African history. When Eurocentric scholars referred to Africa history, it was to highlight the roles Europeans played in Africa and not Africans in Africa. However, this was to change in the mid-twentieth century.

Adu Boahen and the Emergent African Historiography

From the second half of the 1950s through to the 1960s, serious African historians emerged. In spite of their initial training in foreign universities, these “nationalist historians” were firm in their conviction to create some respect for the discipline of African History. The first move was initiated by Kenneth Onwuka Dike of Nigeria with his doctoral dissertation titled “Trade and Politics in the

Niger Delta, 1830–1885.”117 It was later published by Oxford University in 1956 as Trade and

Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885: An Introduction to the Economic and Political History in

Nigeria.118 The book “opened the floodgate of African historical scholarship.”119 It marked a new

116 See Adjaye, “Perspectives,” 5. 117 Dike was born in Awuka, Anambra State of Nigeria on December 17, 1917. He attended Dennis Memorial Grammar School, Onitsha; Achimota College, Ghana, and Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone. He later gained a doctorate in history in 1950 from the University of London. He returned to Nigeria to take up appointment as lecturer with the history department, University College of Ibadan, making him the first African with a doctorate to teach at an African university. For more details see: Apollos O. Nwauwa, “Kenneth Onwuka Dike,” in The Dark Webs, Toyin Falola ed. (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2005). 118 Dike, K.O., Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885: An Introduction to the Economic and Political History of Nigeria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956). 119 Awortu and N-Ue, “Review of Kenneth Onwuka Dike’s Contribution,” 143.

45 era for African history and historiography. In the book, Kenneth Dike examines the impact of the contact between Europeans and the people of the Niger Delta of present-day Nigeria. He observes that the abolition of slave trade and the industrial revolution that started in the eighteenth century

Europe stimulated the demand for palm oil in the Niger Delta. This development, according to

Dike, accelerated the desire for penetration of interior regions by Europeans themselves. He also demonstrates that the African potentates of the Niger Delta were astute political leaders who realized their obligations and were ready to fight for their rights. Dike’s work is based on data collected from wide range of native and government sources as well as on materials published during the period that he covers and on the twentieth century studies of the region. Indeed, Dike’s seminal work is an invaluable gift to the African historiographical tradition. His work inspired more research into the Niger Delta as it touched on virtually all important themes in the history of

Niger Delta.120

Kenneth Dike inspired budding African scholars to employ oral evidence as African sources in their modus operandi so as to challenge the hegemony of imperial authorship. Thus, his emphasis on the usefulness and validity of oral evidence helped to revolutionized African historiography. For his pioneering role he played in championing African Historiography, Kenneth

O. Dike is regarded by many as the Father of African Historiography. If Kenneth Dike’s Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta created a baton for the historical profession in Africa, then in Ghana the first to have received the baton was Adu Boahen with his doctoral dissertation “British, the

Sahara and Western Sudan, 1788-1861” submitted to the University of London. In this study, Adu

Boahen provides an African’s analysis of the activities of the British in the Sahara and Western

Sudan during the period 1788 to 1861. He examines the reaction of African rulers to the European

120 Nwauwa, “Kenneth Onwuka Dike,” 317.

46 traders and explorers. He sheds light on the commercial and political conditions of the interior in the nineteenth century. Adu Boahen “set the tone for the utilization of primary sources” when he used archival materials from the British Public Records Office, Library of the Royal Geographical

Society in London, and the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society at Rhodes House, Oxford. In addition, Adu Boahen uses published journals of European explorers. This dissertation was later published in Oxford in 1964.121 As one reviewer reveals, the publication of this book was assured of an interested reception not only because it is an African’s analysis of the British penetration of the Western Sudan but also “because it is pleasing to find a contributor from another distinguished

West African university history department, this time Legon, joining the impressive group of

Nigerian historians at Ibadan.” British, the Sahara and Western Sudan, 1788-1861 is an important addition to the literature on nineteenth century Africa. Most significantly, it marked a shift in

Ghanaian historiography from the focus on European activities to a focus on African reactions to colonial imposition.

It may be recalled that Adu Boahen was admitted as a doctoral student at SOAS in 1956.

In a letter dated May 11, 1959, Adu Boahen applied for a lectureship position in the then University

College of Ghana with Dr. Roland A. Oliver and Mr. J. Hargreaves as his referees.122 In the same year, Adu Boahen was appointed lecturer with the Department of History, University of Ghana.

The department had been inaugurated in 1948 and was then full of foreign scholars “who fell in love” with the Gold Coast and its people.123 The curriculum was undoubtedly European in nature, thereby alienating the beneficiaries from their own culture. In fact, as early as the 1920s Sir

121 See A. A. Boahen, British, the Sahara and Western Sudan, 1788-1861 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964). 122 ABMLA: AAB 4, Letter to the University College of Ghana, May, 11, 1959. 123 D.E.K. Baku, et al, “Charting a Course for the Historian’s Craft in Ghana,” in N.Y.B Sapong and J. O. Pohl, eds., Replenishing History: New Directions to Historical Research in the 21st Century in Ghana (Oxfordshire: Ayebia Clarke Publishing Limited, 2014), 1-2.

Frederick Gordon Guggisberg, one of well-known Governors of the Gold Coast, made an attempt to reform the educational system through his Ten Year Development Plan. Guggisberg built

Achimota School and four industrial schools as model to put his ideas into practice.124 In spite of these gains, the later universities to be established in the late 1940s and 1950s did not see much curriculum reforms until the 1960s. “The African pupils wrote essays on ‘Snows’ and ‘Walks’ in

London or Paris, rather than about the world they actually knew.”125 Moreover, history taught at the time was “for the knowledge of history’s sake and was to be appreciated as literature.”126 In essence, the University’s curriculum at the time did not address the needs and challenges of the indigenes.

When Adu Boahen “arrived” at the Department of History, he had two main preoccupations.127 The first and foremost was to turn the hitherto imperial syllabus into an African centered one. In other words, Adu Boahen’s foremost objective was to help decolonize and in so doing, Africanize African History. He published several books, supervised dissertations, gave talks and delivered lectures all in an attempt to raise the African voice in African history.

Unsurprisingly, barely four years after his appointment as a lecturer, Adu Boahen was promoted to a Senior Lecturer on October 1, 1963. He was subsequently promoted to Professor of History on February 1, 1971, at age thirty nine.128 Thus, in barely twelve years, Adu Boahen had risen to become a full Professor of History. The pace at which Adu Boahen rose through the ranks is a testament to his unlimited energy and vigorous intellect.

124 Guggisberg’s “Sixteen Principles of Education” stressed on the “reduction of the sizes of classes, increase in the number of places for girls, building of new training colleges, instruction in local history, folklore, teaching in local languages, character building activities, and organized games.” See D.E.K. Amenumey, Ghana: A Ghana from Pre- Colonial Times to the 20th Century (Accra: Woeli Publishing Services, [2008] 2018), 192. 125 Ajayi, Challenges of Historical Education in Africa, 11. 126 See Omolewa and Osuntokun, eds., J. F. Ade Ajayi, 296. 127 He was assisted heavily by some of his contemporaries in carrying out these objectives. 128 See ABMLA: AAB 119, Curriculum Vitae of Professor Albert Adu Boahen.

In pointing out Adu Boahen’s objective of decolonizing African history and making it more relevant to the African, it is important to explore a talk he delivered at a joint meeting with the

Royal Commonwealth Society on February 3, 1966.129 In his talk, Adu Boahen made it clear that

“Claridge, Ward, and Fage looked at the history of Ghana essentially from the outside and their main concern was the activities of Europeans in Ghana- why and when Europeans came in, what they did and so on.” He continues, “My colleagues and I are now looking at it from the inside, that is from the African standpoint.”130 Thus, to Adu Boahen, the emergent Ghanaian and African historiography must focus on how Africans reacted to colonial rule and how indigenous states operated and evolved into complex civilizations. In clear terms, his argument was that the focus of African history should be on Africans, not Europeans. Adu Boahen ceased the opportunity to point out some “misconceptions” in earlier works on the history of Ghana. He discards the contention that there were no organized states in the Gold Coast until the arrival of Europeans in the 1940s as held by W.W. Claridge, W.E.F. Ward, and J.D. Fage. By pointing to some documentary sources, archaeological and linguistic evidence, and oral traditions, Adu Boahen argues that the “Akan, the Ga, the Ewe and the Gur speaking people of northern Ghana all evolved in Ghana more than a thousand years ago and these people did not sleep until Europeans arrived.”131 To him, these ethnic groups not only experimented with social and political institutions but established commercial contacts with people around them and also formed states such as Ahanta and Asebu on the coast, Adansi and Kamana in the interior, and Dagomba and

Mamprussi to the north. He further argues that the history of Ghana in the sixteenth and the seventh is not just about the rise of the Atlantic slave trade or the erection of bewildering number of forts

129 This talk was chaired by Roland Oliver, Adu Boahen’s former teacher at the University of London. 130 Boahen, “A New Look at the History of Ghana,” 222. 131 Ibid., 212-222.

49 and castles. To him, it is also about the expansion of inland states and the evolution of political and cultural institutions.132 Moreover, he demonstrates that European presence in West Africa merely accelerated processes of state formation and the evolution of political and cultural institutions which were already at work. He affirms that although some Arabic written sources survived, African history before the fifteenth century can mainly be constructed using archaeological evidence, linguistic evidence, art and oral tradition. This talk is particularly significant in two main ways: Firstly, it was delivered at a time when the non-conventional sources such as archaeology and linguistics were in their embryonic stages. By affirming their importance to reconstructing the African past, Adu Boahen drew more scholarly attention to these sources.

Secondly, by stressing that ethnic groups existed in Ghana before the coming of Europeans, Adu

Boahen not only gave respectability to these ethnic groups but also affirmed the legitimacy of indigenous African nations.

Adu Boahen and the Hamitic Theory

An assessment of Adu Boahen’s scholarly publications on West African history suggest that he was against the mono-causal explanation of historical events. One important publication which drives home this point is his “State-Formation in Lower Guinea and the Chad-Niger

Basin.”133 In this article, Adu Boahen problematizes the explanation of State formation and development in West Africa in purely mono-causal terms. As he puts it;

…to explain the formation and development of States in West Africa in mono-causal terms (as some Marxist historians have done) is really to

132 Boahen, “A New Look at the History of Ghana,” 217. 133 A. Adu Boahen, “State-Formation in Lower Guinea and the Chad-Niger Basin,” Présence Africaine, Nouvelle série, No. 127/128, Colloque Sur “La Problématique de L’état en Afrique Noire : Dakar : 29 Novembre- 3 Décembre 1982, 175-186.

look at the available evidence from a jaundiced or doctrinaire perspective.134 Thus, for him, State formation in West Africa was a complex phenomenon which embraces not only internal but external factors with economic, sociological, political, and geographical elements. Accordingly, he attributes the rise of the ancient Empires of Ghana, Songhai, and

Kanem, for instance, to their strategic location (geographical); traditional religion (sociological); use of cavalry and guns (political); and the development of the trans-Saharan trade (economic).135

Beyond the critique of the mono-causal explanation of African history, Adu Boahen sought to emphasize autochthonous agency. This was hitherto ignored or given little attention by some historians in the emergence of States in West Africa and Africa in general. In doing so, Adu

Boahen challenged the Hamitic theory that “mono-causally explained any movement, progress, and development in Africa before the advent of European influence to Hamites.”136 This theory maintained that the African was incapable of any creativity or civilization. It gave credence to white racial superiority and undermined African history for a long time.137 For Adu Boahen, this theory is “bogus” and “racist”; hence, should not be given any attention.138 This is a clear indication of his conscious effort to disprove orthodox theories that undermined Africans and their history.

Furthermore, it is important to point out that the way Adu Boahen passionately analyses West

African history parallels Falola’s assertion that Adu Boahen “does not see chaos in much of

African history, and he appreciates the resiliency of African cultures.” Thus, in particular reference to his “State-Formation in Lower Guinea and the Chad-Niger Basin,” Adu Boahen challenged works that attributed the evolution of States of West-Africa to the trans-Saharan slave-trade. He

134 Ibid., 186. 135 Ibid., 175-186. 136 Adjaye, “Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography,” 7. 137 Ibid., 7-8. 138 Boahen, “State-Formation,” 175.

51 cites numerous indigenous States that were formed before the trade in slaves. For him, the slave- trade, far from contributing to State-building, rather hindered State-building in West Africa.

Indeed, “[t]he unity of African history that he presents mirrors the unity of Africa that he seeks.”139

That is, the new knowledge Adu Boahen presents is designed to correct misconceptions created by colonial masters. In short, as part of his efforts to create respect for African history, Adu

Boahen’s helped to falsify the Hamitic hypothesis and in so doing, affirmed the creativity and resiliency of indigenous African states.

Adu Boahen as Head of the History Department

At the Department of History, Adu Boahen, Isaac Tuffuor and a few others were to initiate colloquiums, fortnightly seminars, and new Africa oriented courses. In all these developments, it was Adu Boahen that set the new directions and standards.140 In an interview, Prof. Kofi Darkwah recalled that as Head of the History Department, Adu Boahen expected high academic standards from colleagues and students. Adu Boahen encouraged every lecturer in the department to deliver a seminar in each semester; and in this case, he led an exemplar life for colleagues to follow. Many of his former students and colleagues who worked with him in the University attest to his charm and unlimited energy. Adu Boahen was “forthright and honest.”141 This was particularly demonstrated by his refusal to endorse the promotion of some colleagues on the grounds that they had not published enough. A case in point was his refusal to recommend his colleagues, Isaac

139 Falola, “Adu Boahen: An Introduction,” 10-11. 140 Adjaye, “Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography,” 12-15. 141 Interview with Prof. Kofi Darkwah, March 22, 2019.

Tuffuor and Asaana Illiasu for promotion.142 In short, Adu Boahen’s foremost objective as a historian was to professionalize and Africanize Ghanaian and African history.

Adu Boahen’s second preoccupation was to give Ghana and Africa a cohort of thoroughbred historians who he hoped would continue the task of reconstructing Ghanaian and

African history.143 Like Kenneth Dike, J.F. Ade Ajayi, and few others, Adu Boahen had an innate ability to identify young talents. In an interview, Prof. Robert Addo-Fening, a former student and subsequent colleague of Adu Boahen, recalled that Adu Boahen was particularly helpful in shaping his academic pursuits:

I wrote my PhD under him and I wrote it four times: Four drafts before he accepted it. When I was examined, all the four examiners (two internals, two externals) recommended that that book should be published immediately…. Anytime I wrote a chapter and went to him, I came back crying. He was a very tough man; a very dedicated teacher.144 As Addo-Fening illustrates, Adu Boahen’s pedagogical skills were impeccable. Adu Boahen succeeded in inspiring many of his students to join the historical profession. For instance he successfully supervised the PhD dissertations of Francis Agbodeka, Irene Odotei and Robert

Addo-Fening who went on to become Head of the Department of History at the University of Cape

Coast, Director of Institute of African Studies at the University of Ghana and Head of the

142 Interview with Prof. Robert Addo-Fening, March 25, 2018. Illiasu accused Adu Boahen of refusing to recommend him because he was not Adu Boahen’s tribesman. Illiasu’s accusation creates room for Adu Boahen’s critics to argue that Adu Boahen was a tribalist. Also, in the course of his political career, there were allegations that Adu Boahen was “a tribalist and anti ewe” and that he deliberately failed Ewe students. Reacting to these allegations, Adu Boahen pointed out that the allegations were untrue. He reveals that in his last days at the University of Ghana, he had to select two of his students for a PhD programme abroad and incidentally all the two he chose were Ewes. He added that he did so not on tribal grounds but on academic merit. Nonetheless, Illiasu’s accusation and testimonies from some informants who wish to remain anonymous suggest that Adu Boahen had negative feelings for people outside his ethnic group. See ABMLA: AAB 115, “Volta Region Falls to Prof. Adu Boahen,” n. d. 143 Some of the students who passed through his hands include; Irene Korkoi Odotei, Francis Agbodeka, Robert Addo- Fening, John Fynn, Kwame Yeboah Daaku, Kofi Afrifah, among others. See Addo-Fening, Remembering Adu Boahen, 8-10. 144 Interview with Prof. Robert Addo-Fening, March 25, 2018.

Department of History at the University of Ghana respectively. Irene Odotei recalled that Adu

Boahen encouraged her to read History for an Undergraduate degree. Upon completion of her first degree, Adu Boahen again secured a scholarship for her to pursue a PhD in History.145 On the whole, Adu Boahen’s aim was to train more indigenous teachers to reduce the reliance on foreign teachers. Adu Boahen wrote useful comments on students’ scripts. When he gave assignments, he expected that students read recommended books and reflected that in their writings. He prepared thoroughly before going to class. He usually prepared his lectures in a question and answer format.

Many of his former students confirm that Prof. Adu Boahen’s lectures were interesting and enlightening.146 According to Irene Odotei, there was never a dull moment in Adu Boahen’s class as he succeeded in holding the attention of his students.147 His teaching styles and mentoring skills have stayed with virtually all his former students.

Adu Boahen, Professional Associations and Public Engagement

During the 1963/1964 academic year, Adu Boahen was invited by the Ghana Broadcasting

Corporation (GBC) to give talks on the history of Ghana and West Africa. These radio talk series were later published in 1966 by Longman as Topics in West African History. Aside making the author a household name, Topics became the ‘bible’ for Ghanaian and West African history.148

Topics helped to revive students’ interest in the discipline of history. Kwabena Akurang-Parry, a

Professor of African History, points out that he was attracted to African history after reading Topics

145 Interview with Prof. Irene Odotei, former student of Adu Boahen, Oyarifa, February 26, 2019 146 Interview with Prof. Irene Odotei, February 26, 2019; Interview with Dr. D.E.K. Baku, former student of Prof. Adu Boahen, Legon, May 3, 2019. Also see “Tribute by Prof Mike Oquaye,” in Funeral brochure, 70. 147 Interview with Prof. Irene Odotei, February 26, 2019. 148 Interview with Prof. Kofi Darkwah, former colleague of Adu Boahen, Madina, March 22, 2019. Also see Adjaye, “Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography,” 11.

54 in high school.149 In an interview, Akosua Perbi recalled that there were students who could recite whole passages of the text.150 This reflects not only the concise nature of the text but also exemplifies the author’s efforts at making African history an interesting and engaging discipline.

As Topics, which grew out of radio talks, Adu Boahen’s Ghana: Evolution and Change in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries grew out of a series of television lectures he wrote for secondary schools and colleges on the theme of Ghana’s history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The scripts were presented by Robert Addo Fening.151 Adu Boahen always wrote with both the scholarly and general audience in mind. As a result, he made Ghanaian history more interesting to the public. As he had indicated, the lectures were not originally planned to be published; however, “numerous request from headmasters, students, and the general public forced me to change my mind.”152 This is a clear indication of how Adu Boahen revived the public’s interest in History. In the “Preface” to the book, Adu Boahen charged that “spellings such as

Ashanti for Asante and Juaben for Dwaben are Europeanized forms which should not be allowed to continue.”153 To him, names must be written in the way the local people pronounce them. This, in part, demonstrates his quest to revolutionize how African history was approached and presented.

Ghana: Evolution and Change reveals his astuteness in covering transitional moments from the pre-colonial to the colonial, and from the colonial to the post-colonial.154 Thus, the book discusses the peoples and principal states of Ghana. It shows the influence of European traders, missions and colonial administration and how the locals responded to the colonial imposition. It further

149 Akurang-Parry, “A. Adu Boahen,” 380. 150 Interview with Prof. Akosua Perbi, former student of Adu Boahen, Department of History, September 5, 2018. 151 In Adu Boahen’s own words, Addo Fening made the scripts “sound far better than they really were.” See A. A. Boahen, Ghana: Evolution and Change in the Nineteenth and Twentieth centuries (Accra: Sankofa Educational Publishers Ltd, [1975] 2000, xii. 152 Boahen, Ghana: Evolution and Change, xi. 153 Ibid., xii. 154 Falola, “Adu Boahen: An Introduction,” 10.

55 discusses the socio-economic and political developments in post-independent Ghana. Ghana:

Evolution and Change continues to be a “classic book” sought after by students and researchers.

Adu Boahen and the Historical Society of Ghana

Realizing that the Historical Society of Ghana (HSG) could provide an important platform for the dissemination of Ghanaian and African history, Adu Boahen began to play a leading role in its activities. The Society was established in 1951, and draws its membership from university lecturers and students as well as secondary school teachers.155 Just like the Historical Society of

Nigeria (founded in 1955) which was publishing the Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, the Historical Society of Ghana also published the Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana which was to become a leading journal on Ghanaian and West African history. Adu Boahen contributed to several issues of the Transactions. The Society wrote in its eulogy that Adu

Boahen’s stature as a foremost African historian, coupled with the scholarly articles he contributed to the Transactions “raised the status of the Journal and made it the most sought-after publication in the academic world.”156 As a result, the Society received application for subscriptions from individuals and academic institutions across the globe. In 1960, the Ghana Notes and Queries, “a less scholarly journal,” was also launched to provide a platform for both professional historians and laymen to publish ongoing researches, oral traditions or descriptions of festivals, and oaths and customs.157 Up until the 1980s, the society organized annual conferences in Accra or Cape

155 Other founding members of the society include John D Fage, A. A. Kwapong, J. B. Danquah, Kobina Sekyi, Nana Kwabena Nketsia, among others. Accessed on August 17, 2018. 156 “Tribute by the Historical Society of Ghana,” in Funeral brochure. 157 The Ghana Notes and Queries was edited by Adu Boahen. See: A. A Boahen, “Minutes of the Tenth Annual General Meeting of the Historical Society of Ghana held at the Queen’s Hall, Kumasi College of Technology, on Friday, 16 December 1960 at 8pm,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1961), 70-71. Also see Interview with Kofi Darkwah, March 22, 2019.

Coast. Special sessions of these conferences were for secondary school teachers to upgrade them on the new trends of historical writings.158 Adu Boahen served as Honorary Secretary and later

President of the Society. As president, Adu Boahen worked hard to uplift the image of the HSG.

In his capacity as Chairman of the Publications Board of the University of Ghana, Adu Boahen ensured that funds were released to the Society to support its journal publications.159 It is on record that, his days of engagement with the Society were the most productive years in the Society’s history.160

Private and Family Life

Whilst working hard to promote the writing and dissemination of Ghanaian and African history, Adu Boahen was also concerned about starting a family. In 1962, he got married to Jane

Thyrah Attram, with whom he had four children in eight years (1963-1971). However, due to

“personal issues,” the marriage could not sustain.161 Adu Boahen remarried Mary Rawlins in

1976.162 But before his second marriage, Adu Boahen had his fifth and last child with Agatha

Addae from Juaben in the Ashanti Region in 1973. Thus, Adu Boahen married twice and left behind five surviving children who are excelling in their various endeavors. Cynara Adu Boahen, the first child is a solicitor in London; Kwabena Amankwah is a Professor of Bio-Engineering at

158 Interview with Robert Addo-Fening, former student of Adu Boahen, Adenta, March 25, 2018. Also see Interview with Kofi Darkwah, March 22, 2019. 159 Interview with Kofi Darkwah, March 22, 2019. 160 “Tribute by the Historical Society of Ghana,” in Funeral brochure. For more details about the HSG, see Baku, et al, “Bridging the Ivory Tower” in Changing Perspectives on the Social Sciences in Ghana. 161 Interview with Jane Thyrah Attram, first wife of Adu Boahen, Adenta, May 18, 2019. Adu Boahen and Attram met at Akuafo Hall, University of Ghana in the early 1960s. During this time, Attram worked with Akuafo Hall as a Domestic Assistant. She later worked with the Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administration (GIMPA) as a Domestic Bursar and subsequently with the Bank of Ghana as a Catering officer and Administrator. 162 In the fourth chapter of this work, I shall discuss the role Mrs Mary Adu Boahen played in Prof. Adu Boahen’s political career.

Stanford University in the United States; Charles Kofi Asare is an investment banker and currently the Deputy Minister of Finance under the Akufo-Addo led administration. Christopher Adu

Boahen is also a finance and strategic management consultant while Freda Nana Yaa is a Bio- medical technician.163

Adu Boahen had interest in sports. He was an avid supporter of the Asante Kotoko football club from Kumasi in the Ashanti Region. He often went to the stadium to watch football matches in the company of his eldest son, Kwabena and other lecturers and their sons. He often played tennis though he was not very good at it.164 Aside tennis and football, he also loved art and poetry.

Adu Boahen paid regular visits to his farm at Mampong with his children. In an interview, Jane

Attram affirmed that, Adu Boahen was easy-going, unassuming and had a strong sense of humor.

He loved to have his family around him and he allowed his children to freely explore their individual qualities and potentials without imposing anything on them. This was a trait that was evident throughout his academic and political life, as he loved to see people express themselves freely even if he disagrees with them. In a nutshell, as a husband and father, Adu Boahen was affable.

Adu Boahen and the Legon Society on National Affairs

In February 1966, seven years after Adu Boahen’s return from London, the CPP government under

Kwame Nkrumah was ousted in a coup organized by the Ghanaian police and army. If the overthrow of the CPP government brought anything good, it was the resolve by the university community never to be silent on national issues. A year before the overthrow, Mr. Kwaku Boateng,

163 Interview with Christopher Adu Boahen, September 12, 2018. 164 Ibid.

Minister of Science and Higher Education and Chairman of the University Council, sent a document to the University entitled “Special Suggestions on the reform of the University of

Ghana.” According to Alexander Kwapong, this document sought to covert the University into a

Soviet-style CPP University, change its syllabus and methods of teaching, and to bring an end to the academic freedom and autonomy that the University enjoyed.165 Thus, the resolution by the

University eventually led to the formation of the Legon Committee on National Reconstruction

(LCNR) spearheaded by Mr. B.D.G. Folson, Acting Head of the Political Science Department and

D.K. Afreh, Acting Dean of the Law Faculty. On January 25, 1967, the LCNR was changed to the

Legon Society on National Affairs (LSNA) with K.A.B. Jones-Quartey as Chairman.166 The

Society was to become the “academic mouthpiece” of the oppressed after the 1966 coup.167 It published a fortnight journal, The Legon Observer, which discussed the political, social, and economic issues of the day.168 By 1970, Adu Boahen had emerged as Chairman of the LSNA, a position he held until 1975.169 Prior to this, he had served on the Editorial Committee of the

Society. If he had any dictatorial tendencies in the immediate years after his return from London, this was first to manifest during his chairmanship of the Society. Professor Ivan Addae Mensah, a former member of the LSNA recalls “if there was an issue and he disagrees with you, he would always try to use his chairmanship position to push through his view.”170 As we shall see in the next chapter, this dictatorial trait was to be used against him in his quest to lead the NPP in 1996.

165 Kwapong, A Life in Education, 177-79. 166 Obed Yao Asamoah, The Political History of Ghana (1950-2013) (Bloomington: AuthorHouse, 2014), 154-55. 167 Yankah, Intellectuals and Government, 14-15. 168 The Legon Observer ceased publication in July 1983 under the PNDC military regime. 169 See ABMLA: AAB 119, Curriculum Vitae of Professor Albert Adu Boahen. 170 Interview with Prof. I. Addae-Mensah, former Vice Chancellor of the University of Ghana, Legon, Chemistry Department, January 28, 2019. Prof. Addae-Mensah is an Emeritus Professor of Chemistry and a fellow of the Ghana Academy of Arts and Science and served as the Vice President of the Sciences of the Academy. He was also one of the official speech writers and special advisors to President Limann under the PNP. In 1992, he formed the PNC together with Dr. Limann and Mr. Ben Kumah.

As far as the Legon Observer was concerned, Adu Boahen was known by the sobriquet

“Kontopiaat.”171 According to Addae-Mensah, Kontopiaat was a derogatory term very popular especially in the Eastern and Western Region during the colonial and early independent phase which simply meant “a silly person.”172 Though Adu Boahen did not coin the word himself, it became his nickname since he referred to his colleagues, students, friends, and even children as either “Kontopiaat” or “Blooming Kontopiaat.” Once a nickname, he started using it as a pen name when he wrote for the Observer. Adu Boahen was very humorous as the sobriquet suggest. He was of the firm conviction that “it was only when we laugh at ourselves that we can expunge from our society arrogance, pomposity, intolerance and above all, threats of libel action against our critics.”173 In this regard, he was able to reduce serious issues of national interest into humor. For instance, when it became clear that the National Liberation Council (NLC) would return the country to civilian rule in 1969, he wrote an article stating that he would establish a party known as the Radical “Ebi Nte Yie” Party (RENYP) to contest the elections once the ban on party politics was lifted. RENYP would, he noted, give priority to agriculture; provide capital to farmers; increase the number of agricultural schools; mine the large bauxite reserves; reduce unemployment rate; build more hospitals; and provide funds for research in the various universities.174 Adu

Boahen added that his party would establish a Ministry of Kenkey, Gari and Yam to ensure that the prices of such commodities were reduced. He also pointed out that his party would establish a

Ministry of Bribery, Corruption and Smuggling to control bribery and corruption in the country.

His firm conviction was that Ghana had the potential of being developed into a “first class”

171 Others also used pen names, such as Folson and Obed Asamoah as “Radix” and Yao Kobli” respectively. 172 Interview with Prof. I. Addae-Mensah, January 28, 2019. 173 Kontopiaat [A. A. Boahen], “The Radical ‘Ebi Nte Yie’ Party-I,” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 14 (21 June-4 July, 1968): 1-19. 174 See Kontopiaat, “The Radical ‘Ebi Nte Yie’ Party-I,” 1-19; Kontopiaat, “The Radical ‘Ebi Nte Yie’ Party-II,” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 14 (5-18 July, 1968): 1-31; Kontopiaat, “The Radical ‘Ebi Nte Yie’ Party-III,” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 16 (2-15 August, 1968): 1-24.

60 agricultural country which will not only attract foreign exchange but will also provide capital for industrialization. In the main, his aim was to outline the challenges facing the country and to provide some suggestions to the ruling NLC and any party the wins the forthcoming election. He used the platform to caution foreign investors and businessmen not to take undue advantage of the difficulties facing the country to impose humiliating contracts. The point raised here is that, Adu

Boahen’s contributions in the Observer touch on serious national issues in a humorous manner.

But in the end, he succeeded in making useful recommendations to whichever government was in power.

There were some critics who felt that Adu Boahen’s articles were unhumorous and that they rather tarnished the quality of the Observer. However, others felt that his articles rather improve the quality of the Observer. J. Oppong-Agyare wrote in the February 16, 1968 issue of the Observer that Adu Boahen’s articles were rather enlightening. He wrote: “As for your articles spoiling the quality of the journal, I will say it rather enhance it. I always enjoy reading your column. And any issue of the “Legon Observer” without your column is, to me, not all that complete.” He concludes; “So, Kontopiaat, I am waiting to see you in the next issue of the Legon

Observer.”175 An evaluation of Adu Boahen’s columns in the Observer clearly show that he closely monitored the activities and policies of not just military regimes but civilian governments as well.

As far back as the 1960s, he displayed his dislike for unconstitutional rule. He concludes in an article in 1968: “brave and noble soldiers and policemen, please ban the ban on politics, and do so now.”176 Until it’s defunct in the early 1980s, the Observer played the role of a watchdog to the activities of successive governments. It monitored and critiqued government’s activities and

175 J. Oppong-Agyare, “To Kontopiaat,” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 4 (16 February, 1968): 1-24. 176 Kontopiaat, “Ban the Ban on Politics,” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 25 (6-19 December, 1968): 1-22.

61 policies. The LSNA was star-studded with names such as Yaw Twumasi, Paul A. V. Ansah,

K.A.B. Jones-Quartey, Obed Asamoah, J. A. Peasah, Ekow Daniel, Ivan Addae-Mensah, Max

Assimeng, K. B. Dickson, J. A. Dadson, J. Hyde, S. O. Gyandoh, G. K. Agama and, of course,

Adu Boahen.177 One is tempted to assume that Adu Boahen’s association with the LSNA was part of his progression into politics, as a good number of the members of the society were later to occupy important positions in one government or another. For instance, Folson became a member of the NLC Constitutional Commission and of the Progress Party; Dr. Fynn became a Progress

Party MP; and Obed Asamoah was to serve under the PNDC and the NDC as a Minister.178

National and International Assignments

Adu Boahen’s commitments were not only confined to the Department of History or the University of Ghana. At the national level, Adu Boahen served as a member of the National Archives Board for a decade (1960-1970). For ten years (1966-1976) he served as President of the Historical

Society of Ghana. He was also a member of the National Executive of the Association of

Recognized Professional Bodies. After serving in various capacities as Council member from 1971 to 1974 and as Vice-President in 1981, Adu Boahen was appointed Honorary Secretary of the

Ghana Academy of Arts and Science (GAAS) from 1983 to 1985.

On the international front, Adu Boahen was awarded Visiting Professorship to various

Universities across the globe. He was a Visiting Professor to the Australian National University

177 In 2007, The New Legon Observer was inaugurated by the Ghana Society for Development Dialogue (GSDD) “to emulate the good example set by its predecessor.” Some of the founding members are Ernest Aryeetey, Kofi Anyidoho, Kweku Appiah, Yaw Nsarkoh, Isabella Quakyi, Ken Ofori-Atta, Nana Yaa Ofori-Atta, Ivan Addae- Mensah, Francis Dodoo, Joseph Atsu Ayee, Charles Egan, Anthony Mathews and Raymond Atuguba. See Editorial, “As We Celebrate 50 Years of Independence,” The New Legon Observer Vol. I No. 1 (29 November, 2007): 1-24. 178 Asamoah, Political History of Ghana, 156.

62 from March to June 1969; Birmingham University (United Kingdom) from October to December

1975; The John Hopkins University (USA) in 1985; Cornell University (USA) in the fall of 1990; and the State University of New York, Binghamton (USA), from 1990 to 1991. He also served as an External Examiner to the Universities’ of Ibadan (1966-1968; 1972-1974), Khartoum (1972),

Zaria (1972-1973), West Indies (1974-1977) and to the West African Examination Council (1964 to 1965). Adu Boahen was also a Moderator in History for the West African Examination Council

(1975-1981) and General Editor of Legon History Series. He served on the Editorial Board of the

Journal of African History, the Tarikh, the Journal of African Studies, and the African Affairs. He was also a member of the African Studies Association (USA) and the Royal African Society (UK).

In 1982, he became an Honorary Fellow of the Historical Association of Great Britain.179 This shows that as a distinguished African historian and prolific writer, Adu Boahen caught the attention of professional associations and most universities in Europe and the Americas. As a result, when

UNESCO embarked on its General History of Africa project, he was appointed member of the enterprise.

Adu Boahen and the UNESCO General History of Africa

In 1963, the Organization of African Unity requested UNESCO to create a general history of Africa to replace the books in African schools which were European-centered. As part of the efforts to realize this task, UNESCO inaugurated an International Scientific Committee to oversee the drafting of an eight-volume General History of Africa.180 The Committee was composed of thirty-nine members, two-thirds of whom were African and one-third non-African. As an active

179 See ABMLA: AAB 119, Curriculum Vitae of Professor Albert Adu Boahen. 180 Jan Vansina, “Unesco and African Historiography,” History of Africa, Vol. 20 (1993): 337-352.

63 member, Adu Boahen rose to become the President of the Committee in 1971.181 An eminent

African historian was chosen to edit each volume of the text and Adu Boahen became Editor of the seventh volume, which was published as the General History of Africa, Volume VII: Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935. It was first published in 1985 and reprinted in 2000 by

UNESCO Publishing.182 Each volume of the text has thirty chapters and contains about 800 pages with photographs, illustrations, maps and line drawings. The eight-volume UNESCO General

History of Africa sheds light on the historical unity of Africa, its contribution to other civilizations through mutual exchange, and its relations with other continents particularly the Americas and

Caribbean.183 As Hassan Ibrahim puts it, the volume was launched “with a view to reconstruct

African history, remedy the general ignorance on it, free it of racial prejudice ensuring from slave trade and colonization and promote an African perspective.”184 This project was clearly in line with Adu Boahen’s preoccupation of seeing African history researched, written and interpreted from an African point of view. Unsurprisingly, aside editing the seventh volume, Adu Boahen contributed eight chapters (three of which he co-authored) to the General History of Africa project.185 More significantly, Adu Boahen’s election as President of the prestigious Scientific

181 Some members of the Committee include J.F.A. Ajayi (Nigeria), H.E. BouBou Hama (Niger), D. Chanaiwa (Zimbabwe), M. Difuila (Angola), Cheikh Anta Diop (Senegal), L.D. Ngcongco (Botswana), B.A. Ogot (Kenya), A. Hubte (Ethiopia), A. Jones (Liberia) and T.A. Talib (Singapore). 182 Volume I: Methodology and African Prehistory was edited by J. Ki-Zerbo; Volume II: Ancient Civilizations of Africa by G. Mokhtar; Volume III: African from the 7th to the 11th Centuries by H. E. M. El Fasi; Volume IV: Africa from the 12th to 15th Century by D. T. Niane; Volume V: Africa from the 16th to 18th Century by B. A. Ogot; Volume VI: Africa in the 19th Century until 1880s by J. F. Ade Ajayi; and finally Volume VIII: Africa since 1935 by Ali Mazrui. 183 Adu Boahen, ed., General History of Africa, Volume VII: Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935 (Paris: UNESCO Publishing, [1985] 2000), xxii- xxiii. 184 Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim, “J. F. Ade Ajayi and The UNESCO General History of Africa: Some Personal Reflections,” in M. Omolewa and A. Osuntokun, eds., J. F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career (Ibadan: Bookcraft, 2014), 351. 185 These chapter contributions are “The States and Cultures of the Lower Guinea Coast,” 399-439 (Vol. V); “New Trends and processes in Africa in the nineteenth century,” 40-64 (Vol. VI); “Africa and the Colonial Challenge,” 1- 19, “Politics and Nationalism in West Africa, 1919-1935,” 624-648, “Colonialism in Africa: its Impact and Significance,” 782-820 (Vol. VII); “West Africa, 1945-60,” 161-192, with Jean Suret-Canale, “Nation-Building and Changing political values,” 468-501, with J. Ki-Zerbo, Ali Mazrui and C. Wondji, “Trends in Philosophy and Science in Africa,” 633-678, with Ali Mazrui, J.F. Ajayi, and T. Tshibangu (Vol. VIII).

Committee reflects the high esteem in which he was held on the international front as a foremost

Ghanaian historian preoccupied with the decolonization of African history.

Adu Boahen and Akan History

As a scholar, Adu Boahen established himself as an authority in Akan history. Thus, as far as Ghanaian history is concerned, one of his principal areas of research was the Akan.186 His publications on Akan history was climaxed with Yaa Asantewaa and the Asante-British War of

1900-1.187 In this book, Adu Boahen combines documentary evidence written by British participants with Asante oral testimonies to produce an “authoritative account” of the Anglo-

Asante war. The first chapter examines the causes of the war and the last shows Asante’s final defeat. The middle chapters are devoted to the weapons and the strategies used in the war, the duration and the phases of the war, and the role of Yaa Asantewaa in the war. The book clearly offers an “Asante perspective” of the war. This is particularly evident by the way Adu Boahen challenges earlier works that have attributed the causes of the war to the “barbaric and warlike nature of the Asante.” To him, such attribution “is not only wrong, but racist.” In his view, the remote and immediate causes of the war include the provocative policies of the British administrators, the demand for compulsory labor, the arrest and deportation of Prempeh I, and the search for the Golden Stool.188 Furthermore, even though some oral testimonies claim otherwise,

Adu Boahen provides ample evidence to demonstrate that Yaa Asantewaa was the “overall leader and Commander in Chief of the Asante forces.”189 Thus, Yaa Asantewaa, according to Adu

186 Adu Boahen’s publications on the Akan are listed in his curriculum vitae. See Appendix VI. 187 See A. Adu Boahen, Yaa Asantewaa and the Asante-British War of 1900-1 (Accra: Sub-Saharan Publishers, 2003). 188 Boahen, Yaa Asantewaa, 27-56. 189 Ibid., 100-128.

Boahen, encouraged and inspired Asante soldiers and supplied them gunpowder. She also invoked spiritual protection from the gods for the soldiers. Adu Boahen concludes by noting that even though the Asante lost the war, “they won the moral, philosophical, and nationalistic victory…”190

In other words, Asanteman has remained “united” and “strong” since 1901. This is a clear indication of Adu Boahen’s attempt to portray African cultures and states as resilient ones.

Moreover, it is important to point out that Adu Boahen’s interest in Akan history, to a large extent, helped to draw scholarly attention to the field. As a result, new course syllabus on Akan history were initiated in the Department of History.191 All these were part of his efforts to decolonize and thereby Africanize African history.

Inaugural Lecture at the University of Ghana

On November 28, 1974, three years after his promotion as Professor, Adu Boahen delivered his inaugural lecture titled Clio and Nation-Building in Africa.192 The lecture was chaired by the sitting Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Alexander Adum Kwapong.193 Adu Boahen’s main charge was for History to be taught at both the primary and secondary school levels in such a way as to promote nation-building. He stressed that history taught at the elementary and secondary levels should aim at inculcating a sense of patriotism and national pride first, in one’s country and second, in the African continent as a whole. In doing so, Adu Boahen insisted that in selecting his facts,

“the African textbook writer or History teacher must concentrate on those events and dates that bring out instances of co-operation and interaction among component groups, thus debunking the

190 Ibid., 178. 191 Interview with Prof. Kofi Darkwah, March 22, 2019. 192 A.A. Boahen, Clio and Nation-Building (Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1975). 193 The lecture coincided with the Silver Jubilee Celebrations of the University.

66 fallacy that there were no contacts among the various peoples until the arrival of Europeans.”194

Thus, the African textbook writer must emphasize on events and things that can foster a sense of national identity. Adu Boahen argues further that for African history to be an important source of knowledge and used as an effective tool for nation-building, it must first and foremost be historicized at the university and post-university levels and secondly, it must be decolonized. By historicizing African history, Adu Boahen meant that the researching and writing of African history must be “in accordance with scientific and objective analysis of available data, and by application of the most rigorous standards and techniques of scholarship.”195 Thus, the researcher’s analysis should not be affected by personal affiliations. A researcher must exhaust all available evidence before drawing a conclusion. On decolonizing African history, Adu Boahen suggests four ways by which the decolonization could be achieved. The first was through the use of non- conventional sources such as linguistics, musicology, archaeology, social and cultural anthropology, serology, ethno-botany and oral testimonies. “Indeed it is the application of such a diversity of sources, disciplines, and techniques,” Boahen notes, “which has made the study and writing of African history since the 1950s such a fascinating and challenging intellectual activity.”196 It is not surprising then that Adu Boahen and his contemporaries spent all their lives fashioning out how African History could be reconstructed without overreliance on written documents.197 The second was by asking relevant questions and exploring important themes of relevance to the African and not to the European or American. In this regard, Adu Boahen argues that the colonial African historiography explored themes which were not relevant to Africa. On that note, he was convinced that a new African historiography that focuses on events and dates

194 Boahen, Clio and Nation-Building, 15-6. 195 Ibid., 16. 196 Boahen, Clio and Nation-Building, 19. 197 Omolewa and Osuntokun, eds., J. F. Ade Ajayi, 293.

67 that bring out instances of co-operation and interaction among component groups would foster a sense of national identity and generate pride in the past.198 The third was by interpreting historical evidence from an African point of view. Here, Adu Boahen reveals, for instance, that a non-African perceptive on the Atlantic slave trade is likely to argue that the slave trade saved Africa from overpopulation.199 Hence, an African perspective is needed not only to counter such assertions but to reveal other inhuman aspects of the phenomenon. And finally, the forth was by the avoidance of certain words like tribe and fetish that may have pejorative connotation to the African institutions, events, or situations. “I have therefore eliminated the word tribe from my historical vocabulary,” states Adu Boahen, “in place of which I always use the word people or group or ethic group or kin-group.”200 Adu Boahen’s argument was that even though African groups like the

Yoruba of Nigeria have culture, language and traditions of their own, Western scholars refer to the

Yoruba as a tribe whereas the Scottish, with a relatively smaller population, are referred as nation.201 On the whole, Adu Boahen’s arguments clearly point out two things about him. The first is that he was against imperial authorship that downplayed the role of Africans in African history.

Unsurprisingly, in his closing remark, he charged historians and researchers to make the task of

Africanizing African history a major preoccupation. Secondly, Adu Boahen was concerned about the problem of nation-building in the newly independent African states. At the same time, he was convinced that by drawing on the lessons of the past, African countries could deal with the problem of nation-building. This suggest that as a historian he was convinced that he could use his knowledge of the past to help address the problem of nation-building (and the myriad problems the country was facing) by playing an active role in national politics.

198 Boahen, Clio and Nation-Building, 15-20. 199 Ibid., 20. 200 Ibid., 16-22. 201 Ibid., 20-21.

Early Taste of Politics

Adu Boahen and the Formation of the Progress Party

It is important to note that Adu Boahen played a significant role in the formation of the

Progress Party. When K.A. Busia returned to Ghana after the overthrow of Nkrumah in 1966,

Busia sought to rebuild the former United Party and prepare it for elections when the National

Liberation Council (NLC) decides to restore multiparty rule. On this note, leading members and supporters of the United Party met in Busia’s house. Several young intellectuals led by Adu

Boahen were also invited to the meeting. As part of the efforts to form a “strong party” to contest the election when the ban on political activities was lifted, “Adu Boahen and his team” were tasked with the drafting of a manifesto and strategy for the elections.202 The manifesto prepared by Adu

Boahen and his team outlined a 12-point programme which among other things sought to promote a democratic system of government, improve the quality of education, strengthen the private sector, reduce the rate of unemployment, and to maintain friendly relations with all countries.203

They also recommended that the new party be called the Progress Party; and this was accepted by the party leadership. The Progress Party was officially launched in Accra on May 2, 1969 after the ban on party politics was lifted by the NLC. Led by Busia, the Progress Party won the 1969 election and formed the government of the Second Republic of Ghana. Adu Boahen’s involvement in the formation of the Progress Party, an offshoot of the United Party, indicates that he embraced

Danquah and Busia’s ideals of democratic governance and belief in the freedom of the individual and private enterprise.

202 Fordwor, The Danquah-Busia Tradition, 113-114. 203 Danso-Boafo, Biography of Dr. K. A. Busia, 83-84.

Adu Boahen, the Association of Recognized Professional Bodies (ARPB) and the Peoples

Movement for Freedom and Justice (PMFJ)

In January 1972, the democratically elected government of K.A. Busia was ousted in a military coup by Lt. Colonel Ignatius Kutu Acheampong. Economic decay was one of the numerous reasons given by Colonel Acheampong for the overthrow of the Busia led-Progress

Party government. However, this “continued with amazing rapidity without any firm action on the part of the soldiers to combat it.”204 Seeing that the peoples trust in the regime was rapidly declining and perhaps to legitimize his military regime, Acheampong proposed for the first time on October 26, 1976 a Union Government (Unigov) scheme. The proposed Unigov scheme was to be a non-political party system comprising civilians, the army and the police.205 Acheampong used all available state resources to campaign for the scheme which was to be decided by a referendum on March 30, 1978. According to Mike Oquaye,

There was endless advertisement on Radio and Television in favour of Union Government. Whether in the comfort of one’s home or whether one was walking down the street, no five minutes went by without one hearing a song on Unigov.206 Thus, Acheampong formed many movements such as the Ghana Patriotic Movement, the

Organizers’ Council, the Friends, and the Ghana Youngsters Club which he deployed throughout the country to canvass support for the Unigov scheme. These movements were financed by the

State and allowed to campaign openly. On the contrary, the military government allowed no advertisement against Unigov scheme. The few courageous groups (such as the PMFJ and ARPB)

204 Ibid., 160. 205 Amenumey, Ghana, 263. 206 Mike Oquaye, Politics in Ghana, 1972-1979 (Accra: Tornado Publications, 1980), 84.

70 that challenged the Unigov scheme were met with “violence, thuggery and harassment.”207 In essence, any form of campaign against the proposed scheme was suppressed by the military government.

On July 6, 1977, the ARPB embarked on a strike action to register its displeasure with

Acheampong’s military government and proposed Unigov scheme. However through the intervention of Justice Nii Amaa Ollenu, a dialogue was begun between the ARPB and the government represented by Dr. G. Koranteng-Addow, Attorney General and Commissioner for

Justice, and Dr. Robert Gardiner, then Commissioner for Economic Planning. The ARPB delegation was led by Adu Boahen as the spokesperson.208 According to Darkwah, Adu Boahen was candid in his submissions: Adu Boahen stressed that the military government has failed to address the challenges facing the country. He insisted that the military had no role to play in politics. He therefore called on the military government to organize elections and hand over to a civilian government.209

In the meantime, Adu Boahen was to deliver a paper on “Union Government” at a symposium organized by the ARPB. The symposium was held on October 12, 1977 at the Accra

Community Centre but was interrupted “by thugs after the delivery of the first two sentences.”210

In the paper, Adu Boahen intended to point out that the “Union Government is the most common strategy of military regimes which have attempted to perpetuate their power on the basis of quasi- constitutionalisation.”211 For him, the proposed Unigov scheme was nothing new in Ghanaian politics. He explained that, after Kwame Nkrumah and the CPP were overthrown in 1966, there

207 Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 20. 208 Note that Adu Boahen was the representative of the University Teachers Association on the ARPB. 209 Interview with Prof. Kofi Darkwah, March 22, 2019. Also see: Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 17. 210 ABMLA: AAB 114, Paper on Union Government by Prof. Adu Boahen, October 12, 1977. 211 Ibid.

71 were proposals for a union or no-party government comprising the police, army and civilians.

However, the Constitutional Commission which was presided over by Mr. Edward Akuffo-Addo rejected the no-party or union type of government at the time. Adu Boahen intended to argue that the claims that the Unigov scheme would ensure peace and political stability, foster patriotism and minimize corruption and nepotism were baseless. He intended to challenge claims that the Unigov scheme would eliminate coups in Africa. In the light of this, he explained that counter-coups do occur in military regimes as was done in Nigeria and Togo. For Adu Boahen, “the only antidotes against coups are the political neutralization of the armed forces [and] their confinement to their roles as defenders of civilians against foreign oppression…” He intended to argue that without political parties, individuals who stood for election are bound to campaign on issues that are of parochial interest; thereby fostering parochialism, ethic particularism and regionalism. He further intended to state categorically:

I am uncompromisingly opposed to Union Government… I do not think that it can be the panacea for our constitutional and economic ailments.212 He wanted to reiterate that a union government cannot provide solution to the myriad problems the country faced. To him, the complexity of the problems facing the country calls for a great deal of organization, planning, direction and discipline, and that the proposed union government cannot offer this solution. Overall, he wanted to conclude that a multi-party system is the most effective and most humane form of government for Ghana and any country in the world.213 This particular paper is important in many ways. It shows Adu Boahen’s pessimistic attitude towards the proposed

212 Ibid. 213 Ibid.

Unigov scheme. To a large extent, it also reflects Adu Boahen’s conviction that the only way to a sustainable development was a multiparty constitutional rule.

Even though the Acheampong administration had proscribed all political parties, leaders of the various political parties came together to form the PMFJ to campaign a “No Vote” in the

Unigov referendum. Political players such as Akwasi Afrifa, former Chairman of the NLC,

William Ofori Atta of the ‘Big Six’, Sam Okudzetso, Obed Asamoah, K.S.P Jantuah, F. A. Jantuah,

Johnny Hansen, A. K. Deku, Jones Ofori-Atta, Nii Amarteifio (popularly known as ‘Mr. No’),

Komla Gbedemah, former member of the CPP and of course Adu Boahen were amongst members of the “No Vote” campaign. The PMFJ was formally inaugurated on January 27, 1978 at a Press

Conference in Accra. At the launch, members affirmed their determination to end military rule in the country. They advocated a democratic system of government that would guarantee the freedom of association and multi-party politics. They stressed that the aim of the movement was not to disrupt the referendum but to explain to Ghanaians the implications of their choice in the referendum. They called on the military government to extend to the movement the same facilities and opportunities given to the pro-Unigov groups.214 But Acheampong continuously stated that no permits should be granted to the PMFJ to hold rallies.215 In spite of the intimidations, the PMFJ organized lectures and press conferences in many parts of the country to campaign against the scheme. The PMFJ argued that that Unigov would breed tribalism, national disintegration and violence and above all “make mockery of elections and parliamentary representation.” The

Movement explained that Unigov was tried in countries like France and America but was quickly abandoned and replaced with the party system of government because it led to “utter confusion

214 Daily Graphic, January 31, 1978. 215 Oquaye, Politics in Ghana, 90.

73 and chaos”. The Movement therefore called on Ghanaians to vote “No” in the upcoming referendum.216

In spite of its tireless efforts of pro-democracy groups to see the downfall of the proposed

Unigov scheme, General Acheampong is believed to have rigged the elections in his favor.217

Acheampong arrested and detained some leaders of the PMFJ and others who campaigned against the Unigov scheme including Adu Boahen, Gbedemah, Victor Owusu, Dr. Safo Adu, and William

Ofori Atta. Others like A. A. Afrifa went into hiding.218 On April 3 1978, at a press conference held at Osu Castle, General Acheampong declared the PMFJ and other opposition groups such as the Third Force and Front for the Prevention of Dictatorship banned.219 After its dissolution, the

PMFJ was to metamorphose in the 1990s into the Movement for Freedom and Justice (MFJ) under the able chairmanship of Adu Boahen. The MFJ shall be discussed in the next chapter.

Adu Boahen and the United National Convention

On July 5, 1978, Acheampong’s Supreme Military Council (SMC I) was truncated by Lt.

General Frederick W. A. Akuffo. General Akuffo formed the SMC II. On July 19, 1978, exactly fourteen days after the bloodless coup, the ARPB sent a long memo to the military government canvassing for the drafting of a new constitution; an inquiry into allegations of corruption; an independent press free from government intervention; and the nullification of the referendum results.220 The civilian population continued to mount pressure on Akuffo’s SMC II to restore

216 ABMLA: AAB 93, “Why vote ‘NO’ on Referendum Day,” n. d. 217 Danso-Boafo, Biography of Dr. K. A. Busia, 160. 218 Amenumey, Ghana, 264. 219 Daily Graphic, April 4, 1978, 1. 220 Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 20.

74 multi-party politics. This led to the setting up of Constituent Assembly to prepare a draft constitution as the country prepared to democratize. The ban on party politics was lifted in January

1979. By March, nineteen political parties had emerged, out of which only six met the requirements of the Electoral Commission.221 They were: Peoples National Party (PNP) led by Hilla Limann;

Action Congress Party (ACP) by Col. Frank G. Bernasko, Third Force Party (TFP) by John Bilson,

Social Democratic Front (SDF) by Ibrahim Mahama; Popular Front Party (PFP) by Victor Owusu and the United National Convention (UNC) by William Ofori Atta.222 It is important to point out that the last two parties (PFP and UNC) were a split of the former Progress Party led by Busia.

This was because in December 1978, Ofori Atta (a former Progress Party Minister) and Afrifa

(former Chairman of the National Liberation Council), both foundation members of the PMFJ, expressed interest in the formation of a party based on the PMFJ rather than the former Progress

Party. Victor Owusu and other former members of the Progress Party, who played little or no role in the PMFJ did not accept this move. They preferred a party based on the former Progress Party.

It was this ideological difference that led to the slip of the former Progress Party into the PFP and

UNC.223 Countless negotiations in Kumasi and Accra for a united front proved futile.224 Adu

Boahen decided to join the UNC which was led by Ofori Atta. According to Agyeman-Duah, Adu

Boahen joined the UNC because he felt that Ofori Atta was “more senior” to Victor Owusu.225

Hence, if any party should emerge out of the former Progress Party, Ofori Atta was the right person to lead. Adu Boahen noted in his famous 1988 Danquah Memorial lecture that had there been no division, Ofori Atta would have emerged the presidential candidate and led the new party to victory

221 Ibid., 24. 222 There were four other independent candidates that filed for the presidential race. They include R. P. Baffour, Kwame Nyanteh, Diamond Nii Addy and Imoru Ayarna. 223 Richard Jeffries, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1979” African Affairs, Vol. 79, No. 316 (Jul., 1980): 397-414. 224 Agyeman-Duah, A Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 32. 225 Interview with Ivor Agyeman-Duah, Special Assistant to former President J.A. Kufuor, Legon, May 7, 2019. Agyeman-Duah is also a Journalist who interviewed Adu Boahen on several occasions.

75 in the 1979 elections.226 He further reveals that PFP side of the split rejected moves for a merger mainly because it was overconfident and complacent. “The failure of these two sister parties to merge,” Adu Boahen notes, “was regrettable and highly reprehensible.”227 In other words, the division was to have serious effect in the outcome of both the presidential and parliamentary elections. However, before the elections could be held, Akuffo and the SMC II were ousted in the uprising on June 4. This followed an unsuccessful coup on May 15 of the same year. The June 4 uprising led to the formation of the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) with Jerry John

Rawlings as Chairman. The main objectives of the June 4 uprising were to punish “corrupt” government officials, restore the tarnished reputation of the Armed Forces and return the country to civilian rule.228

On June 18, 1979, the AFRC saw to a successful presidential and parliamentary elections.

As indicated earlier, six political parties sponsored candidates for both the presidential and parliamentary elections. Four additional candidates also stood independently for the presidency.

PNP’s Hilla Limann led the presidential race with 35.3 percent of the valid votes cast. Limann was followed by Victor Owusu of the PFP with 29.9 percent. Paa Willie of the UNC received 17.4 percent.229 The results of the presidential election clearly indicate that a merged PFP and UNC would have led the race with 47.3% of the votes. However, none of the presidential candidates secured more than 50% of the votes to be declared winner as required by the first past the post electoral system supported by the 1979 constitution.230 A run-off election, scheduled for July 9,

226 Ofori Atta was affectionately called Paa Willie 227 Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 26. 228 Shillington, The Rawlings Factor, 40-50. 229 Frank Bernasko of the ACP, Ibrahim Mahama of SDF and John Bilson of TFP scored 9.5, 3.7 and 2.8 percent respectively. The remaining 1.4 percent was divided among the independent candidates with R. P. Baffour, Kwame Nyanteh, Diamond Addy, and Imoru Ayarna securing 0.5, 0.3, 0.3, and 0.3 percent respectively. Alex K. D. Frempong, Elections in Ghana (1951-2016) (Tema: Digibooks Ghana Ltd., 2017), 112. 230 Frempong, Elections in Ghana, 129.

1979 was to be conducted between the two leading candidates: Limann of the PNP and Owusu of the PFP. Owusu secured 686,097 (38%) of the votes. However, Limann led the race with 1,118,305 votes (62%) making him President of the Third Republic.231 The parliamentary election produced similar results as the PNP won the majority in parliament with 71 seats as opposed to the PFF’s

42 seats.232

Figure 1: Mr. William Ofori-Atta (first left), founder of the UNC with Mr. and Mrs Adu Boahen (second and third from left). Source: Funeral brochure.

Interestingly, Adu Boahen participated in the parliamentary elections. He contested the Juaben-

Edweso seat in the Ashanti Region on the ticket of the UNC but lost to John E. Amoah who stood on the ticket of the sister party, PFP. According to Agyeman-Duah, two main reasons account for

Adu Boahen’s lose in the parliamentary election. The first was that as a “part-time” politician Adu

231 Oquaye, Politics in Ghana, 171. 232 The UNC secured 13 seats. The remaining 14 seats were shared among the other parties.

Boahen could not devote all his time for a vigorous grassroot campaign. During this time, he was preoccupied with academic assignments, leaving him little time for politics. The second reason given for his lose was that the sister PFP party was more popular than the UNC. As a result any candidate put forward by the PFP had relatively higher chances of winning. On this note, some observers argued that Adu Boahen would have easily won the seat had he contested on the ticket of the PFP.233 The PFP tended to blame the UNC and in particular Adu Boahen for subverting their chances of winning the presidential election.234 On the whole, the slip between the two sister parties had a personal effect on Adu Boahen as it affected his chances of securing the parliamentary seat. Moreover, his decision to join the UNC became a major issue used by his critics against him during the NPP presidential primaries in 1992 and 1996.

Conclusion

The chapter has shown that Adu Boahen and his contemporaries made conscious efforts to decolonize Ghanaian and African history. Their efforts gave rise to modern African historiography. This emergent African historiography revolutionize the method, content and scope of the study of African histories, cultures, and societies. Thus, through the efforts of Adu Boahen and his contemporaries, African history became a legitimate field of enquiry and gained respect in

World historiography. That many Ghanaians and Africans chose to pursue history as a viable discipline and career owed much to Adu Boahen’s pioneering efforts, inspiration and leadership.

Convinced that knowledge of the past was an essential ingredient in nation building, Adu Boahen began to play an active role in politics. Through the PMFJ and ARPB, he campaigned against

233 Interview with Ivor Agyeman-Duah, May 7, 2019. 234 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 40.

78 military rule in the country. He also helped to form political parties like the PP and UNC to participate in the 1969 and 1979 elections respectively. His ideas on how African history could be used to foster a sense of nationalism and patriotism as part of a nation building project are still relevant today. Adu Boahen’s considerable success in the academic field, however, did not translate into the political field as he failed in his bid for the Juaben-Edweso seat in the Ashanti

Region in 1979. Nonetheless, his role in championing democracy and the rule of law is commendable.

CHAPTER FOUR “THE PRESIDENT WHO NEVER WAS”: LIFE AFTER RETIREMENT

Adu Boahen has lived up to the expectation that the historian can also be a critic of society and the discipline. –Toyin Falola235

Introduction

The 1980s not only witnessed political instability in most African countries; it also saw a massive decline in scholarship. In Ghana, aside the military coup which toppled the Third Republic in 1981, the period also saw the collapse of professional associations like the Historical Society of Ghana.

It was within this period that Adu Boahen decided to resign from the university. This chapter captures the years after Adu Boahen’s resignation from the university in 1985. It shows the

Professor’s active involvement in national politics. It also examines the 1988 Danquah Memorial lectures that made Adu Boahen a household name. This chapter further sheds light on his role in the formation of the NPP and his unsuccessful bid for presidency. Thus, this chapter would enable us to understand why Adu Boahen resigned from the university, his active role in political movements, his lose in the 1992 presidential election and why he lead his led his party to boycott the parliamentary election. Moreover, the chapter demonstrates that even after retirement from the university, Adu Boahen made some significant contributions to African historical scholarship.

235 Falola, “Adu Boahen: An Introduction,” 12.

End of Service to the University of Ghana

On October 1 1985, Adu Boahen resigned from the University of Ghana. According to

Addo-Fening, Adu Boahen indicated in his letter of resignation dated December 6, 1984 that he was “going to devote the rest of [his] working life to writing up the large body of… research material that has been accumulated over the years on such topics as the History of Mfantsipim, the

History of Dwaben and… the General History of Ghana…”236 But it appears this was not the sole reason for Adu Boahen’s resignation from the university after close to three decades of meritorious service: Adu Boahen was disappointed when, in spite of the University Search Party’s recommendation in his favor for the position of Vice-Chancellor, the ruling PNDC government

“snatched” the position from him.237 He clarified this in his 1988 Danquah Memorial lecture:

I must also take this opportunity to state publicly today that I retired from the University in 1985 as a silent protest against the way in which the present Vice-Chancellor was appointed and not for political reasons, as is being politically proclaimed. One does not go and live on a farm 230 miles from Accra to prepare to enter politics.238 More importantly, this quote was also a direct response to the incumbent Rawlings’s claim that

Ghanaians have not put up any “major protest” in spite of the country’s “difficulties” because

Ghanaians have confidence in the PNDC government.239 Adu Boahen stressed that several people including himself had resorted to subtle protest because of the fear of being detained or molested by the PNDC government. Such people, according to Adu Boahen, prematurely retire from Public

236 Quoted in Addo-Fening, Remembering Adu Boahen, 8. 237 “Tribute by University of Ghana,” in Funeral brochure, 23. Professor Akilagpa Sawyerr became the new Vice- Chancellor from 1985 to 1992. 238 Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 54. 239 Cited in Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 49-53.

Service, refuse to vote or refuse to accept appointment from the PNDC.240 In his case, he retired prematurely from the university to register his displeasure with the military government.

It is important to point out here that with the exception of Vice-chancellor, Adu Boahen held almost every position in the University.241 In recognition of his meritorious service to the

Department of History, the University of Ghana and the country at large, the University conferred on him the status of Emeritus Professor of History in August 1990. In the early 1990s when the

Department’s faculty strength was threatened, Adu Boahen, then on retirement, volunteered to teach to help relieve the pressure. This speaks volumes of his passion for the discipline of history and his love for his students.242

Adu Boahen’s retirement from the University of Ghana coincided with the period scholars describe as the “Dark Days” of the historical profession.243 This was a period characterized by political instability and cataclysmic economic decline. Government’s subvention to the universities and professional associations like the HSG ceased. Consequently, the HSG collapsed, and its journal became defunct.244 There were similar situations in other African countries. In

Nigeria, the situation deteriorated to the extent that the university council began to think of merging the History Department at Ibadan with either Classics, Archaeology, Political Science or the

Institute of African Studies.245 This “crises” was not only limited to inadequate funding and the

240 Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 49-53. 241 He served as Tutor of Akufo Hall, 1960-1961; Senior Tutor of Akufo Hall, 1962-1974; Head of Department of History, 1962-1981; President of Amalgamated Clubs, 1962; Member of the University Council, 1962-1965, 1970- 1973, 1973-1975; Chairman of Publication Board of the University, 1971-1975, among others. 242 Interview with Robert Addo-Fening, March 25, 2018. 243 See Ajayi, Challenges of Historical Education in Africa, 26-31; Adjaye, “Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography,” 17-19; Baku et al, “Bridging the Ivory Tower.” 33-51. 244 Baku et al, “Bridging the Ivory Tower,” 42- 44. 245 Ajayi, Challenges of Historical Education in Africa, 28. More disturbing is the fact that in 1982, the Federal government of Nigeria omitted History from the primary and secondary school curriculum. It took the unflinching efforts of Professors Yakubu Aboki Ochefu, Olayemi Akinwumi, Christopher Ogbogbo, and others for the discipline to be finally restored in 2016. This development meant that over 65% of Nigerians below the age of 35 missed the

82 defunct of historical societies: the 1980s and early 1990s also saw the “mass exodus” of faculty members abroad in search of better working conditions. This situation led to the deterioration of research and teaching in the country. Furthermore, during this period, there were emergent scholars who critiqued the works of Adu Boahen and his contemporaries. These emergent scholars such as

A.J. Temu and B. Swai observe that the concerns of nationalist historians like Adu Boahen were

“to establish chronology and to reconstruct political and military events.” Thus, nationalist historians of the 1950s and 1960s focused on the emergence and growth of ancient states and the wealth and military prowess of their leaders in an attempt to dispute the erroneous perception that

African had no history before the arrival of Europeans. On the whole, Adu Boahen and his contemporary historians have been critiqued as giving little attention to social and economic events.246

As promised in his letter of resignation, Adu Boahen’s resignation from the University did not bring an end to the chapter on his academic life. In fact, it was to gain much more momentum than before. In the very year he resigned, Adu Boahen left for the United States to take up a teaching appointment as a Visiting Professor at John Hopkins University.247 It was there that he was given the opportunity to deliver the 1985 James S. Schouler Lecture. In the lecture, Adu

Boahen argues that on the eve of the colonial conquest and imposition, Africa showed signs of cultural renaissance, co-operation between educated elites and traditional rulers, modernization, centralization, and intellectual revolution. As he puts it, “[by the 1880s] Africa was in a mood of

opportunity of having a glimpse of their country’s past. See Philip Afaha, ed., Advocacy for History: A Festschrift in honour of Prof CBN Ogbogbo (Abuja: Command Publishers, 2018), viii. 246 Paul E. Lovejoy, “The Ibadan School of historiography and its critics” in African Historiography, edited by Toyin Falola (Ikeja: Longman Nigeria Plc, 1993), 195-200. Fortuitously, by the last two decades of the twentieth century, there were significant changes in the Ghanaian and African historiographical landscape as attention shifted from diplomatic and political history to social, economic and cultural history. See Adjaye, “Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography,” 15. 247 See ABMLA: AAB 119, Curriculum Vitae of Professor Albert Adu Boahen.

83 change and revolution, accepting new challenges, showing ability at adaptation and modification, fighting back against racist doctrines, and above all changing its economy and politics to suit the socioeconomic realities of the day.”248 Contrary to European view, Adu Boahen maintains that

Africans were not passive to the encroachment on their sovereignty. He therefore paints a picture of an optimistic African ready to defend his patrimony on the eve of colonialism.

He goes on to shed light on the social, economic and political factors that precipitated the scramble for Africa. He points out that aside the raw materials needed to feed the growing industries in Europe, there was also the rise of strong national consciousness where one’s number of colonies was seen as a sign of greatness.249 He also demonstrates that the Berlin Conference of

1884/1885 “did not start the Scramble but merely accelerated a race that was already in progress.”250 For him, the whole colonial enterprise was exploitative and oppressive. He concludes that though colonialism brought both negative and positive impacts, the negatives far outnumbered the positives. He therefore charged African leaders to take the colonial legacies into account when formulating development programs and strategies.251 This lecture was later published in 1987 as

African Perspectives on Colonialism. As Akurang-Parry has shown in his review, “as long as there is a story to be told about the history of the Europeans in Africa from 1880 to about 1935, Boahen’s

African Perspectives on Colonialism will continue to be a great frontispiece to whatever discussions that will emerge.”252 Most significantly, this book reflects the personality of Adu

Boahen as a scholar of African history who was also interested in how his continent is governed.

248 Boahen, A. A., African Perspectives on Colonialism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Uni. Press, [1987] 1991), 23. 249 Boahen, African Perspectives on Colonialism, 30. 250Ibid., 33. 251 Adu Boahen was also of the firm conviction that African states would have been better-off had they been in control of their own destinies. Boahen, African Perspectives on Colonialism, 99-112. 252 Akurang-Parry, “A. Adu Boahen,” 398.

As a result, he began to devote more time to politics in order to make his ideas more useful to his country and the continent at large.

The Making of a Full-time Politician

The Culture of Silence

On the political scene, Hilla Limann’s administration had been overthrown in December

1981 by Flt Lt J. J. Rawlings. The nature of Rawlings’s administration, where individuals feared to openly critique the government, created an atmosphere of silence. Given the opportunity to deliver the 1988 Danquah Memorial lecture, Adu Boahen bravely chose a theme that discusses the political situation in the country at the time. Before examining this lecture, it is important to shed light on the “culture of silence” that prevailed in the country.

Rawlings’s “second coming” led to the formation of the Peoples National Defence Council

(PNDC) with Rawlings as Chairman. The constitution of the Third Republic was suspended and all political activities were proscribed. The PNDC government promulgated some infamous laws which weakened the initial support for the regime. For instance, the Newspaper Licensing Law

1985 (PNDCL 211) demanded all publishers to obtain license from the Secretary of Information.253

In essence, private newspapers critical of the regime were outlawed. In the words of Damwah, the

PNDC Newspaper Licensing Law, “was an effort to muzzle an already restricted media.” While other newspaper editors and reporters were arrested and detained, some newspapers like Catholic

Standard, Palaver and The Echo were also forced to close down.254 The killing of three High Court

253 Damwah, “Dr. Hilla Limann,” 194. 254 Ibid., 194.

Justices and a retired army major in June 1982, the public execution of persons declared guilty by the PNDC special courts, the secret killings and disappearance of persons together with other ruthless tactics employed by the PNDC government relapsed the country into what became known as the “culture of silence.”255

The 1988 J.B. Danquah Memorial Lecture256

Three years after his retirement from the University, Adu Boahen was to deliver the famous

J.B. Danquah Memorial Lecture at the British Council Hall in Accra under the auspices of the

Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences (GAAS) of which he was a fellow. Titled “The Ghanaian

Sphinx: Reflections on the Contemporary History of Ghana, 1972-1987,” the three-day lecture series spanned from 17th to 19th February 1988.257 As Mike Oquaye has succinctly stated, “it was historic.”258 In his introduction to the lecture, Adu Boahen recounts the story of a Sphinx –a monster in Greek mythology that attacked travelers and posed them a riddle; those who failed the riddle were devoured by this monster. He used this imagery to metaphorically represent the

Ghanaian situation at the time. He argued that Ghana’s socio-economic and political situation at the time equally posed a riddle that reads: “why it that a country which is so well endowed by nature has failed so dismally to develop and progress.” He bemoaned: “If Ghana’s present

255 In July 1982, the Association of Recognized Professional Bodies (ARPB) boldly ‘published a list of 180 named victims of murder since 31 December 1981 in which no prosecution had taken place…’ See Shillington, The Rawlings Factor, 90-91. Also see Amenumey, Ghana, 281. 256 The J.B. Danquah Memorial Lecture Series was launched by the Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1968 in memory of Dr. J.B. Danquah, a foundation member of the Academy who died in 1965. The Lecture is delivered annually, and it consists of three lectures (in three days) delivered by a fellow of the Academy or a distinguished non- fellow. Some fellows who have delivered the lecture include C.A. Ackah (1969), Joe Appiah (1974), A.A. Kwapong (1979), E. Evans-Anfom (1984) and William Ofori Atta (1985). 257 The lecture series was subsequently published in 1989 and reprinted in 1992 by the Sankofa Educational Publishers. Adu Boahen noted that the lectures were a sequel to his Ghana: Evolution and Change in the Nineteen and Twentieth Centuries published in 1975. 258 “Tribute by Mike Oquaye,” in Funeral brochure, 71.

86 predicament is not sphinx-like, then I do not know what it is.”259 For him, Ghana was in its “present state” due to the incessant military intervention in politics, bribery and corruption, careerism, and sycophancy. He saw the lecture as a “golden opportunity” to critique the ruling military government so as to correct the “erroneous” perception that academics “are concerned only with what went wrong and not what is going wrong.”260

The first of the three-day lecture series was titled “The Era of The Men on Horseback 1972-

1979.” Adu Boahen divided Acheampong’s administration into two phases: Phase one from 1992 to 1974 and phase two from 1975 to his overthrow in 1978. He indicated that in the first phase

Acheampong government won considerable support due some economic measures it initiated such as the revaluation of the cedi, the launching of Operation Feed Yourself, and the restoration of fringe benefits enjoyed by the soldiers and civil servants. The second phase, however, according to Adu Boahen, was a disaster for the entire country. Among other things, he recalled how

Acheampong attempted to impose the Unigov scheme on Ghanaians and how the ARPB, PMFJ, and other pro-democracy groups fought against the scheme. Adu Boahen’s main argument in this first lecture was that Acheampong’s overthrow of the democratically elected government of K.A.

Busia was unnecessary and unjustifiable. He concluded that Acheampong’s military regime “was the worst rule –one of disaster, deprivation, degeneration, and stagnation if not retrogression –that this country has ever known.”261

The second lecture was titled “The Era of the Culture of Silence 1979-1987.” Adu Boahen started with a critique of the twenty seven month administration of Dr. Hilla Limann of the Third

Republic. He argued that Limann failed to formulate effective plans to solve the economic

259 Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 1-2. 260 Ibid., 1-2. 261 Ibid., 19.

87 problems facing the country. He attributed Limann’s fall to the harsh treatment of soldiers, mismanagement and corruption. Even though he admitted that Limann did not have a firm grasp of the economic problems facing the country, Adu Boahen questioned the grounds for the

December 1981 coup stating that it was unnecessary and could not be justified since all peaceful and constitutional means of removing a government had not been exhausted.262 He reiterated that military coups are no solution to economic mismanagement and corruption. Furthermore, Adu

Boahen discusses the administration of the incumbent PNDC military regime since. He demonstrated that the record of the PNDC “so far” was unimpressive. He attributed the “dismal performance” to political instability and government’s lack of discipline and a sense of direction.

More importantly, he argued that the culture of silence was prevailing not only because people had refused to talk but also because views that are critical of the government are not reported due to lack of independent newspapers.263 On the whole, Adu Boahen’s aim in the first and second lecture was to demonstrate that there is indeed a Ghanaian sphinx riddle that needed to be solved. Thus, he sought to prove that the country has failed to develop due to mainly the lack of political stability which he blamed on the military intervention in politics. Hence, the third lecture was an attempt to provide the solution to this riddle.

The third lecture was titled “Towards a Solution of The Ghanaian Sphinx Riddle.” This final lecture was an attempt to provide some therapeutic recommendations that could help solve the ills bedeviling the country at the time –bribery and corruption, “kalabuleism,” abuse of human rights, careerism, and authoritarianism. Adu Boahen recommended an independent judiciary, free

262 Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 37-40. 263 Ibid., 52.

88 press, multi-party democracy, rule of law, equity and social justice, and above all the need to end the culture of silence. He declared:

It is my firm belief that no appropriate and effective development of any country can take place, nor can any government be properly kept on its toes or made aware of what is really going on, until and unless there is free flow of information of all sorts, free and public discussion of national issues and free and frank exchange of views at all levels of society; in other words, unless the this culture of silence is broken.264 He went on to add that the easiest way the culture of silence can be broken was to ensure first the freedom of the mass media, then freedom of expression, and finally freedom of association. After the third and final lecture, General Arnold Quainoo, General Officer Commanding the Ghana

Armed Forces and a member of the PNDC, who was present at the lecture asked for special permission to respond to some of the pronouncements made by Adu Boahen. Even though this was unusual, the president of the Academy, Dr. Emmanuel Evans-Anfom gave him the opportunity to do so.265 In response to Adu Boahen’s claim that military interventions are responsible for the country’s political instability, General Quainoo argued that the military could not be blamed since all the governments overthrown were guilty of corruption and economic mismanagement. For

Quainoo, even though the lectures “were thought-provoking, some aspects were misleading” and reflected merely the personal views of Adu Boahen.266 Aside General Quainoo’s response, a good number of “letters” were written to the Editor of the Daily Graphic expressing dissent. One such letters by Kate Ampofo-Adjei, points out that “the Professor had compiled sentimental opinions and gossip without any analysis whatsoever.”267 Some also felt that the lectures were a “complete

264 Boahen, Ghanaian Sphinx, 64. 265 Interview with Dr Emmanuel Evans-Anfon, February 15, 2019. 266 Daily Graphic, February 19, 1988, 1. Also see interview with Dr. Evans-Anfon, February 15, 2019. 267 Daily Graphic, February 20, 1988, 3.

89 joke” and “waste of time.”268 Nonetheless, it is important to point out that Adu Boahen’s 1988

Danquah Memorial lecture played an important role in strengthening opposition to the ruling military government. As Nugent points out, it was almost the first broadside against the ruling government to be widely reported in the country.269 For many, the lectures “broke the culture of silence” and opened the floodgate of criticism to the ruling military regime.270 It was after the lecture series that individuals such as Hilla Limann, who was overthrown by Rawlings in

December 1981, were able to boldly come out to issue a press statement “to set a number of historical records straight.”271 More importantly, private newspapers sprung up and gained courage in the face of the military government’s intimidation and disapproval. In its September 17, 1990 issue, The Pioneer for instance called on the government to “welcome avenues other than the regional public debates whereby more open discussions can be promoted.”272 The Catholic

Standard, Ghanaian Chronicle and other independent publications also came into existence. The

PNDC government also repealed most of the “draconian legislation” relating to newspaper registration. 273 In short, criticisms of the Rawlings led-PNDC administration became more outspoken and widespread, and the culture of silence that had gripped the country since the overthrow of the Third Republic began to decline.

268 “Adu Boahen Let Me Down,” Daily Graphic, February 22, 1988, 7. 269 Paul Nugent, Big Men, Small Boys and Politics in Ghana: Power, Ideology, and the Burden of History, 1982-1994 (Accra: Asempa Publishers, 1995), 164. 270 Interview with Dr Emmanuel Evans-Anfon, February 15, 2019. Also see, Ivan Addae-Mensah, Hilla Limann, 102. 271 Damwah, “Dr. Hilla Limann,” 197; Addae-Mensah, Hilla Limann, 494-501. 272 The Pioneer, September 17, 1990. 273 See Gocking, History of Ghana, 208-209.

Adu Boahen and the Movement for Freedom and Justice (MFJ)

On August 1, 1990, a pressure group known as the Movement for Freedom and Justice

(MFJ) was formed. The MFJ became the leading opposition organization in the country. Chaired by Adu Boahen, membership of the Movement was opened to all politicians from different political traditions in the country. This move was an attempt by the leaders of the MFJ to have a united front against the ruling PNDC government.274 Due to its “radical outlook,” the executives of the movement were arrested by the police under the directives of the government but were later bailed.275 The MFJ, brought together opponents across the UP-CPP divide and “was an important marriage of political convenience.” The MFJ joined other pro-democracy groups in the country including the Bar Association and National Union of Ghanaian Students to demand the lifting of the ban on party activities, the repeal of all “repressive laws,” the release of all political detainees and the restoration of multiparty constitutional rule. The MFJ also used the regional seminars organized by the National Commission for Democracy (NCD) as an avenue to advocate for multi- party democracy.276 But as Shillington noted, the MFJ was deprived the “oxygen of publicity.”277

There were several occasions where the MFJ was denied permits to hold rallies. On one such occasion, the MFJ decided to hold its rally at Bukom Square in Accra without a permit. The rally was stopped by the police. The sympathizers who had come for the rally met at a nearby house where they were addressed briefly by leaders of the MFJ. On his part, Adu Boahen indicated that

“the rally was meant to test the democratic pulse of the PNDC which they had failed and proved

274 Some members included Johnny Hansen, 1st Vice Chairman; Ray Kakraba-Quarshie, 2nd Vice Chairman; Obeng Manu, National Secretary; Kwesi Pratt, Deputy National Secretary; John Ndebugre, National Organizer, and Dan Lartey, National Treasurer. See Amenumey, Ghana, 282. 275 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 36. 276 Also see Richard Jeffries and Clare Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992,” African Affairs, Vol. 92, No.368 (July 1993), 335. 277 Shillington, Ghana and The Rawlings Factor, 171.

91 insincerity and also to test the determination of the MFJ’s support which they had passed.”278 More importantly, the ruling PNDC government responded to some of the criticisms of the MFJ. First, about seventy political prisoners and detainees were released by the government between March and October 1992. Also, some repulsive PNDC decrees relating to newspaper registration were progressively repealed.279

Commenting on the leadership of Adu Boahen as chairman of the MFJ, former members eulogized him as a great son and patriot who spearheaded the struggle for the restoration of democratic constitutional rule. They added that as chairman, Adu Boahen showed exceptional leadership qualities:

He had the special ability to hold together in unity the different political and ideological tendencies that made up the membership of the Movement. Though a man of strong convictions, he was not a dogmatist. He was a keen listener, tolerant of all views, and prepared, when persuaded by cogent argument, to change his own views. Above all, he was fearless and ready to die for his political beliefs and the liberty of his people.280 Even though this quote from the former political associates could easily be dismissed as a praise, the emphasis on Adu Boahen as a man of strong convictions has also been affirmed by former students and academic colleagues. In spite of the intimidating political atmosphere, the MFJ under

Adu Boahen’s leadership was able to join other pro-democracy groups to heighten the call for a return to civilian rule.

278 The Pioneer, June 1, 1991. 279 Jeffries and Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992,” 337. 280 “Tribute by Erstwhile members of the MFJ,” in Funeral brochure, 53-4.

Adu Boahen and the Danquah-Busia Club

Even before the ban on party politics could be lifted, numerous political groups in the guise of social clubs and societies had emerged. The best known among these clubs was the Danquah-

Busia Club which was inaugurated on February 23, 1991 in Kumasi.281 The Club’s raison d’être was to disseminate the political philosophy of J.B. Danquah and K.A. Busia.282 As a matter of fact, the founding members of the club were strong believers of the Danquah-Busia principles of constitutional governance, rule of law, freedom of the individual, and the pivotal role of the private enterprise in national development. Just like the MFJ that had been formed a year earlier, the club also sought to mount pressure on the PNDC government to restore democracy and multi-party politics. “This club, which became so popular, was attracting huge publicity in The Pioneer newspaper, some of it negative with the accusation of subversion against the government by the

State controlled media.”283 Some of its leading members were Dr. Samuel Asante Antwi, former

Principal of Trinity College, Legon, Dr. Dsane Selby, a medical practitioner, Dr. John Bilson, a medical practitioner, Victor Owusu, a layer, Attakorah Gyimah, a veteran journalist and of course

Prof. Albert Adu Boahen, a retired professor of History. Adu Boahen’s track record as a staunch critic of military rule and a founding member of the PMFJ in 1978 and the MFJ in 1990 made him a highly respectable member of the club.284 At one of the Club’s meeting, Adu Boahen urged members of the club to be prepared to use all means to fight for their constitutional rights. He also

281 Kwaku Attakorah Mensah Gyimah was appointed first Chairman and he held the position until the Club was converted to the New Patriotic Party. 282 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 36. 283 Ibid., 36. 284 Fordwor, The Danquah-Busia Tradition, 193.

93 indicated that for “real democracy” to be practiced in the country, the PNDC government needed to abolish all repressive laws and publish a timetable for the transition process.285

It is appropriate to add that membership of the club consistently increased, and branches were established in many parts of the country.286 As a result, the club spearheaded the formation of the New Patriotic Party in 1992 when the PNDC lifted the ban on party politics. Thus, immediately the PNDC announced that the ban on political activities would be lifted on May 18,

1992 and followed by the presidential and parliamentary elections on November 3 and December

8, 1992 respectively, it dawned on the members of the of the club to organize themselves to form a new political party to contest the elections. Adu Boahen, who had been a founding member of the UNC, following the slip in the Progress Party, knew that the task of forming a united party would rest on him. He therefore convinced his colleagues from the UNC and former members of the PFP to join the club with the aim of forming a new and united party of Busia sympathizers.

When the ban on party politics was finally lifted, Adu Boahen got the club to establish a research committee which was tasked with the drafting of a constitution and manifesto for the new party.287

The research committee was also assigned the responsibility of designing a flag and symbol for the new party. Having worked with Prof. B.D.G. Folson in 1969 in the drafting of a manifesto for the Progress Party, Adu Boahen invited Folson to chair the research committee. Folson and his team suggested that the new party should be called the New Patriotic Party (NPP), with an elephant as its symbol and the motto “Development in Freedom.” Indeed, as Fordwor has pointed out, Adu

Boahen was the brain behind the NPP.288

285 The Pioneer, June 17, 1991. 286 The club which started with about 10 members could, in less than a year boast of about 1000 members. See Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 37. 287 Fordwor, The Danquah-Busia Tradition, 191-93. 288 Ibid., 191-93.

Figure 2: Prof. Adu Boahen speaking at a Danquah-Busia Club meeting in 1992. Behind him is J. A Kufuor (second left) who was to become the President in 2001 on the ticket of the NPP. Source: Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 2006.

Other clubs such as the Kwame Nkrumah Welfare Society (KNWS), Our Heritage Club,

National Co-ordinating Committee of Nkrumahists and the Nkrumah Youngsters Club- all of which trace their lineage to the Kwame Nkrumah’s CPP- also emerged. The Nkrumah tradition failed to have a united front. “The mutual suspicion between the CPP old guard and the more youthful Nkrumahists, together with the dilemma of what to do with former President Limann, persistently undermined efforts at uniting the family.”289 By November 1992, the tradition had produced four registered political parties: The National Convention Party (NCP), Peoples’

National Convention (PNC), People’s Heritage Party (PHP), and the National Independence Party

289 Nugent, Big Men, Small Boys and Politics in Ghana, 224.

(NIP). There were also the pro-Rawlings groupings such as the Friends of the Progressive Decade,

Rawlings Fan Club, Development Union, Development Front, New Nation Club, and the Front

Club. These groupings gave impetus to the formation of the National Democratic Congress

(NDC).290

After about a decade in office, the Rawlings-led PNDC military regime eventually agreed to return the country to democratic rule. The National Commission on Democracy (NCD) was formed to solicit the views of Ghanaians on the promulgation of a new constitution. Most significantly, the NCD’s report showed the desire of the people for a multi-party system.291 As a sequel, a nine member committee of constitutional experts were tasked with developing proposals which was tabled before a constituent assembly known as the Consultative Assembly. The

Consultative Assembly was comprised of 260 members: 117 elected by the District Assemblies,

121 elected from corporate groups and 22 appointed by the government. The MFJ proposed that the members of the Consultative Assembly should be elected from each constitution. However, the PNDC leaders were quick to point out that “the Consultative Assembly was far more representative, sociologically speaking, of the whole nation.”292 By the second half of 1991 it had finally been confirmed by the PNDC that the country would return to multi-party democracy. Adu

Boahen, Hilla Limann, K. A. Gbedemah, B. J. Da Rocha, Kojo Botsio, Dr. Kwame Sarfo Adu and others formed the Co-ordinating Committee of Democratic Forces (CCDF), which comprised members of different political traditions who had come together to ensure that the ruling PNDC government provided a level playing field as the country prepared to transition into civilian rule.

On December 28, 1991, the CCDF issued an “End of Year Statement” where it called on the PNDC

290 Damwah, “Dr. Hilla Limann,” 197- 200. Rawlings stood on the ticket of the NDC to contest the 1992 Presidential elections. 291 Frempong, Elections in Ghana, 139. 292 Jeffries and Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992,” 337.

96 government to do the following: One, establish an independent national transitional government to see to “a smooth, peaceful and open transition” to the Fourth Republic; two, lift the ban on party politics; three, to release all political prisoners and detainees; four, repeal all “repressive laws” and finally, to dissolve the PNDC’s NCD and replace with an independent electoral commission. In all these processes and advocacies, Adu Boahen was the convener and chief advocate.293

Towards the 1992 General Elections

On April 28, 1992, the draft constitution was put to a public referendum.294 The electorates voted overwhelmingly in support of the constitution.295 Following the referendum, the ban on party politics was lifted on May 18 1992 to give room for the formation of political parties to contest for the presidential and parliamentary elections to be organized in November and December respectively by the Interim National Electoral Commission (INEC); but it took about three more months before the political parties could complete their registration formalities.296 As a result, political parties had about three months to select their flagbearers, mobilize funds, and conduct their campaigns throughout the country. Clearly, this limited time was detrimental to the opposition parties but favorable to the government’s party. The legalization for new parties came with the Political Parties Law (PNDCL 281) which regulated the activities of political parties contesting the 1992 elections. Two provisions of the decree appears to be contentious. First, the

293 ABMLA: AAB 51, “End of Year Statement by the CCDF,” Accra, December 28, 1991. 294 Even though the opposition forces were against most of the provisions in the constitution, they campaigned a “YES” vote in anticipation for a return to civilian rule. 295 Out of the 8,253,690 registered voters, only 3,689,974 representing 43.7% voted. 3,408,119 which represented 92.6% of the voters voted in support of the constitution. The remaining 272,855 representing 7.4% voted against. See: Frempong, Elections in Ghana, 140. 296 Amenumey, Ghana, 284. The INEC was chaired by Justice J. Ofori-Boateng and his two deputies; Dr. K. Afari- Gyan and Nana Oduro Numapau.

97 contesting parties were restricted from using any symbol, colour, name, or slogan of any party that had contested previous Ghanaian elections. This particular provision, according to Jeffries and

Thomas, was a major setback to the Danquah-Busia tradition which had been campaigning under the guise of a club and using old party symbols. In fact, Adu Boahen and others decided that in order to facilitate the coming together of the UNC and PFP, the name Progress Party should be maintained. However, the INEC rejected the Progress Party on the grounds that all previous political parties in the country have been proscribed. The second controversial provision stated that political parties could not be funded by foreigners or private companies. Individual party members also could not contribute more than C200,000 (now 20.00 cedi).297 Even though this provision affected other contesting parties, the NPP, led by Adu Boahen “did not in the event appear to suffer from acute shortage of finance.”298 The arguments raised in favour of the provisions were that similar laws had been passed in the 1969 and 1979 elections. But as Oquaye points out, the military leaders then were not contestants in such elections.299 Unsurprisingly, politicians such as Gbedemah, Limann, and Adu Boahen, sought to restrain the INEC from implementing such provisions by securing an injunction from the High Court. Unfortunately for the opposition leaders, the “Court ruled that it had no jurisdiction since no organ of the state could question the validity of a PNDC law.”300 This implies that the 1992 constitution could not regulate the transition process. More importantly, the court ruling meant that the Danquah-Busia tradition could not use the name Progress Party just as the Nkrumahists’ could not adopt CPP. It also meant

297 This provision was amended to allow contributions up to C1 million. See Mike Oquaye, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992: A Dissenting View,” African Affairs, Vol. 94, No. 375 (Apr., 1995), 259- 275. 298 Jeffries and Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992,” 338. 299 Oquaye, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992: A Dissenting View,” 266. 300 Ibid., 266.

98 that leaders of the new parties needed to intensify their campaigns to remind electorates that they indeed belong to these old parties.

The NPP National Delegates Conference (1992)

The NPP needed to elect a presidential candidate for the upcoming election. A conference was convened in which two thousand delegates across the 200 constituencies in the ten regions of

Ghana were expected to attend. It was a two-day conference held from 14th to 15th August to elect national officers and a presidential candidate from six candidates: Dr. Kofi Dsane Selby, a 61- year-old medical practitioner; J. A. Kufuor, a 53-year-old lawyer and businessman; Dr. Kwame

Safo Adu, a 60-year-old medical practitioner; Dr. John Atta Addision, a 71-year-old industrialist;

John Kwame Kodua, a 61-year-old lawyer; and Prof. Adu Boahen, a 60-year old retired historian.

The NPP came out with seven criteria to guide its delegates during the conference. A presidential candidate must, among other things, show total commitment to the party. He must also “be someone who is sellable throughout the country.”301 All six aspirants met the criteria set for the nomination. They were accomplished and respected in their fields of endeavor. On August 14,

1992, the NPP became the first party to hold a congress after party politics was legalized.

Supporters of all the candidates wore T-shirts bearing their pictures and there was brassband music throughout the night. Each of the candidates vying for the flagbearer position had to be introduced by a nominee. Adu Boahen was introduced by Dr. Jones Ofori Atta, a leading Ghanaian economist who had also served in the Second Republic as a Deputy Finance Minister. As Agyeman-Duah has explained;

301 For details see: “Who leads NPP,” in People’s Daily Graphic, August 7, 1992, 5.

In his endorsement, Ofori Atta stressed on Adu Boahen’s virtues as a freedom fighter and one who risked his life to challenge ‘the evil regime of the Rawlings dictatorship when others were dining with it’…The professor’s stature as an international scholar was also mentioned. Being a far better speaker than the professor himself, many believed that Ofori Atta’s speech changed the minds of some of the delegates at the congress in Adu Boahen’s favour.302 The election was conducted successfully amidst an electrifying atmosphere and Adu Boahen emerged as the winner with 1,121 of the 1,980 votes (56.6%).303 This landslide victory was a reflection of how Adu Boahen was held in high esteem in opposition circles.304 Following the

Conference, Mr. K.A. Gbedemah, a leading member of the National Independence Party (NIP) who was present at the conference observed that it was well organized and implored all other political parties to do the same.305

Figure 3: Prof. Adu Boahen (third from right) having a chat with Dr. Owusu Akoto at the first NPP Delegate Conference at the University of Ghana, August 1992. Source: Funeral brochure, 2006.

302 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 45. 303 Adu Boahen was followed by Dr. Kofi Dsane Selby, with 343 votes (17.3 %). J. A. Kufuor, placed third with 326 votes (16.5%). Dr. Kwame Safo Adu, Dr. John Atta Addision, and John Kwame Kodua scored 149 votes (7.5%), 32 votes (1.6%) and 9 votes (0.5%) respectively. Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 46. 304 Nugent, Big Men, Small Boys and Politics in Ghana, 224. 305 People’s Daily Graphic, August 17, 1992, 9.

100

Adu Boahen’s campaign message was to “prosecute the Rawlings regime and put many of them on trial for human right abuses and corruption.”306 Adu Boahen was able to secure the party’s nomination because he, more than any of the candidates, had been a staunch critic of Rawlings and the PNDC. Most of the delegates felt that if there was anyone fully armored to compete

Rawlings and return the country to civilian rule, it was Adu Boahen.307 Some of his contenders like Dr. Safo-Adu and Mr. J. A. Kufuor had both been ministers in Busia’s government of the

Second Republic with Kufuor having served further as Secretary for Local Government in the

PNDC government. However, Kufuor’s eight-month association with the PNDC military government was held against him.308 Adu Boahen on the other hand had no prior governmental experience having lost the 1979 parliamentary seat in his constituency. But his famous Danquah

Memorial lecture delivered some four years ago had made him a household name. According to

Jeffries and Thomas, Adu Boahen’s selection was also facilitated by a ‘tribal’ consideration. They explained that;

The various historical parties associated with the Danquah-Busia tradition… had all been especially strongly supported in the Ashanti region, and some party leaders considered it crucial that their nominee should be an Asante. Adu Boahen met this criterion. He also enjoyed financial backing which helped ‘oil the wheels’ of the delegates’ conference, though it has to be said that rumours of wads of notes exchanging hands sullied Boahen’s and the party’s image in some voters’ eyes.309 That Adu Boahen was selected because he was an Asante is misleading for two main reasons.

First, three other contestants in the race were Asante and the remaining two Fante. Second, Adu

306 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 47. 307 Interview with Gifty Ayeh, former National Treasurer of the NPP, Abelenkpe, May 8, 2019 308 Kufuor had resigned in the wake of the killing of the three high court judges and a retired army officer. Agyeman- Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 38. 309 Jeffries and Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992,” 347.

101

Boahen also hails matrilineally from Osiem in the Eastern Region. Paul Nugent rightly notes that

Adu Boahen’s academic credentials made him an electoral asset especially in a country where educational achievement was highly revered. He further argues that unlike Victor Owusu, the

PFP’s presidential candidate in the 1979 elections whose abrasive manners alienated non-Akan voters, Adu Boahen’s personal qualities made him attractive beyond his familial heritage.310

Whatever the case, it was clear that Adu Boahen had emerged as the presidential candidate of the NPP with massive support from the sympathizers of the fraternity, including those who lost the election. For example, Dr. Kwame Safo-Adu who placed fourth in the presidential primaries sponsored a space in the People’s Daily Graphic for adverting Adu Boahen and the NPP.311

The Campaign Trail

At a press conference in Accra on Wednesday, August 26, 1992, Adu Boahen introduced his running-mate, Alhaji Roland Issifu Alhassan, for the first time. As an Akan dominated party,

Alhassan, a practicing lawyer and Northern regional chairman of the NPP was selected to balance the party’s ticket in the upcoming election.312 Prior to his nomination, Alhassan had served as a

Member of Parliament for Tolon-Kumbungu in the Second and Third Republic. Aside the introduction of the vice-presidential candidate, the party also launched its manifesto and campaign programs. Adu Boahen promised that his government would create an enabling environment for private sector development. He also reiterated his party’s commitment to promoting the rule of law, democracy, decentralization of government power, and the freedom of association and of

310 Nugent, Big Men, Small Boys and Politics in Ghana, 224. 311 See Appendix III. 312 Amenumey, Ghana, 284-85. Alhassan was later to be appointed by President Kufour as Ghana’s ambassador to Germany from 2001 to 2006. He died on April 14, 2014 at age 78.

102 expression.313 Finally, he introduced members of his campaign team, including B. J. da Rocha as chairman, Joseph Agyenim-Boateng as director of field operation, and A. Kwame Pianim as national campaign coordinator.

Figure 4: Prof. Adu Boahen with his Vice-Presidential running mate, Alhaji Roland Issifu Alhassan. Source: Funeral brochure, 2006.

The NPP campaign trail was not always smooth. There were unfortunate events in areas dominated by NDC sympathizers. On October 6, 1992, The Pioneer reported that Adu Boahen’s car was smashed during an NPP campaign in certain parts of the Volta Region of Ghana. The newspaper cited several instances where the NPP’s convoy was “ambushed” with hurling of stones and insults. At Anfoega for instance, the NPP convoy was ambushed by a female teacher and her pupils who hooted at the convoy. Moreover, Adu Boahen’s personal aide, Dr. Kofi Apraku was

313 People’s Daily Graphic, August 27, 1992, 3.

103 reported to have been attacked in his house by armed robbers who “slashed him with a cutlass and shot him in the head and abdomen.”314 Adu Boahen was not intimidated by these incidents but continued to campaign in many parts of the country.

Figure 5: Prof Adu Boahen at a Press Conference in Accra during the 1992 campaign. Source: Funeral brochure, 2006.

As the election day approached, the private press became critical of the Rawlings regime.

As a result, the private press became pro-Boahen. The Ghanaian chronicle for instance consistently referred to Adu Boahen as “President Adu Boahen.” It went further to predict a 60.5% victory for Adu Boahen.315 In addition to this, some leading members of the CPP, Ghana

Democratic Republic Party (GDRP) and other opposition parties held press conferences to canvass

314 The Pioneer, October 6, 1992, 1. 315 The paper predicted 13.2% for K. Darko, 12.8% for Rawlings, 8.5% for Limann and 5% for Erskine. See The Ghanaian Chronicle, October 19, 1992, 1

104 for votes for Adu Boahen. F.A Jantuah, a former CPP minister and founding member of the

National Independent Party (NIP), for instance, appealed to all “true Nkrumahists” to vote solidly for Adu Boahen in the presidential election.316 Also, Dr. Kofi Amoah of the GDRP urged

Ghanaians to endorse and vote massively in their numbers for Adu Boahen in the presidential election.317 With all these developments ongoing, Adu Boahen was confident of winning the election.

In a press statement he issued on October 27, 1992, exactly a week before the election, Adu

Boahen reiterated his commitment to strengthening democratic institutions in the country once voted into office as president of Ghana. He explained that his government would provide a more just and democratic state in Ghana by creating an independent judiciary and by enforcing the separation of powers of the state. He added that his government would embark on educational programs to educate Ghanaians about their fundamental rights and civic responsibilities.

Observing that unemployment was one of the major problems facing the country, Adu Boahen promised that his government would create a dynamic and vibrant private sector that would create more job opportunities. He further stated that his government would work to strengthen the

“depreciating currency” by promoting export to earn more foreign exchange. According to him, the currency could also be strengthened by working closely with the forex bureau to ensure that they have adequate supply of foreign exchange to curtail the shortages that are responsible for the depreciating of the currency. He stressed that there can be no meaningful development without political stability in the country. He therefore pledged that his government would improve the living standards of all citizens such that “any military adventurist who attempts to overthrow our

316 The Pioneer, October 7, 1992, 1. 317 People’s Daily Graphic, November 2, 1992, 1.

105 government will find no support or friend in the civilian population of this country.” He concluded the statement by appealing passionately to the Ghanaian electorates:

Fellow Ghanaians, I have always stood for what is right, what is fair and what is just. I have stood for human decency, for freedom and for democracy. I have always been willing to die for these ideals. Now, through your votes, you have the power to help me make these ideals a reality for our people.318 Adu Boahen explained that the election provides a clear choice between “tyranny and freedom,” and in this case, he was ready to offer the latter. Thus, he portrayed himself as a liberal democrat who abhors dictatorship and believes in the freedom of the individual. He therefore implored

Ghanaians to vote for him and the NPP to bring peace, prosperity and stability to the country.

Seven political parties contested the presidential election held on November 3, 1992. They included the New Patriotic Party (NPP) with Adu Boahen as presidential candidate and Alhassan as running mate; the People’s Heritage Party (PHP) with Emmanuel Erskine as presidential candidate and Ibrahim Mahama as his running mate; the National Independence Party (NIP) with

Kwabena Darko as presidential candidate and Naa Afarley Sackeyfio as his running mate; the

People’s National Convention (PNC) with Hilla Limann as presidential candidate and Isaac K.

Chinebua as his running mate. The last three parties- which included the National Democratic

Congress (NDC), National Convention Party (NCP), and the Every Ghanaian Living Everywhere

(EGLE)- all had Rawlings as presidential candidate and Kow Nkensen Arkaah as his running mate.

318 ABMLA: ABB 121, Press Statement by Prof. Adu Boahen, Accra, October 27, 1992, 1-9.

106

The Election results as declared by the INEC

Region J. J. A. Adu Hilla Kwabena E. A. Rawlings Boahen Limann Darko (NIP) Erskine (NDC/ NCP/ (NPP) (%) (PNC) (%) (%) (PHP) (%) EGLE) (%) Ashanti 32.9 60.5 2.5 3.6 0.6 B/Ahafo 61.9 29.5 5.3 2.3 1.0 Central 66.5 26.0 1.9 3.5 2.2 Eastern 57.3 37.7 1.9 2.3 0.7 Gt. Accra 53.4 37.0 4.3 4.1 1.2 Northern 63.0 16.3 11.0 1.5 8.2 Upper East 54.0 10.5 32.5 1.4 1.6 Upper West 51.0 8.9 37.1 1.8 1.2 Volta 93.2 3.6 1.6 0.7 0.9 Western 60.7 22.8 8.6 5.6 2.4 National 58.3 30.4 6.7 2.8 1.8 Table 1: The 1992 Presidential election results. Source: Frempong, Elections in Ghana, 140.

From the table above, Rawlings secured 58.3% of the total vote cast making him the winner and first President of the Fourth Republic. Meanwhile, Rawlings’s chief public critic, Adu Boahen secured 30.4% of the total vote cast.319 An analysis of the region results shows that Rawlings performed best in his home region of Volta (93.2%) followed by Central (66.5%), the home region of his running mate, Arkaah. Adu Boahen on the other hand won the Ashanti region with 60.5% of the votes. However, he lost in all remaining nine regions. Even in the Northern Region where

Adu Boahen’s running mate hails, he secured only 16.3%. Moreover, in the Ashanti Region which was easily seen as the stronghold of the NPP, Rawlings secured a substantial 32.9% (nearly a third) of the votes. Overall, the election results suggest that Rawlings was the most popular candidate in

319 The PNC, NIP, and PHP collectively made up 11.3% of the total vote cast.

107 the contest. Later in this chapter, I shall return to a discussion of the factors that led to Rawlings’ victory in the election.

The Aftermath of the Presidential Election

On Thursday, November 5 1992, two days after the election, the losing parties held a press conference in Accra. Adu Boahen revealed some purported malpractices that took place during the elections in a joint statement he read at the conference.320 To give credence to the claims of malpractices, Adu Boahen showed 32 thumb-printed ballot papers which were found at a rubbish dump in Kumasi by a school girl a day after the election. Twenty-nine of the ballot papers had been thumb-printed for the NDC, two for the PNC and one for the PHP. Adu Boahen therefore called on the INEC to investigate thoroughly all the allegations of electoral malpractices and to compile a new voter register to replace the old one. He added:

It has become abundantly evident that we cannot have a free and fair election as long as the Chairman of the PNDC continues to run the country and the INEC machinery by implication. This is what we believe made possible the seeming implication of persons in INEC the malpractices we suspected took place on voting day.321 Not convinced by the election results, Adu Boahen called on Rawlings to step down as Head of

State and appoint an interim administration to organize the return to constitutional rule. He concluded: “It is our fervent hope that this time our concerns do not fall on deaf ears. The peace and tranquility of this nation demands it.” Nonetheless, the government and independent observer missions did not fully agree with claims made by the opposition parties.

320 People’s Daily Graphic, November 6, 1992, 3. 321 ABMLA: AAB 78, “Press Statement by Prof Adu Boahen.” Accra. November 5, 1992.

108

International observer missions from Carter Center of Emory University, Commonwealth,

Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the European Community confirmed that though there had been some irregularities, the election had been free and fair.322 The Commonwealth Observer

Group (COG) for instance “described the election as fair but it was quick to add that the ‘playing field’ was not even.”323 Nonetheless, the four opposition leaders continued to claim that the elections had been heavily rigged. Adu Boahen notes in an interview published in the West Africa that the COG and the Carter Center Ghana Election Mission both failed to spot many instances of electoral malpractices which amounted collectively to “election rigging of gigantic proportions.”324 Interestingly, COG (with 100 observers) covered 487 out of the 18,000 polling stations (representing about 3% of the total).325 This clearly means that the report of COG is insufficient and cannot be used for any objective analysis of the election. Led by the NPP, the opposition parties rejected the results of the election and boycotted the parliamentary elections originally scheduled for December 8, 1992.

At a Kumasi rally held on November 29, 1992, Adu Boahen told the NPP supporters that the new slogan was “YENTO” (we will not vote). He explained that the NPP and the other opposition parties would not take part in any future election unless the government nullified the presidential election results, dissolved the INEC, abolished all paramilitary organizations and issued Ghanaians with identity cards. Consequently, the government amended Section 11, Sub-

Section Two of the Electoral Law to enable candidates whose parties were boycotting the elections

322 See People’s Daily Graphic, November 6, 1992, 1. 323 Yayoh, “Resurgence of Multi-party Rule in Ghana,” 139. Also the See Oquaye, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992: A Dissenting View,” 272. 324 Cited in Jeffries and Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992.” 333. 325 Mike Oquaye has pointed out that COG fraternized too closely with the ruling government such that its integrity was questionable. Oquaye, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992: A Dissenting View,” 272.

109 to stand as independent candidates.326 Adu Boahen warned that any parliamentary candidate of the

NPP who decides to stand in the parliamentary election as an independent candidate would be dismissed from the party.327 As a result, no NPP candidate participated in the parliamentary election. In spite of the opposition’s decision not to participate in the parliamentary election, the

INEC went ahead with the election on December 29, 1992.328

It is important to point out here that before the presidential election, Adu Boahen had pledged that once the presidential election “is adjudged to be fair by INEC and all international observers and the Ghanaian public, I will cooperate fully with whoever is declared winner by the

Interim National Electoral Commission, and help in the peaceful transition from the PNDC administration to multi-party constitutional rule.”329 As clearly pointed out, Adu Boahen reneged on this promise, claiming that the election had been manipulated in favor of the incumbent

Rawlings. In particular, Adu Boahen claimed later in his article entitled “A Note on the Ghanaian

Elections” that he refused to accept the outcome of the presidential election because, even though

INEC and the international bodies accepted the results, the Ghanaian public “overwhelmingly and unequivocally” rejected it.330 That the Ghanaian public overwhelmingly rejected the outcome of the presidential election is a mere generalization: In any case, the riots (that brought about the curfews) after the election were mostly reported in the Ashanti Region, the stronghold of the

NPP.331 It cannot therefore be said to represent the view of the entire country. A rather plausible point Adu Boahen raised had to do with Section 22 of the Code of Conduct for Political Parties in

326 People’s Daily Graphic, November 21, 1992, 1. 327 The Pioneer, November 30, 1992, 1. 328 Out of the 200 seats, the NDC and its allies secured 198. The remaining two were occupied by two independent candidates. 329 “Prof. Adu Boahen Pledge to Ghanaian,” The Ghanaian Chronicle, October 26- November 1, 1992, 9. See Appendix VIII for full Pledge. 330 A. Adu Boahen, “A Note on the Ghanaian Elections,” African Affairs, Vol. 94, No 375 (April, 1995), 277-280. 331 See: People’s Daily Graphic, November 10, 1992.

110

Ghana for Public Elections, which was signed by the opposition parties on one hand and INEC on the other. This Section states that “On the declaration of a free and fair election by the Commission to the satisfaction of a majority of the political parties… losing candidates will honorably concede defeat.”332 Since four out of the five contesting parties (majority) rejected the results, it was expected that the INEC would cancel the results and hold a fresh election. The INEC however refused to do so and this provided a reasonable ground for the opposition to boycott of the upcoming parliamentary election.

In the same article, Adu Boahen provides a number of reasons for the NPP’s failure to challenge the results of the presidential election in court: Firstly, the stipulated time given by the electoral rules was too short to gather evidence throughout the country. Also, the NPP feared that the lives of their witnesses would be placed in danger. He further added that the superior courts were in no position to offer fair and objective judgment in matters in which Rawlings and the NDC were directly involved.333 More importantly, Adu Boahen reveals three main reasons for his

Party’s decision to boycott the parliamentary election: Firstly, the NPP’s feared that the “same methods” used to rig the presidential election would be used to rig the parliamentary election.

Secondly, they hoped to draw the attention of the international community to prevail upon

Rawlings to cancel the results of the election and hold another election. Finally, the NPP, according to Adu Boahen, felt that their participation in the parliamentary election “would ipso facto have accorded legitimacy and respectability to Rawlings and his new regime,” which the NPP was not prepared to do.334

332 Quoted in Boahen, “A Note on the Ghanaian Elections,” 278. 333 Boahen, “A Note on the Ghanaian Elections,” 277-280. 334 Ibid., 277-280.

111

In any case, in the presidential election, Rawlings enjoyed the “incumbency advantage”:

He had been in power since the December 1981 coup, making him the longest serving Head of

State since independence. He had all state institutions at his disposal which he used to his advantage.335 In its December 14, 1992 issue, The Ghanaian Chronicle, on explaining why

Rawlings won the election pointed out that the presidential candidates of the opposition parties failed to address the issues at stake in the country; hence they could not convince many electorates.

Rawlings on the other hand offered concrete evidence of what his government had achieved over the years.336 In addition, the Committee for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR), the 31st

December Women’s Movement, commandoes, and mobilization squads were in nearly every village campaigning for the NDC to be given the chance to continue the developmental projects the government had started.337 All these factors explain Rawlings’s victory in the presidential election.

Jeffries and Thomas have also pointed out some reasons that may have contributed to

Rawlings’s victory. Firstly, they observed that even before the ban on party-politics could be lifted,

Rawlings was campaigning. He used his tour of the various regions to stress on the achievements of the PNDC government over the eleven year period. Rawlings also managed to canvass the support of chiefs and churches as he toured the towns and villages.338 Secondly, a significant proportion of the 1992 electorate attained voting age under the PNDC regime with little or no knowledge about past political traditions. Thirdly, it has been revealed that many NPP supporters switched their vote from Adu Boahen to Rawlings. The explanation given was that unlike

335 Amenumey, Ghana, 286. 336 The Ghanaian Chronicle, December 14, 1992. 337 Ibid. 338 “A remarkable feature of his speeches was that he did not make extravagant promises.” Jeffries and Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992,” 340- 41. Also see ADM 5/4/432, Address by J. J. Rawlings at the closing session of a seminar on local Government Development Administration for District secretaries, September 10, 1989.

112

Rawlings who was easygoing and down-to-earth; Adu Boahen on the other hand appeared to be

“over-confident and excessively intellectual.”339 Evidently, Adu Boahen attracted the relatively few elites in urban centers while Rawlings won the hearts of the mass of rural dwellers which culminated in his victory.

In an interview, Addae-Mensah noted that had the opposition parties participated in the parliamentary election, they would have won a significant number of seats which would have offered them the opportunity to provide vocal and effective parliamentary opposition.340 Moreover, there was a likelihood that the new NDC government would have appointed some opposition

Members of Parliament to some senior positions.341 The opposition parties’ decision to withdraw from the parliamentary election, however, sullied these potential democratic developments.

After the presidential and parliamentary elections, there were tensions all over the country.

Many feared that Ghana would plunge into civil war as there were reported cases of explosions, killings, and curfews.342 A dawn to dusk curfew, between the hours of 6pm and 6am, was imposed in Kumasi following serious rioting, assault, and destruction of properties by members and supporters of the NPP. However, following the disturbances and the curfew the Asantehene

Otumfuo Opoku Ware III met representatives of the political parties, the regional Security Council and officials of the Kumasi Metropolitan Assembly and called for peace and calmness.343 The ruling NDC government blamed the explosions on the NPP and Adu Boahen. Adu Boahen was summoned to appear before the Accra Public Tribunal for questioning. However, he refused to

339 Jeffries and Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992.” 360. Also see The Ghanaian Chronicle, December 14, 1992, 1. 340 Interview with Prof. I. Addae-Mensah, January 28, 2019. 341 Jeffries and Thomas, “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992.” 364. 342 Adu Boahen argued in a press statement that the spontaneous demonstrations in many parts of the country, the declaration of state of emergency in Kumasi and the “atmosphere of silence and anomie that has descended on the whole country clearly attest to the rejection of the results by the Ghanaian public.” The Pioneer, November 25, 1992. 343 People’s Daily Graphic, November 10, 1992.

113 appear on the grounds that Accra Public Tribunal had no mandate under the 1992 constitution; but expressed willingness to do so if the case was adjudicated by a regular court. He was eventually charged with contempt but was able to successfully challenge the Tribunal’s right to adjudicate the case since its authority expired in January 1993 at the inauguration of the Fourth Republic and a new constitution.344 As a result, the case went on without Adu Boahen having to serve as witness.

Members of the NDC, the Ghanaian Times, and other publications at the time portrayed Adu

Boahen as a “very violent, ruthless, and over-ambitious political leader” who advocates violence and was ready to use any means to rise to power.345 Since no court had found Adu Boahen guilty of any offence, it does not seem appropriate to characterize him as violent leader.

Interestingly, the NPP won its legal case against the NDC’s celebration of June 4 and

December 31 as public holidays. Adu Boahen had argued that the official commemoration of 31st

December and its celebration as a statutory holiday were unconstitutional. He explained that the

1992 constitution abolished military coups, hence it was contradictory to celebrate December 31st which “was nothing but a coup.”346 The NPP also challenged the arrest and detention of some of its members that had demonstrated against the 1993 Budget as unconstitutional.347 “Prof. Adu

Boahen,” Mike Oquaye notes, “was the ‘essential plaintiff’ in many cases because even though our cases were in the name of the Party, he was the driving force who insisted on processes being filed and pursued.”348 Even though Adu Boahen lost the presidential election and knew that his party had no significant role to play in parliament, he was convinced that the NPP could still make some significant gains outside parliament.

344 Ghanaian Times, December 23, 1992. Also see Ghanaian Times, July 13, 1993. 345 ABMLA: AAB 118, “The leadership of Prof. Adu Boahen in the 4th Republic.” Also see Ghanaian Times, December 16, 1992. 346 The Ghanaian Chronicle, December 23, 1993. 347 Gocking, Ghana, 218-19. The NPP also mounted pressure on the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation to allow it equal access to its facilities. 348 Oquaye, “New Patriotic Party,” 24.

114

On February 5, 1993, the Inter-Party Co-ordinating Committee (ICC) of the four opposition parties held a press conference in Accra primarily to present alternative proposals to the government’s budget. On behalf of the ICC, Adu Boahen pointed out that one of the major challenges to the private sector was inadequate capital. He therefore called on government to increase funds to private sector investment. He described the government’s 1993 budget statement as “harsh with unrealistic and unattainable targets…” He further called on government to debate the budget in terms of reducing the petroleum tax, which he described as repressive tax.349 He explained that for government to create an enabling environment, there should be tax incentives for new and existing businesses.

The NPP, led by Adu Boahen compiled its evidence of electoral malpractices into a book titled The Stolen Verdict, which launched on April 7 1993, about five months after the election, at

Christ the King Catholic Hall in Accra. The book describes the presidential election as full of systematic and fraudulent rigging. It concluded that there was an attempt by the PNDC and INEC to rig the election in favor of Rawlings. Nonetheless, Amenumey points out that “all fair-minded academics who have read have concluded that it failed to establish any real fraud.”350 At the

Kumasi launch, Adu Boahen assured the NPP sympathizers and the Ghanaian public that the NPP shall use all resources at its disposal to preserve the constitutional order. He explained that his party shall use judicial proceedings, demonstrations, protests, and all other legitimate means of political action to keep the ruling NDC government on its toes. He ceased the opportunity to call for the dissolution of paramilitary organs of the former PNDC. For him, that such groups are not relevant in a new constitutional era. He reiterated that his party shall continue to monitor the activities and policies of the NDC government and the operations of the NDC dominated

349 Daily Graphic, February 6, 1993. 350 Amenumey, Ghana, 286.

115 parliament.351 Indeed, the NPP established sector committees which became “shadow government committees.” Adu Boahen chaired the highest body (the political committee) which included J.A.

Kufuor, Nana Akufo-Addo, Mike Oquaye, Kwame Pianim, among others. These committees not only monitored government’s activities but also formulated alternative policies for the NPP.352

Furthermore, in his speech, Adu Boahen argued that the “rigging” of the November presidential election which led to the boycotting of the parliamentary elections by the opposition parties provided a false start for the Fourth Republic and the restoration of multi-party democracy. Adu

Boahen therefore called on the new government to create a dialogue with parties in opposition in order to lessen the tensions in the country and to break the political impasse which has gripped the country since the November presidential election.353

In spite of the boycott of the parliamentary election by the opposition parties, the first parliament of the Fourth Republic was inaugurated on April 29, 1993 with Justice D. F. Anang as the Speaker of Parliament. Out of the 200 seats, the NDC and its allies occupied 198. This did not only affect the quality of debates in the House but was generally a mockery of Ghana’s attempt to restore constitutional democracy.354 Since the 200 Member Parliament had no serious opposition and legislations were passed with ease, it earned “the accolade of being a rubberstamp.”355

Nonetheless, outside parliament, the opposition parties continued to monitor closely the activities of the NDC and its dominated parliament. The parties in opposition formed a “shadow cabinet” that served as a watchdog to the new constitution. This shadow cabinet called for amnesty for all

351 ABMLA: AAB 118, Statement by Prof. Adu Boahen at launch of Stolen Verdict, Kumasi, 13th April 1993. 352 “Tribute by Mike Oquaye” in Funeral Brochure, 70. 353 ABMLA: AAB 118, Statement by Prof. Adu Boahen at launch of Stolen Verdict, Kumasi, 13th April 1993. 354 Also see Yayoh, “Resurgence of Multi-party Rule in Ghana,” 139. 355 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 158.

116

Ghanaians in exile, an independent electoral commission, a new voter register, and a consultation with opposition on pertinent issues.

Most significantly, pressures from the opposition and the writing of the Stolen Verdict by the NPP in particular led to the establishment of an Inter-Party Advisory Committee (IPAC) in

1994 by the Electoral Commission. Made up of representatives from the various political parties,

IPAC met monthly to address the concerns of political parties relating to the electoral processes.356

In spite of some initial government opposition, a new voter register was compiled, identity cards were issued to registered voters, and the Network of Domestic Election Observers (NEDEO) was formed.357 In essence, the demands of Adu Boahen and other opposition leaders were gradually being met. All these developments helped to consolidate multi-party elections and democracy in

Ghana’s Fourth Republic.

Towards the 1996 Presidential and Parliamentary elections

As the 1996 presidential and parliamentary elections approached, the NPP needed to put its house in order. It needed to convene a party congress to elect a flagbearer to lead the party in the upcoming national elections as stipulated by Article 129 (1) of the NPP constitution.358 Some sympathizers of Adu Boahen had argued that there was no need holding another “stressful” congress as Adu Boahen was already popular and well revered. Conversely, others like Kufuor who was emerging as the professor’s main opponent called on the leadership of the party to hold

356 See Yayoh, “Resurgence of Multi-party Rule in Ghana,” 141. 357 NEDEO was an organization of domestic observers. It was made up of 23 civic organizations and religious bodies. See Yayoh, “Resurgence of Multi-party Rule in Ghana,” 141. Other reforms include the change from the use of wooden boxes to transparent ones; voting in open forums instead of closed rooms; and the counting and declaration of votes at the polling stations. 358 See Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 50.

117 a new congress. Supporters of Kufuor argued that the NPP was a democratic party and therefore needed to obey its constitution. They explained that it was only by obeying the NPP constitution that the NPP could guarantee that it would be able to protect the national constitution.359 At a rally in Kumasi in December 1994, Adu Boahen reneged on his earlier stance and called for a party congress of which he was confident of victory.360

At the close of nominations on January 31, 1996, as many as eight candidates had filed their papers. The “G-8” included Prof. Albert Adu Boahen, Mr. J. A. Kufuor, Dr Kwame Safo

Adu, Dr Dsane Selby, Mr. J.H. Mensah, Mr. Kwame Pianim, Dr. Jones Ofori-Atta and Dr E. V.

C. de Graft Johnson. The last to file his nomination, Dr. de Graft Johnson decided to drop from the race.361 Mr. Kwame Pianim, a Yale University trained economist, well noted for his attacks on

NDC’s economic policies was disqualified based on a supreme court ruling on Tuesday, April 2,

1996. Mr. Pianim had been convicted in 1983 for his involvement in an attempt to overthrow the

PNDC government. His eligibility was challenged by Mrs. Rosemary Ekwam, a member of the

NPP, on the grounds that the offense he committed was a threat to national security, and that the

1992 constitution prohibits such persons from contesting the presidency.362 These developments meant that only six candidates could contest the flagbearer position.

Adu Boahen’s campaign message was simple: That he won the 1992 election but was rigged by Rawlings and the Electoral Commission. He argued that he is the “man of the people” since had toured all the constituencies in the country, making his name a household word. By

359 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 51. 360 Ibid., 51. 361 The Independent, “Who are NPP’s Top Three,” 7th-13th February, 1996, 12. 362 Daily Graphic, April 3, 1996, 1. The Special Delegates Congress was originally scheduled for March 2, 1996, but Mr. Pianim’s court injunction restrained the party from organizing the congress. It was subsequently scheduled for April 20, 1996.

118

January 1996, it was widely held that without an alliance, the NPP could not win power.363 On this note, Adu Boahen campaigned that he would be the most suitable leader should there be an

“Alliance of Opposition Forces because of his track record since 1970 as a fearless champion of democracy who has worked closely with people of other Political opinions over the years.”364 In fact, he was a leading member of the PMFJ, chaired the MFJ, and subsequently became the chief convener of the Alliance of Democratic Forces (ADF) which was formed after the 1992 election

(comprising leaders of the opposition parties). Therefore, the evidence supports his claim that he would be the most suitable leader of any alliance that would emerge.

Figure 6: A 1996 campaign flyer canvassing for vote as NPP’s presidential candidate. Source: ABMLA, File no. AAB 105, campaign flyers, 1996.

363 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 56. 364 ABMLA: AAB 105, campaign flyer, 1996. (See Appendix V)

119

As in 1992, two thousand delegates drawn from the various constituencies across the country were expected to convene at the Great Hall of the University of Ghana in 1996 to elect a flagbearer to lead the NPP in the forthcoming general elections. The election was conducted on

April 20, 1996. J.A. Kufuor, who placed third in the 1992 primaries, led the race this time with

1,034 out of 1,989 votes representing 52 %. He was followed by Prof. Adu Boahen with 710 votes representing 35.7 %; John Henry Mensah with 110 votes representing 5.5 %; Dr. Jones Ofori Atta with 69 votes representing 3.5 %; Kwame Safo Adu with 42 votes representing 2.1 %; and Dr.

Kofi Dsane Selby with 24 votes representing 1.2 %. A comparison with the 1992 results reveals that Adu Boahen lost over 400 supporters to Kufuor. Analysis also indicates that Dr. Ofori Atta, who had endorsed Adu Boahen’s candidature in 1992 had by 1996 won the hearts of some Adu

Boahen supporters culminating in 69 votes in his favour. A number of reasons have been espoused for Adu Boahen’s lost in the election: Firstly, there were questions about Adu Boahen’s ability to campaign vigorously at 64 years old. Some party members felt that his “best position should be

Father of the Party” since he was “too old to lead the nation.”365 Secondly, there were also allegations that Adu Boahen had become sentimental and dictatorial. The fact that Nana Akufo

Addo, Adu Boahen’s Campaign Director, and other key members of Adu Boahen’s campaign decamped gave some substance to these allegations.366 Also, the message that Adu Boahen will lose the national election if he won the presidential primaries “gained momentum and instilled fear in the minds of the delegates,” forcing them to vote for Adu Boahen’s main opponent, Kufuor.367

In addition, the rift between the PFP and UNC was revisited. In the light of this, former members of the PFP were waiting for an opportunity to payback Adu Boahen for joining the breakaway

365 The Ghanaian Chronicle, February 5, 1996, 6. 366 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 36. 367 The Ghanaian Chronicle, April 22, 1996, 1.

120

UNC and spoiling the PFP’s chances of winning the 1979 election.368 Consequently, he received less votes from the delegates who were sympathizers of the former PFP. Fordwor has also pointed out two “main reasons” that undermined Adu Boahen’s bid for the presidential primaries: This includes Adu Boahen’s personal health and professional interest. Fordwor explained that it was during this period that Adu Boahen had to undergo a surgical operation for prostate cancer. After the surgery, his interest in politics appeared to have considerably declined. Secondly, while his opponents were campaigning. Adu Boahen spent much of his time and efforts on completing his book Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana for publication.369 In fact, following many delays, the date chosen for the congress was a day before the launching of the book. This meant that Adu

Boahen could not devote full attention to the congress. It is these factors that undermined his chances in the 1996 presidential primaries.

The presidential ambition of Adu Boahen came to an abrupt end after he lost the 1996 presidential primaries. If Adu Boahen’s relation with Kufuor went sour prior to the primaries, this was to change for the better after Kufuor was declared winner. After the usual congratulatory speech in which he had expressed that he was “shocked at the turn of events,” Adu Boahen visited

Kufuor at his house in the evening to personally congratulate him on his victory.370 The NPP reveals in its tribute to Adu Boahen in 2006 that even though he lost the bid for the 1996 flagbearer of the party, Adu Boahen stood solidly behind Kufuor. It further adds that in moments when divisions threatened the unity of the party, Adu Boahen used dialogue to bridge the differences

368 Interview with Gifty Ayeh, former National Treasurer of the NPP, Abelenkpe, May 8, 2019. Also see: Interview with Agyeman-Duah, May 7, 2019. 369 Fordwor, The Danquah-Busia Tradition, 223-25. 370 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 46; 60. Note that in 1992 when Adu Boahen emerged winner of the presidential primaries, it was only Kufuor w7ho accompanied him to a thanksgiving service in which all losers of the election had been scheduled to attend.

121 and kept the membership of the party together.371 Kufuor confirmed this in his by eulogy to Adu

Boahen in 2006. He wrote that Adu Boahen remained loyal to the party till his death.372

Figure 7: Prof. Adu Boahen (middle) congratulating J.A. Kufuor (Left) on his victory. On the right is Peter Ala- Adjetey, Chairman of the NPP. Source: Daily Graphic, Monday April 22, 1996.

The 1996 Presidential and Parliamentary elections

On December 7 1996, both the presidential and parliamentary elections were held. Six parties participated in the presidential election but presented only three candidates. Thus, the NDC,

EGLE and DPP formed the Progressive Alliance with Rawlings and Prof. John Evans Atta Mills as presidential candidate and running mate respectively. The NPP and PCP formed the Great

371 “Tribute by the New Patriotic Party,” in Funeral brochure, 22. Kufuor adds in his eulogy that Adu Boahen remained loyal to the party till his death in 2006. 372 “Tribute by H.E President J.A. Kufuor On Behalf of the People of Ghana,” in Funeral brochure.

122

Alliance with Kufuor and Kow Nkensen Arkaah (former Vice president under Rawlings and elected PCP flagbearer) as presidential candidate and running mate respectively.373 The PNC, having Edward Nasigri Mahama and Adeline Deelo as presidential candidate and running mate, was the only party in the race without an alliance. Rawlings was re-elected with 57.4% of the national vote. He won in nine of ten regions as he did in 1992. He was followed by J. A. Kufuor with 39.6% while Edward Mahama of the PNC secured the remaining 3% of the national vote.

Kufuor won in only the Ashanti region, but compared with the 1992 election, the NPP showed significant improvement in all ten regions.374

In the parliamentary election, the NDC retained control of parliament by winning 133 of

200 seats. The NPP won 61 seats. The PCP and PNC secured 5 and 1 seats respectively.375 This time the NPP, led by Kufuor, accepted the results “without many disagreements.” Kufuor was even present at the inauguration of Rawlings as second President of the Fourth Republic on January 7,

1997.376 Unlike the 1992 elections, the opposition parties could not boycott the Parliamentary election since it was held on the same day as the presidential election. Even though 67 seats could not offer any serious challenge to the policies of the government, the opposition parties were able to engage in some serious debates.377 Most significantly, even though the 1996 election did not bring about a change in government, it marked the beginning of the introduction of some sanity into the conduct of multi-party elections in the country as the electoral process saw some marked improvement.

373 Unfortunately, the alliance did more harm than good. “Arkaah’s pronouncements when he was NDC Vice-President were used by the Government to undermine the opposition campaign and destroyed whatever good the NPP symbolized.” There were also allegations of Arkaah’s affair with a teenage girl. See, Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J. A. Kufuor, 62. 374 Frempong, Elections in Ghana, 164-66. 375 Ibid., 177. 376 Kufuor also attended the parliamentary ceremony which saw the swearing in of elected Members of Parliament. 377 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J.A. Kufuor, 64.

123

Launch of Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana

On April 21, 1996, a day after the NPP national congress, Adu Boahen’s Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana: A Centenary History, 1876- 1976 was launched. The book was long in coming: It was in 1973 that Adu Boahen was invited by the Mfantsipim Old Boys Association

(MOBA) to undertake the task of writing the history of his alma mater, Mfantsipim School. “I felt it is not only an honour but also a duty to accept the invitation,” he noted.378 It was expected that the work would be completed and published to coincide with the centenary celebrations of the school. However, Adu Boahen’s active involvement in political and nationalist agitations which earned him stints in prison made it difficult for the project to be completed and published as originally planned.379 As indicated earlier, the project was finally completed in 1996. Adu Boahen ceased the opportunity to argue that the 1960s and first half of the 1970s were the most turbulent and disastrous not just in the history of the school but the country at large. Adu Boahen further stressed that the hopes and expectations of the founders and patrons of the school were to produce future leaders for the country. One reviewer of the book maintains that;

Although alumni of Ghana’s other celebrated secondary schools, Adisadel, St Augustines, Accra Academy and Achimota to name only a few, would enter rival claims, Professor Boahen’s case that his old school played an exceptional large part in ‘the making of Ghana’ is incontestable.380 For Adu Boahen, Mfantsipim is, without doubt, “the father of Ghanaian nationalism.” He concludes that “Ghana could not be what it is today,” if not for Mfantsipim and its products.381 By this he meant that being the oldest secondary school in Ghana, Mfantsipim products played a

378 Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, viii. 379 Ibid., viii. 380 Richard Rathbone, “Mfantsipim,” review of Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, by A. Adu Boahen, The Journal of African History 38, no. 3 (1997): 506-507. 381 Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, 489-508.

124 significant role in challenging the colonial system; forming the first political party (UGCC); and have been instrumental in the governance of the country since the First Republic. Aside politics, products of the school have also been influential in secondary and university education, mercantile, and professionalism and Public Services in the country. For an alumni such as Prof. Adu Boahen to be commission to write the history of his alma matter shows the extent of his commitment to the school even after years of completion. Indeed, he took keen interest in the activities of MOBA.

As a result, MOBA affirmed the public-spirited side of Adu Boahen in a tribute to him in 2006.

They revealed that in the late 1970s when citizens were afraid to group for the fear of being branded subversionists, Adu Boahen singled footed the bill of one of the annual MOBA cocktails held at

Legon to ensure that the Old Boys would gather without fear.382 Adu Boahen’s love and passion for his alma mater was further demonstrated when he insisted that one of his children (Kwabena) attended Mfantsipim School.

Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the UGCC

Having lost the 1996 presidential primaries, Adu Boahen continued to play a fatherly role to the party. On Monday, May 26, 1997, Adu Boahen launched the celebrations to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the founding of the UGCC. The ceremony was held at the International

Press Centre in Accra. In his speech, Adu Boahen, Chairman of the Planning Committee, pointed out that even though the UGCC was not the first political movement in Ghana, its formation was a “critical turning point” in the history of the country. He explained that unlike earlier political movements such as the Fante Confederation Movement and the Aborigines Rights Protection

382 “Tribute by MOBA,” in Funeral brochure, 51.

125

Society (ARPS), the UGCC was the first nationwide political organization to have demanded the total overthrow of the colonial system. Adu Boahen further stated that the objectives of the celebrations were to remember the founding fathers of the UGCC and to draw inspiration from them for the nation. He added that the celebration was necessary “to set the records straight” about

Ghana’s struggle for independence. He stressed that a “proper assessment” of the country’s past cannot be made without the mention and celebration of the role of the UGCC and its founders. He added that J.B Danquah in particular deserves the designation as “Founder of Ghana,” for giving the country its name and “laying the foundation of present nation-state of Ghana.” He also argued that it was J.B. Danquah who “sounded the first clarion call for our national independence.”383

Adu Boahen’s arguments in his speech suggest that he drew considerable inspiration from

Danquah’s political ideals of democratic governance, the welfare of the citizen, and his rabid hatred for authoritarianism. It was not surprising that Adu Boahen worked tirelessly to ensure that

Danquah’s manuscript, The Ghanaian Establishment: Its Traditions, its Detentions, its Justice and

Statecraft, and its Heritage of Ghanaism, which Adu Boahen edited, was published in 1997.384

Thus, after several failed attempts by different publishers, Adu Boahen managed to persuade the

Publications Board of the University of Ghana to publish the manuscript. He was so insistent on the publication of the manuscript because he felt that he “owes it as a duty to the memory” of J.B.

Danquah.385

383 ABMLA: AAB 23, Speech by Prof. Albert Adu Boahen at the launching of the 50th Anniversary celebration of the UGCC. May 26, 1997. 384 The Ghanaian Establishment is a collection of documents: It comprises Danquah’s letters addressed to Kwame Nkrumah, members of his government, and some individuals as well as lectures delivered by Danquah to various societies and associations. It also sheds light on Danquah’s principle of non-violence and his belief in the rule of law and the liberty of the individual. See, J.B. Danquah, The Ghanaian Establishment: Its Traditions, its Detentions, its Justice and Statecraft, and its Heritage of Ghanaism, edited by A.A. Boahen (Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1997), xiii-vi. 385 Danquah, The Ghanaian Establishment, xiii-vi.

126

The 2000 NPP Presidential Primaries and General Election

Once again, the NPP needed to put its house in shape if it was to win the next general election in 2000. A national delegate’s congress was scheduled for October 28, 1998 at Sunyani in the Brong-Ahafo region to elect a new flagbearer to represent the party in the next general election. Adu Boahen decided not to take part in the race due to ill health and loss of interest. There were six contestants in the race.386 Kufuor, unlike Adu Boahen in 1996, received an overwhelming endorsement for the second time. He led the polls with 1,286 votes representing 64.8%. Kufuor was followed by Nana Akuffo Addo who received 628 votes representing 31.6%. Dr. Konadu

Apraku secured 52 votes representing 2.6%. Kwame Kodua received 8 votes representing 0.445%.

Al-Hassan Yakubu and Mensah received 7 and 3 votes representing 0.35 and 0.15% respectively.387

The 2000 national elections was scheduled for December 8.388 The election proved inconclusive leading to a run-off election on December 28. In the end, Kufuor emerged winner with 56.9% of the national vote. The NDC’s John E. A. Mills followed with 43.1%.389 With the

NPP in power and Kufuor as President, Adu Boahen was invited to serve on the Council of State but his health conditions prevented him from doing so.390

386 They were: Nana Addo Danquah Akufo-Addo, Dr. Kofi Konadu Apraku, John Kwame Kodua, Malik Al-Hassan Yakubu, J.H. Mensah, and J.A. Kufuor. The last two also took part in the 1996 presidential primaries. 387 Agyeman-Duah, Biography of J.A. Kufuor, 70. 388 None of the presidential candidates made more than 50%. Kufuor (NPP) led with 48.2%, followed by Prof. John Evans Atta Mills (NDC) with 44.5%, Edward Nasigri Mahama (PNC) with 2.9%, George Hagan (CPP) with 1.2%, Goosie Tanoh (NRP) with 1.2%, Daniel Lartey (GCPP) with 1.0% and Wereko-Brobbery (UGM) with 0.3%. See, Frempong, Elections in Ghana, 191. 389 Frempong, Elections in Ghana, 193. 390 Adu Boahen suffered two stokes in 2000 and 2001.

127

The Role of Mrs Mary Adu Boahen

Mrs Mary Adu Boahen, affectionately called Auntie Mary, was an important driving force in Adu Boahen’s political life. Auntie Mary was a well-established business woman (in the textiles and jewelry enterprise) but was also deeply involved in politics.391 After their marriage in 1976,

Adu Boahen and Auntie Mary became critical of Acheampong and his proposed Unigov scheme.

As a result, the couple were detained by the military for some weeks. As J.A. Kufuor puts it in his eulogy, Auntie Mary “was not just a wife, but also the organizer, behind the scenes, and the mainstay in the life of Prof. Adu Boahen.”392 The couple shared the same political ideas and principles. They believed in multiparty constitutional rule and the freedom of speech. They were both leading figures in the PMFJ in 1978, the UNC in 1979, the MFJ, the CCDF and the Danquah

Busia Club in the early 1990s, and finally the NPP from 1992. In fact, Auntie Mary’s Abelenkpe residence in Accra became the meeting place for pro-democracy groups like the ARPB, PMFJ and the MFJ.393 She also provided financial assistance to these groups. Kwesi Pratt revealed that it was

Auntie Mary who urged Adu Boahen to take up the National Chairman position of the MFJ. Being politically conscious herself, Auntie Mary accompanied Adu Boahen to virtually all political rallies and inspired him to urge on even after his lose in the 1992 presidential election and 1996 presidential primaries.394 In this regard, Auntie Mary is seen by many as the main “architect” behind Adu Boahen’s political career.

391 Auntie Mary had four children with her deceased husband before meeting Adu Boahen. They are Hassan Majdoub, Mrs Irene Tagoe, Dr. Bernard Rawlings and Mrs Ruth Amanda Nylander. 392 “Tribute by J.A. Kufuor” in Mrs Mary Adu Boahen Funeral brochure, 31. 393 Interview with Prof. Kofi Darkwah, March 22, 2019. Also see interview with Ruth Amanda Nylander, stepdaughter of Prof. Adu Boahen, East Legon, May 16, 2019. 394 “Tribute by Kwesi Pratt Jnr.,” in Mrs Mary Adu Boahen Funeral brochure, 43.

128

Figure 8: Auntie Mary on a campaign platform with Adu Boahen. Source: Mrs Mary Adu Boahen Funeral brochure.

Flags fly at half-mast

Adu Boahen died on May 24, 2006, on his 74th birthday. J. J. Rawlings and his wife, Nana

Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, joined the many Ghanaians who visited and paid condolence to the bereaved family. Rawlings indicated, that he had always listened to Adu Boahen’s criticisms of him: though he disagreed with some, there were those Rawlings “took in good faith.”395 For many, the fact that Adu Boahen died on his birthday was a testament to his uniqueness amongst his fellow men and women. Upon his death, Adu Boahen attracted befitting tributes from all across the globe including friends, political parties, local and foreign universities, international organizations, colleagues and former students. Particularly gripping were the captions of some of these tributes:

395 See I. Agyeman- Duah, “Historian who broke Ghanaian dictator’s culture of silence.” The Guardian. Accessed on December 2, 2018.

129

“The Mouse that Roared,” “Who Say Man No Dey –Professor Adu Boahen Dey,” “Prof. Adu

Boahen –A Hero of Our Time,” “Prof. Adu Boahen: A Historian Who Made History,” “Adu

Boahen: Visionary, Nationalist, Pan-Africanist,” “Adu Boahen, The Olympian,” and “Tribute to a

Man of Valour.” These titles are an indication of Adu Boahen’s courage and outstanding intellect.

They also point out his selflessness and commitment to the restoration and consolidation of democracy in Ghana.

Conclusion

This chapter has demonstrated clearly that Adu Boahen’s resignation from the university in 1985 marked his transition into active frontline politics. This is not to say his academic life came to an end; on the contrary, as promised in his resignation letter, Adu Boahen published many books including the award winning Mfantsipim. His 1988 Danquah Memorial lecture that critiqued the ruling military government and called for the restoration of multiparty constitutional rule is an indication of his courage and belief in free speech. To a large extent, it helped to strengthen opposition demand for a return to civilian rule –which ultimately led to the inauguration of the

Fourth Republic. His role in the formation of the NPP deserves commendation. The role Auntie

Mary played in Adu Boahen’s political career deserves recognition. Overall, through his active role in pro-democracy groups like the MFJ (that brought together many opposition leaders), Adu

Boahen represented a symbol of hope for a transition to civilian rule. It is therefore not surprising when Nana Akuffo Addo wrote in his eulogy that Adu Boahen could legitimately be called “Father of the Fourth Republic.”396

396 “Tribute by Nana Akuffo-Addo,” in Funeral brochure, 63-7.

130

CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION

It is only in the study of the lives of our great men that we can approach a general or universal history of Ghana. History is indeed biography ‘writ large,’ for without great men there can be no history, and without history a country remains perpetually pigeon-holed on the shelf of progress. –J. B. Danquah397

This study explored the life and career of Albert Adu Boahen in the framework of historical biographical analysis from the time of his birth in 1932 to his death in 2006. Chapter Two has shown that, like many of his contemporaries, Adu Boahen benefited from missionary schools including the Presbyterian Primary School at Osiem in the Eastern Region and the Asokore

Methodist School at Juaben in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. Adu Boahen attained secondary education at the oldest and one of the most prestigious secondary schools in the country. Events that occurred during his secondary school days at Mfantsipim underscored his political consciousness. Adu Boahen became one of the first generation of African students to have earned a degree from the then University College of the Gold Coast. Like many of his contemporaries, he attained these educational heights at the time when the educational system (and in particular the school curriculum) was European-oriented. Later, having secured a PhD in African history from the University of London, he was in the position to rewrite the histories that undermined the pre- colonial African past.

397 J.B. Danquah, “Introduction” to Magnus Sampson, Makers of Modern Ghana Vol. 1 (Accra: Anowuo Edu. Publishers, 1969), 13.

131

Adu Boahen knew that the newly independent country, Ghana needed to decolonize its history if any meaningful development could be attained. He knew the importance of history in nation-building especially in inculcating a sense of patriotism and nationalism in young minds and future leaders. Thus, upon completion of his PhD program at the University of London, he returned home to take up an appointment as a lecturer with the Department of history, University of Ghana.

Adu Boahen rose to the position of a full professor in February 1971, at the age of thirty nine. He spent close to three decades with the University of Ghana teaching, supervising students, conducting research and undertaking administrating duties. Adu Boahen has over forty publications to his credit. They include numerous articles in reputable journals and over twenty books and book chapters.398 Prominent among these works are Topics in West African History

(1966), Clio and Nation-Building in Africa (1975), Ghana: Evolution and Change in the 19th and

20th Century (1975), and African Perspectives on Colonialism (1987).

Chapters Three and Four have demonstrated that Adu Boahen and his contemporaries worked hard to roll back the Eurocentric perceptions and “racist” theories about Africans and their history. Through his writings, Adu Boahen affirmed the resiliency and creativity of African cultures and States. To a large extent, Adu Boahen’s insistence on Ghanaian and African history written and researched from an African perspective has seen considerable success. As a teacher and scholar, Adu Boahen helped to transform the history curriculum which was hitherto European- oriented; making it more African and more relevant to Africa. His contributions to Ghanaian and

African historiography served to elevate the histories, cultures, and dignity of Africans. Adu

Boahen, along with others, brought respectability to pre-colonial African history that was lost during colonial rule. Pre-colonial histories “were no longer moonlight stories to make people

398 See ABMLA, AAB 119, Curriculum Vitae of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen.

132 laugh, but serious history to train youth and inspire leaders.”399 Adu Boahen’s Topics in West

African history and Evolution and Change in the 19th and 20th century are two seminal works in this regard. These works eulogize the achievements of ancient African states and empires such as

Ancient Ghana, Mali, Songhai and Asante Empire. The wealth and fame of the leaders of these civilizations were praised. Even though Adu Boahen was not the first to use oral testimonies for historical study, he was amongst the first African scholars to stress on its relevance to African history. He affirmed that the use of non-written sources such as oral testimonies, music and archaeology make the study and writing of African history a “fascinating and challenging intellectual activity.” 400 Thanks to the pioneering efforts of Adu Boahen and his contemporaries, oral history methodology is now a legitimate means of acquiring data for writing African history.

Adu Boahen sought not only to revolutionize how African history was taught and written.

He was also very mindful of who was teaching the histories. Hence, one of his preoccupations was to help train new indigenous historians. Many of his former students attest that they were heavily inspired and encouraged by Adu Boahen to join the academe. Addo-Fening, for instance, recalled:

[After completing my Undergraduate studies in 1963,] Adu literally fished for me and personally arranged a Commonwealth Scholarship for me to study for a Master’s Degree at the Australian National University at Canberra. Several months before I graduated, Adu Boahen wrote to urge me to accept appointment in the Department of History.401 Addo-Fening joined the Department in 1967 and worked with Adu Boahen for close to two decades till Adu Boahen retired in 1985. Addo-Fening is today one of Ghana’s prominent historians. He is a leading scholar on the history of Akyem Abuakwa in Ghana. Addo-Fening’s

399 “Tribute by Toyin Falola” in Funeral Brochure, 40-1. 400 Boahen, Clio and Nation-Building, 19. 401 Addo-Fening, Remembering Adu Boahen, 9.

133 story and that of many others like Irene Odotei, D.E.K. Baku, and Emmanuel Akyeampong affirms

Adu Boahen conscious efforts to see an end to the reliance on foreign teachers. For his pioneering role in Ghanaian historiography, Adu Boahen deserves the designation as doyen of Ghanaian history.

As a politician, Adu Boahen advocated constitutional governance, the rule of law, sound democratic institutions, the freedom of the individual, freedom of the press, and a national economic development in which the private sector played a dominant role. Stated differently, his entire political career has been in pursuit of a society in which the rights of free speech, free press and free political, religious, and social association would be guaranteed to every citizen. As a result, he had always decried dictatorship and the abuse of human rights. His active role in the activities of pro-democracy groups demonstrates his commitment to the restoration of democracy and constitutional rule in Ghana. His 1988 Danquah Memorial lecture, which attracted wide publicity in the newspapers, spoke against military intervention in politics and called for a return to civilian rule. This lecture is praised as breaking the culture of silence and helping to usher the country into the Fourth Republic.402 His courage became more evident when he ultimately decided to contest the 1992 presidential election against the incumbent military government. These commitments earned him a place in the political history of Ghana.

Adu Boahen’s life was an inspiration to many people including those from different political traditions. Like Addo-Fening in the academic arena, Kwame Appiah Boateng, a former

CPP parliamentary candidate, wrote in his eulogy that he had been heavily inspired by Adu Boahen as a teenager. He recommended a “Center for Democracy and Freedom” built in honor of Adu

402 See interview with Dr Emmanuel Evans-Anfon, February 15, 2019.

134

Boahen. He also suggested to the Government that a university or secondary school be named in honor of Adu Boahen.403 This, in part, is a reminder of Adu Boahen’s service to the University of

Ghana as well as his tireless effort to see an end to military rule in Ghana. Adu Boahen was certainly not perfect. He took decisions that made him lose friends.404 For instance, when his famous Danquah Memorial lecture was published in 1989, the GAAS added a disclaimer that the views expressed in the publication were not necessarily the views of the Academy. Adu Boahen was unhappy with the development and decided to resign as secretary of the Academy. Some felt that his action was unbecoming of an intellectual.405

Adu Boahen’s numerous achievements and honors indicates a clear sense of purpose, hard work, and sheer determination. His Mfantsipim and the making of Ghana: A Centenary History,

1876-1976, published in 1996 won him the Noma Award for publishing in Africa in 1997. In April

1999, at the final meeting of the International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General

History of Africa, Adu Boahen and other living contributors were awarded the UNESCO Avicenna

Silver Medal, a medal named after the outstanding scientific thinker Abu’ Ali ibn Abdallah ibn

Sina (Avicenna), in recognition of their outstanding contribution to the General History of

Africa.406 In 2005, Adu Boahen was invited to serve as a member of the Council of State, a body that counsels the President in the performance of his duties, but ill health did not allow him to serve on the prestigious Council. Also in March 2006, two months before his passing, Adu Boahen was listed to be conferred with the “Order of the Star of Ghana,” the highest award given by the

State to individuals who have contributed immensely to the country. The award would later be posthumously awarded to him in June 2006. In recognition of his “meritorious services,” the nation

403 K. Appiah Boateng, “Special tribute to Adu Boahen,” June 3, 2006. Accessed on January 24, 2019. 404 Interview with Dr Emmanuel Evans-Anfon, February 15, 2019. 405 Ibid. 406 Ogot, An Autobiography, 396-97.

135 under the Kufour-led NPP administration accorded him a final honor of a State Burial. Adu

Boahen’s dream of writing the “History of Dwaben” and a “General History of Ghana,” for which he had gathered so much materials, could not materialize due to ill health which eventually resulted in his death.407

The Adu Boahen Foundation (ABF)

In order to continue the legacy of Adu Boahen by promoting and reviving interest in researching on African history, the surviving children of Adu Boahen launched the Adu Boahen

Foundation (ABF) to mark his 10 Year Anniversary Celebration on May 24, 2016. The Foundation seeks “to promote African history and penmanship through scholarship for PhD students studying history at the University of Ghana and [to give out] the Adu Boahen Memorial Award for the best published literary work in the Arts.”408 ABF solicits its funds through donations, sponsorships and fundraising activities. ABF also aims at providing a reference library and archives at the

Department of History at Legon to house the private archives and resource materials of Adu

Boahen.409 When completed, this reference library and archives would offer source materials for students and researchers conducting research in African history. This would go a long way to foster more researches that brings out that creativity and resiliency of past and present African cultures;

407 See ABMLA: File no. AAB 119, Curriculum Vitae of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen. 408 See: 10 Year Anniversary Booklet, 65. 409 Prof. Akosua Perbi (Chair), Yaw Nsarkoh, Prof. Kwabena Adu Boahen, Ivor Agyeman-Duah, Cameron Duodu, Isaac Emmil Osei-Bonso and Charles Kofi Adu Boahen are the founding trustees of the Adu Boahen Foundation. Prof. Akosua Perbi is a retired Associate Professor of History and former Chair of the Department of History, Legon; Yaw Nsarkoh is the CEO of Unilever Nigeria; Ivor Agyeman-Duah is the Director of the Centre of Intellectual Renewal; Cameron Duodu is a UK-based Ghanaian journalist and broadcaster; Isaac Osei-Bonso is a legal practitioner; Kwabena Adu Boahen and Charles Adu Boahen are both sons of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen. Kwabena is a Professor of Bioengineering at Stanford University while Charles is serving under the incumbent NPP government as a Deputy Finance Minister. See: 10 Year Anniversary Booklet, 67-70.

136 and in so doing, complement Adu Boahen’s commitment to creating respect for Africans and their history.

This study was an attempt at providing a scholarly biography of Adu Boahen. However, due to time constraints and inadequate funds, I could not sufficiently examine his contributions to foreign universities. Future works could examine Adu Boahen’s contributions to universities and professional associations abroad. On the positive note, I was able to interview many former students and colleagues of Adu Boahen. Their testimonies served as evidence to support the argument that Adu Boahen sought to train indigenous historians to reduce the reliance on foreign scholars. Furthermore, through interviews with relatives, I was able to examine the private life and formative years of Adu Boahen.

Adu Boahen dedicated his life to correcting erroneous perceptions held about Africans and their history. A prevalent theme in his works is his insistence that African history pre-dates the arrival of Europeans. Furthermore, as a liberal democrat and a staunch believer of sound democratic institution, Adu Boahen helped to form and played an active role in political movements that sought to fight any form of authoritarianism and dictatorial rule. His commitment to free speech and the writing and dissemination of African history was further demonstrated when he established his own publishing company, Sankofa Educational Publishers. Thus, Adu Boahen not only championed that cause of African history but also played a worthwhile role in Ghana’s struggle for democracy and constitutional rule.

What does it mean to be an academic in politics? To be an academic in politics is about using one’s knowledge and expertise for the service of one’s country. It is about selflessly fighting for the liberty of fellow citizens and against autocratic rule. It is also about being patriotic and critiquing one’s discipline and society. Even though academics are generally perceived as

137 individuals primarily concerned about knowledge production and distribution, the lives of well- known academics like J.B. Danquah, K.A. Busia, and J.E. Atta Mills have shown that academics have contributed immensely to the political arena. By focusing on the life and career of Adu

Boahen, this study argues that Adu Boahen is an exemplar of an academic who played a significant role in Ghanaian politics. Future works could examine the lives of other academics in politics to throw more light on the extent to which Ghanaian academics have helped to shape Ghana’s political landscape.

138

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PRIMARY SOURCES:

Archival Documents

Adu Boahen Memorial Library and Archives (ABMLA), Department of History, Legon.

ABMLA: AAB 4, Application Letter to the University College of Ghana. May 11, 1959.

ABMLA: AAB 23, Speech by Prof. Albert Adu Boahen at the launching of the 50th Anniversary celebration of the UGCC. May 26, 1997.

ABMLA: AAB 51, End of Year Statement by the CCDF, Accra, December 28, 1991.

ABMLA: AAB 93, Statement on the legal position of the PMFJ by J. F. S. Hansen, n. d. ABMLA: AAB 93, “Why vote ‘NO’ on Referendum Day,” n. d. ABMLA: AAB 111, Profile of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen.

ABMLA: AAB 114, Paper on Union Government by Adu Boahen,” October 12, 1977. ABMLA: AAB 121, Press Statement by Prof. Adu Boahen. October 27, 1992.

ABMLA: AAB 115, “Volta Region Falls to Prof. Adu Boahen,” n. d. ABMLA: AAB 118, Statement by Prof. Adu Boahen at launch of Stolen Verdict, Kumasi, April 13, 1993. ABMLA: AAB 119, Curriculum Vitae of Professor Albert Adu Boahen.

Public Records and Archives Administration Department (PRAAD), Accra.

ADM 5/4/432. Address by J. J. Rawlings at the closing session of a seminar on local Government

Development Administration for District secretaries. September 10, 1989.

ADM 5/4/432. Address by J. J. Rawlings at Victoriaborg, Accra. October 22, 1988.

ADM 5/4/449. Address by J. J. Rawlings at the Opening Session of the Seminar for Presiding members and Assemblymen women, District secretaries, and CDRs. Sunyani, July 5, 1990.

139

Oral History Interview

Addae-Mensah, Professor Ivan, former General Secretary of the PNP and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ghana, Legon, Chemistry Department, January 28, 2019.

Addo-Fening, Professor Robert, former student and academic colleague of Prof. Adu Boahen, R40 Adenta Municipality, March 25, 2018.

Afari, Kwadwo, former Press Secretary of the NPP, NPP Headquarters, February 12, 2019.

Agyeman-Duah, Ivor, Special Assistant to former President J.A. Kufuor, Legon, May 7, 2019.

Asante, Dr. S.K.B., former classmate of Adu Boahen, Adabraka, April 12, 2019.

Attram, Jane Thyrah, first wife of Adu Boahen, Adenta, May 18, 2019.

Ayeh, Gifty (Daavi Ama), former National Treasurer of the NPP, Abelenkpe, May 8, 2019

Boahen, Christopher Adu, son of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen, East Legon, September 12, 2018.

Baku, Dr. D.E.K., former colleague of Prof. Adu Boahen, Legon, May 3, 2019.

Darkwah, Kofi, Professor former colleague of Prof. Adu Boahen, Madina, March 22, 2019.

Evans-Anfon, Dr. Emmanuel, former President of the Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences, Leonora Lodge (Accra), February 15, 2019.

Nylander, Mrs. Ruth Amanda, stepdaughter of Prof. Adu Boahen, East Legon, May 16, 2019.

Odotei, Professor Irene, former student of Prof. Adu Boahen, Oyarifa, February 26, 2019.

Perbi, Professor Akosua Adoma, former student of Prof. Adu Boahen, Legon, September 5, 2018.

Newspapers

Daily Graphic, January 1978 to December 1996.

140

Entertaining Eye, No 52, December 5-12, 1991.

Ghanaian Times, 1992 to 1996.

Leisure, No. 188, December 22, 1991.

People’s Daily Graphic, August 1992 to August 1996.

The Ghanaian Chronicle, August 1992 to December 1996.

The Independent, Vol. 4 No. 62, February 7-13, 1996.

The Pioneer, December 1991.

Funeral Brochure/ Pamphlet

Celebration of Life and Legacy: the Late Professor Emeritus Albert Adu Boahen. Jointly published by The Historical Society of Ghana & the Funeral Planning Committee, 2006.

Mrs Mary Adu Boahen 1926-2016

10 Years Anniversary Celebration of Professor Adu Boahen (May 24 1932- May 24 2006): Remember A Scholar And A Statesman. Published by the Adu Boahen Foundation, 2016.

Online sources

Agyeman- Duah, Ivor. “Historian who broke Ghanaian dictator’s culture of silence.” The

Guardian. Accessed on December 2, 2018.

Boateng, K. Appiah. “Special tribute to Adu Boahen.” June 3, 2006. Accessed via Ghanaweb.com on January 24, 2019.

Duodu, Cameron. “How Adu Boahen Unlocked Ghana's History.” Accessed on August 15, 2018.

141

Gewald, Jan-Bart. “The individual in African History: The importance of biography in African historical studies.” Accessed on February 7, 2019.

Video footage of “Prof. Albert Adu Boahen 10th Anniversary and Launch of the Adu Boahen

Foundation.” Accessed on December 20, 2017.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

Theses and Dissertations

Afari, Frank. “Nana Sir Ofori Atta and the Process of Educational Change in the Gold Coast (1912-

1943).” MPhil Dissertation. Department of History, University of Ghana, 2011.

Anti, Stephen. “Placing Nana Susubribi Krobea Asante in the context of Ghana’s History and

Development 1933 – 2014.” MPhil Dissertation. Institute of African Studies, University of

Ghana, Legon, 2016.

Ayittey-Arhin, Estella. “Intellectual Resistance to Colonialism: The Case Attoh of Ahima of the

Gold Coast.” MPhil Dissertation. Department of History, University of Ghana, 2011.

Baku, Daniel K. “An Intellectual in Nationalist Politics: The Contribution of Kobina Sekyi to the

Evolution of Ghanaian National Consciousness.” PhD Dissertation. University of Sussex,

1987.

Damwah, Agape Kanyiri. “Dr. Hilla Limann 1934-1988: His Life and Times.” MPhil Dissertation.

Department of History, University of Cape Coast, 2011.

Danquah, Rubbin C. T. “J. B. Danquah and The Making of Ghana.” Unpublished Long Essay,

Department of History, University of Ghana, 2018.

142

Essah, Cobbah. “Biography of Prof. Robert Addo Fening”. Unpublished Long Essay, Department

of History. University of Ghana, Legon, 2006.

Foudjour, Barbara. “Biography of Prof Irene Korkor Odotei.” Unpublished Long Essay,

Department of History. University of Ghana, Legon, 2010.

Gyamfi, Kwarteng. “Biography of J. H. Nketia”. Unpublished Long Essay, Department of History.

University of Ghana, Legon, 2006.

Ibrahim, I. Babangida. “The Life and Times of a Patriot: A Biography of Chief Simon Diedong

Dombo.” MA Dissertation, Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, 2014.

Sadat, Bole A. “Mahatma Gandhi: South Africa’s Gift to India? (1893-1914)”. Unpublished M.A

Dissertation, Department of Indian History. University of Madras, 2016.

Journal Articles and Reviews

Adjaye, Joseph K. “Perspectives on Fifty Years of Ghanaian Historiography.” History in Africa

35 (2008): 1-24.

Awortu, B. E. and Uebari Samuel N-Ue, “African Intellectual Revolution In the 20th Century: A

Review of Kenneth Onwuka Dike’s Contribution to African History.” International

Journal of African and Asian Studies, Vol. 13 (2015): 140-148.

Ayee, Joseph R. A. “The Evolution of the New Patriotic Party in Ghana.” South African Journal

of International Affairs Vol.15, No. 2 (2008): 185-214.

Banner, Lois W. “Biography as History.” The American Historical Review, Vol. 114, No. 3 (June,

2009): 579-586.

143

Boahen, Albert A. “A Note on the Ghanaian Elections.” African Affairs, Vol. 94, No 375 (April,

1995): 227-280.

______. “A New Look at the History of Ghana.” African Affairs, Vol. 65, No 260 (Jul., 1966):

212-222.

______. “Minutes of the Tenth Annual General Meeting of the Historical Society of Ghana

held at the Queen’s Hall, Kumasi College of Technology, on Friday, 16 December 1960 at

8pm.” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1961): 70-71.

______. “State-Formation in Lower Guinea and the Chad-Niger Basin,” Présence Africaine,

Nouvelle série, No. 127/128, Colloque Sur “La Problématique de L’état en Afrique Noire:

Dakar: 29 Novembre- 3 Décembre 1982, 175-186.

Editorial. “As We Celebrate 50 Years of Independence.” The New Legon Observer Vol. I No. 1

(29 November, 2007): 1-24.

Editorial. “Professor Emeritus Albert Adu Boahen (1932-2006).” The Journal of African History,

Vol. 45, No. 3 (2006): 359-361.

Jeffries, Richard. “The Ghanaian Elections of 1979.” African Affairs, Vol. 79, No. 316 (Jul., 1980):

397-414.

Jeffries, Richard and Clare Thomas. “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992.” African Affairs, Vol. 92,

No. 368 (July, 1993): 331-366.

Kontopiaat [A. A. Boahen]. “Ban the Ban on Politics.” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 25 (6-19

December, 1968): 1-22.

144

______. “Devaluation Gives me a Blow” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 19 (15-28 September,

1967): 1-26.

______. “The New Cedi- A New Nomenclature.” Legon Observer Vol. II No. 6 (17-30

March, 1967): 1-23.

______. “The Radical ‘Ebi Nte Yie’ Party-I,” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 14 (21 June-4

July, 1968): 1-19.

______. “The Radical ‘Ebi Nte Yie’ Party-II,” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 14 (5-18 July,

1968): 1-31.

______. “The Radical ‘Ebi Nte Yie’ Party-III,” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 16 (2-15 August,

1968): 1-24.

Lindsay, Lisa A. “Biography in African History.” History in Africa 44 (2017), 11-26.

Oppong-Agyare, J. “To Kontopiaat.” Legon Observer Vol. III No. 4 (16 February, 1968): 1-24.

Oquaye, Mike. “The Ghanaian Elections of 1992: A Dissenting View.” African Affairs, Vol. 94,

No. 375 (Apr., 1995), 259- 275.

Richard Rathbone. "Mfantsipim." Review of Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana, by A. Adu

Boahen. The Journal of African History 38, No. 3 (1997): 506-07.

Vansina, Jan. “Unesco and African Historiography.” History of Africa, Vol. 20 (1993): 337-352.

Yayoh, Wilson Kwame. “Resurgence of Multi-party Rule in Ghana, 1992-2004: A Historical

Review.” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, New Series, No. 10 (2006-7):

125-147.

145

Books and Chapters in Books

Addae-Mensah, Ivan. Hilla Limann: Scholar Diplomat Statesman. Accra: Africa Biographies

Consult, 2016.

Addo-Fening, Robert. Remembering Adu Boahen, Scholar Par Excellence. Accra: Digibooks Gh.

Ltd., 2016.

Adi, Hahim and Marika Sherwood. Pan-African History: Political figures from Africa and the

Diaspora since 1787. London: Routledge, 2003.

Afaha, Philip, ed. Advocacy for History: A Festschrift in honour of Prof CBN Ogbogbo. Abuja:

Command Publishers, 2018.

Agbodeka, Francis. A History of the University of Ghana: Half a Century of Higher Education

(1948-1998). Accra: Woeli Publishing Services, 1998.

Agyeman-Duah, Ivor. Between Faith and History: A Biography of J. A. Kufuor. Oxfordshire:

Ayebia Clarke Publishing Ltd, 2006.

Ajayi, S. Ademola. History, Historians and the Challenges of Historical Education in Africa.

Ibadan: Book Wright Publishers, 2017.

Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O. “A. Adu Boahen.” In Toyin Falola ed. The Dark Webs: Perspectives

on Colonialism in Africa. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2005.

Alex-Assensoh Y. M. and A. B. Assensoh. “Professor Albert Adu Boahen as an Academic

Nationalist.” In T. Falola, ed. Ghana in Africa and the World (Trenton: Africa World Press,

2003).

146

Asamoah, Obed Yao. The Political History of Ghana (1950-2013). Bloomington: AuthorHouse,

2014.

Ambrosius, Lloyd E. “Introduction.” In Writing Biography: Historians & Their Craft. Edited by

Lloyd E. Ambrosius. Lincoln & London: University of Nebraska Press, 2004.

Amenumey, D.E.K. Coming of Age in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century: The Case of

Ghana. Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 2000.

______. Ghana: A Concise History from Pre-Colonial Times to the 20th Century. Accra:

Woeli Publishing Services, [2008] 2018.

______. Outstanding Ewes of the 20th Century: Profile of fifteen firsts. Vol. 1. Accra: Woeli

Publishing Services, 2002.

Angkosaala, C.K. and H.A.K. Safo. John Evans Atta Mills of Ghana: Biography and Legacy of

An African Icon. Accra: Yamens Press Ltd, 2012.

Asare, Bossman E. International Politics. Accra: Yamens Press Ltd., 2011.

Baku, D. E. K, N. Y. B. Sapong and C. Amoah-Boampong. “Bridging the Ivory Tower” in

Changing Perspectives on the Social Sciences in Ghana. Edited by Samuel Agyei-Mensah,

J. A. Ayee and Abena D. Oduro. Dordrecht: Springer, 2014.

Benneh, George. My Time My Nation: The Autobiography of Prof. George Benneh. Accra: Winmat

Publishers Ltd., 2016.

Boahen, A. Adu. African Perspectives on Colonialism. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University

Press, [1987] 1991.

______. British, the Sahara and Western Sudan, 1788-1861. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964.

147

______. Clio and Nation-Building in Africa. Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1975.

______. Ed. General History of Africa, Volume VII: Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-

1935. Paris: UNESCO Publishing, [1985] 2000.

______. Ghana: Evolution and Change in the Nineteenth and Twentieth centuries. Accra:

Sankofa Educational Publishers Ltd, [1975] 2000.

______. Goats: A History of International Students House, London. London: International

Students House, 1983.

______. Mfantsipim and the Making of Ghana: A Centenary History, 1876- 1976. Accra:

Sankofa Educational Publishers, 1996.

______. The Ghanaian Sphinx: Reflections on the Contemporary History of Ghana, 1972-

1987. Accra: Sankofa Educational Publishers, 1992.

______. Topics in West African History. London: Longman Group Limited, [1966] 1980.

______. Yaa Asantewaa and the Asante-British War of 1900-1. Accra: Sub-Saharan

Publishers, 2003.

Cooper, Barbara M. “Oral Sources and the Challenge of African History.” In Writing African

History. Edited by John E. Philip. Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2005.

Danquah, J.B. The Ghanaian Establishment: Its Traditions, its Detentions, its Justice and

Statecraft, and its Heritage of Ghanaism, edited by A.A. Boahen. Accra: Ghana

Universities Press, 1997.

Danso-Boafo, Kwaku. The Political Biography of Dr. K. A. Busia. Accra: Ghana Uni. Press, 1996.

148

Debrah, Emmanuel. “Fifty years of party polities in Ghana.” In J.R.A. Ayee, ed. Ghana at 50:

Government, Politics and Development, 2007.

Evans-Anfom, Emmanuel. To the Thirsty land: Autobiography of a Patriot. Accra: Africa

Christian Press, 2003.

Falola, Toyin. “Adu Boahen: An Introduction.” In T. Falola, ed. Ghana in Africa and the World

(Trenton: Africa World Press, 2003).

______. Ed. African Historiography: Essays in Honor of Jacob Ade Ajayi. Ikeja: Longman

Nigeria Plc, 1993.

______. Ed. Ghana in Africa and the World: Essays in Honor of Adu Boahen. Trenton: Africa

World Press, 2003.

______. Ed. The Dark Webs: Perspectives on Colonialism in Africa. Durham, NC: Carolina

Academic Press, 2005.

Fordwor, Kantinka K. Donkoh. The Danquah-Busia Tradition in the Politics of Ghana. Accra:

Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2010

Frempong, Alex K. D. Elections in Ghana (1951-2016). Tema: Digibooks Ghana Ltd., 2017.

Gocking, Roger. The History of Ghana. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2005.

Goldberg, Michael K., Joel J. Brattin, and Mark Engel. On Heroes, Hero Worship, and the Heroic

in History. California: University of California Press, 1993.

Jenkins, Paul. “A Letter to Adu.” In T. Falola, ed. Ghana in Africa and the World (Trenton: Africa

World Press, 2003).

149

Kwapong, Alexander A. A Life in Education: a Memoir. Accra: Sub-Saharan Publishers, 2016.

Lawal, O., O. C. Adesina and M. Omolewa. “Staff of University College (UCI) and University of

Ibadan, 1958-1972: From an Uncharted Territory to an Uncompromising Vision.” In M.

Omolewa and A. Osuntokun, eds. J. F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career. Ibadan: Bookcraft,

2014.

Lodge, Tom. Mandela: A Critical life. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006.

Lovejoy, Paul E. “The Ibadan School of historiography and its critics” in African Historiography.

Edited by Toyin Falola. Ikeja: Longman Nigeria Plc, 1993.

Mahama, John D. My First Coup D’état: Memories from the Lost Decades of Africa. New York:

Bloomsbury Publishers, 2012.

Mazrui, A. “Pan Africanism and Intellectuals: rise, decline, and revival.” In African Intellectuals,

edited by Thandika Mkandawire. Pretoria: UNISA Press, 2005.

New Patriotic Party. The Stolen Verdict: Ghana November 1992 Presidential Elections. Accra:

New Patriotic Party, 1993.

Nugent, Paul. Big Men, Small Boys and Politics in Ghana: Power, Ideology, and the Burden of

History, 1982-1994. Accra: Asempa Publishers, 1995.

Nukunya, Godwin K. States of Life: An Autobiography. Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 2007.

Nwauwa, Apollos O. “Kenneth Onwuka Dike.” In Toyin Falola, ed. The Dark Webs: Perspectives

on Colonialism in Africa. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2005.

150

Ogot, Bethwell A. My Footprints on the Sands of Time: An Autobiography. Victoria: Trafford

Publishing, 2003.

Ogunlade, Festus. “Post-Secondary Education Years, 1947-1958.” In M. Omolewa and A.

Osuntokun. Eds. J. F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career. Ibadan: Bookcraft, 2014.

Omolewa, Michael and Akinjide Osuntokun eds. J. F. Ade Ajayi: His Life and Career. Ibadan:

Bookcraft, 2014.

Oquaye, Mike. Politics in Ghana 1972-1979. Accra: Tornado Publications, 1980.

Parekh, Pushpa N. and Siga F. Jagne, eds. Postcolonial African Writers. Westport, Connecticut:

Greenwood Press, 1998.

Philips, John E. Writing African History. Rochester: Rochester University Press, 2005.

Ritchie, Donald A., Doing Oral History: A Practical Guide. New York: Oxford University Press,

2003.

Rooney, David. Kwame Nkrumah: Vision and Tragedy. Accra: Sub- Saharan Publishers, 2010.

Sampson, Magnus. Makers of Modern Ghana. Vol. 1. Accra: Anowuo Edu. Publications, 1969.

Sapong, N.Y.B and J. O. Pohl, eds. Replenishing History: New Directions to Historical Research

in the 21st Century in Ghana. Oxfordshire: Ayebia Clarke Publishing Limited, 2014.

Shillington, Kelvin. Ghana and The Rawlings Factor. London: Macmillan Press Limited, 1992.

Thompson, Paul. The Voice of the Past: Oral History. Third Edition, Oxford: Oxford University

Press, [1978] 2000.

151

Wilks, Ivor. “Off to Northern Ghana in the Morning.” In T. Falola, ed. Ghana in Africa and the

World (Trenton: Africa World Press, 2003).

Yankah, Kojo. Our Motherland- My Life. Oxfordshire: Ayebia Clarke Publishing Limited, 2017.

Yankah, Kwesi. Intellectuals and Government: A Tale of Uneasy Partnership. Ghana: IEA

Publications, 1997.

152

APPENDICES

Appendix I: Adu Boahen at age five.

Source: Funeral brochure, 2006.

153

Appendix II: 1992 Campaign flyer (NPP Presidential primaries).

Source: ABMLA: ABB 123.

154

Appendix III: An NPP advert in the People’s Daily Graphic, sponsored by Dr. Safo Adu.

Source: People’s Daily Graphic, Friday, August 28, 1992.

155

Appendix IV: 1992 campaign flyer.

Source: ABMLA: AAB 105 Campaign Flyer, 1992.

156

Appendix V: 1996 campaign flyer.

Source: ABMLA: AAB 105, campaign flyers, 1996.

157

Appendix VI: Curriculum Vitae of Prof. Albert Adu Boahen.

(a)

158

(b)

159

(c)

160

(d)

161

(e)

Source: ABMLA: File no. AAB 119.

162

Appendix VII: “Prof. Adu Boahen Pledge to Ghanaians”

Source: The Ghanaian Chronicle, October 26- November 1, 1992.

163